Comparing the Lisu economy of the late 1960s to that of the early 1990s highlights not only the t... more Comparing the Lisu economy of the late 1960s to that of the early 1990s highlights not only the transformations in village economic adaptations, but also the cultural politics of incorporation into the Thai state. The earlier Lisu economy relied on income from opium to make up for shortfalls in rice production and household acquisitiveness made reciprocity with other households possible. In the 1990s, villagers scrambled to find economic strategies to adapt to life in the post-opium economy. In the previous economy, there were checks on overproduction to ensure relatively equal wealth among households in an egalitarian political system. The post-opium economy included new forms of commodified agriculture such as cattle herding, contractual planting of cash crops, buying of land, and investment in trucks and motorbikes to transport produce to market, as well as participation in wage labor in urban lowland markets. Survival required capital accumulation. Is acquisitiveness greed? Not ...
Opium interdiction projects have dominated Thai state interactions with northern upland ethnic mi... more Opium interdiction projects have dominated Thai state interactions with northern upland ethnic minority peoples since the 1970s. One of these projects, the Sam Muen Highland Development Project (SMHDP), had great success in ending opium production. This success emerged out of the participation of the most peripheral peoples in international drug markets, the producers. To understand why Lisu villagers cooperated with the Project, I examine how state power was realized through its practice in the village through the Project. Lisu had tactics and strategies available to them. They strategically adapted through household and kinship practices. They tactically cooperated through the use of Project discourse and the performance of cooperation. Participatory drug interdiction was not just a “new tyranny”; it opened up new political processes at the microlevel. However, Lisu villagers’ tactics for regaining local power were constrained by the global processes of drug control.
1) Given the topic of this panel, what are sustainability indicators? And why would we need them?... more 1) Given the topic of this panel, what are sustainability indicators? And why would we need them? The fact is that assessing the sustainability of any given system is an inherently speculative activity. It is premised on an imagined future – one in which was have sufficient resources to keep going or one in which was have overshot our resource base and are in collapse. This makes an important point – sustainability is an inherently environmental concept about degradation and balance in use of the earth's resources. Yet sustainability is a broad concept, meant to tie together a view of the whole world, now and in the future. As such, it recognizes the critical importance of understanding the interaction of the 'three pillars' of sustainability, environment/society/economy. Given the complexity of these interrelationships as well as of ecosystems in and of themselves, indicators serve a useful, even critical role, in allowing us to examine whole systems through looking at ...
UMI, ProQuest ® Dissertations & Theses. The world's most comprehensive collection of dissert... more UMI, ProQuest ® Dissertations & Theses. The world's most comprehensive collection of dissertations and theses. Learn more... ProQuest, Transformations of Lisu social structure under opium control and watershed conservation in northern Thailand. ...
This is 'grey' literature not widely available elsewhere. This ... more This is 'grey' literature not widely available elsewhere. This paper is a report on an evaluation we did for the United Nations Drug Control Program (UNDCP, now known as the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime) in northern Thailand. The UNDCP was closing its office in northern Thailand (mission accomplished! Thailand is developed!), so we were contracted to do an assessment of the Highland (or Integrated) Development Programs that had become the standard for upland development. We focused on a method developed by Dr. Tan-Kim-Wong for the Sam Muen Highland Development Project using 3-D maps as a tool for opening up communication among villagers and forestry officials in land use planning for watershed protection. This was one of the earliest (if not the first) use of participatory mapping. On that grounds alone, this report of the method is important. Dr. Tan-Kim-Wong has, sadly, passed away, and so we will never have a more polished overview of the results of her method.
is a Research Associate with the Environment and Policy Institute. He has worked with colleagues ... more is a Research Associate with the Environment and Policy Institute. He has worked with colleagues in China, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand to develop the Southeast Asian Universities Agroecosystem Network (SUAN), a regional association of scientists concerned with research on the human ecology of tropical agriculture. He is currently assisting SUAN to extend its activities to Laos and Vietnam.
(In 4 Volumes)Volume 1: Foreign Policy and Security in an Asian Century: Threats, Strategies and Policy ChoicesVolume 2: Trade, Investment and Economic IntegrationVolume 3: The Political Economy of EnergyVolume 4: Environment and Sustainable Development in Asia, 2014
SUAN-EHC-CRES Workshop on Sustainable Rural Resource Management and Biological Diversity Conserva... more SUAN-EHC-CRES Workshop on Sustainable Rural Resource Management and Biological Diversity Conservation (1991 : Hanoi, Vietnam, and Thai Blnh. Vietnam) Too many people, too little land : the human ecology of a wet rice-growing village in the Red River Delta of Vietnam : report of the SUAN-EWC-CRES Workshop on Sustainable Rural ResourcB Management and Biological Diversity Conservation, held in Hanoi and Thai Blnh Province from 15 to 26 July 1991 / edited by Le Trong Cue and A. Terry Rambo, with the assistance of Kathleen Glllogly. p. cm.-(Occasional paper ; no. 15) "A joint research activity of the Southeast Asian Universities Agroecosysten Network <SUAN) ; the Program on Environment (ENV), East-West Center: and the Center for Natural Resources Managenent and Environmental Studies (CRES). Hanoi University." Includes bibliographical references.
Comparing the Lisu economy of the late 1960s to that of the early 1990s highlights not only the t... more Comparing the Lisu economy of the late 1960s to that of the early 1990s highlights not only the transformations in village economic adaptations, but also the cultural politics of incorporation into the Thai state. The earlier Lisu economy relied on income from opium to make up for shortfalls in rice production and household acquisitiveness made reciprocity with other households possible. In the 1990s, villagers scrambled to find economic strategies to adapt to life in the post-opium economy. In the previous economy, there were checks on overproduction to ensure relatively equal wealth among households in an egalitarian political system. The post-opium economy included new forms of commodified agriculture such as cattle herding, contractual planting of cash crops, buying of land, and investment in trucks and motorbikes to transport produce to market, as well as participation in wage labor in urban lowland markets. Survival required capital accumulation. Is acquisitiveness greed? Not in a reciprocity economy with inherent limits to accumulation of wealth, where the standards were set by the poor families in the village. But in today's economy, acquisitiveness for accumulation and investment rather than reciprocity has given rise to accusations of stinginess among villagers and greed by Thai officials. The Thai head of a bilateral Integrated Highland Development Project in northern Thailand, 1 the site of Gillogly's research, told her a story about the origins of his policies for this development program. As a forestry official in the 1980s, he recounted, he was faced with armed conflict between Lisu villagers and Thai forestry officials over the cutting down of forest. In an attempt to end opium cultivation, reduce deforestation, and end the fighting, he had introduced a new cash crop—cut flowers for the market in Chiang Mai City. His goal was to introduce a cash crop that would allow Lisu farmers to make a better return on less land. This enterprise was tremendously successful, and Lisu farmers were able to buy sufficient rice while clearing relatively little land. But the next year, upland farmers from areas closer to the market who had observed the success of this commodity planted fresh flowers as well. With more reliable transport—many owning their own trucks rather than depending on occasional trucks for hire as the Lisu did—these farmers sold fresher flowers and came to dominate the market. The flower market in the Lisu villages collapsed. The next year, the Lisu responded by expanding production of both rice and flowers to try to make up the loss. They also planted some opium on the side. Forest was destroyed again, and farmers were unable to satisfy their needs. This apparently 88
... and Kathleen M. Adams Part One Fluid Personhood: Conceptualizing Identities 9 1 Living in Ind... more ... and Kathleen M. Adams Part One Fluid Personhood: Conceptualizing Identities 9 1 Living in Indonesia without a Please or Thanks: Cultural Translations of Reciprocity and Respect 14 Lorraine V. Aragon 2 Toba Batak Selves: Personal, Spiritual, Collective 27 Andrew Causey 3 ...
ABSTRACT Typescript. Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1988. Includes bibliographical... more ABSTRACT Typescript. Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1988. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 312-349). Microfilm.
And why would we need them? The fact is that assessing the sustainability of any given system is ... more And why would we need them? The fact is that assessing the sustainability of any given system is an inherently speculative activity. It is premised on an imagined futureone in which was have sufficient resources to keep going or one in which was have overshot our resource base and are in collapse.
Comparing the Lisu economy of the late 1960s to that of the early 1990s highlights not only the t... more Comparing the Lisu economy of the late 1960s to that of the early 1990s highlights not only the transformations in village economic adaptations, but also the cultural politics of incorporation into the Thai state. The earlier Lisu economy relied on income from opium to make up for shortfalls in rice production and household acquisitiveness made reciprocity with other households possible. In the 1990s, villagers scrambled to find economic strategies to adapt to life in the post-opium economy. In the previous economy, there were checks on overproduction to ensure relatively equal wealth among households in an egalitarian political system. The post-opium economy included new forms of commodified agriculture such as cattle herding, contractual planting of cash crops, buying of land, and investment in trucks and motorbikes to transport produce to market, as well as participation in wage labor in urban lowland markets. Survival required capital accumulation. Is acquisitiveness greed? Not ...
Opium interdiction projects have dominated Thai state interactions with northern upland ethnic mi... more Opium interdiction projects have dominated Thai state interactions with northern upland ethnic minority peoples since the 1970s. One of these projects, the Sam Muen Highland Development Project (SMHDP), had great success in ending opium production. This success emerged out of the participation of the most peripheral peoples in international drug markets, the producers. To understand why Lisu villagers cooperated with the Project, I examine how state power was realized through its practice in the village through the Project. Lisu had tactics and strategies available to them. They strategically adapted through household and kinship practices. They tactically cooperated through the use of Project discourse and the performance of cooperation. Participatory drug interdiction was not just a “new tyranny”; it opened up new political processes at the microlevel. However, Lisu villagers’ tactics for regaining local power were constrained by the global processes of drug control.
1) Given the topic of this panel, what are sustainability indicators? And why would we need them?... more 1) Given the topic of this panel, what are sustainability indicators? And why would we need them? The fact is that assessing the sustainability of any given system is an inherently speculative activity. It is premised on an imagined future – one in which was have sufficient resources to keep going or one in which was have overshot our resource base and are in collapse. This makes an important point – sustainability is an inherently environmental concept about degradation and balance in use of the earth's resources. Yet sustainability is a broad concept, meant to tie together a view of the whole world, now and in the future. As such, it recognizes the critical importance of understanding the interaction of the 'three pillars' of sustainability, environment/society/economy. Given the complexity of these interrelationships as well as of ecosystems in and of themselves, indicators serve a useful, even critical role, in allowing us to examine whole systems through looking at ...
UMI, ProQuest ® Dissertations & Theses. The world's most comprehensive collection of dissert... more UMI, ProQuest ® Dissertations & Theses. The world's most comprehensive collection of dissertations and theses. Learn more... ProQuest, Transformations of Lisu social structure under opium control and watershed conservation in northern Thailand. ...
This is &amp;amp;#x27;grey&amp;amp;#x27; literature not widely available elsewhere. This ... more This is &amp;amp;#x27;grey&amp;amp;#x27; literature not widely available elsewhere. This paper is a report on an evaluation we did for the United Nations Drug Control Program (UNDCP, now known as the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime) in northern Thailand. The UNDCP was closing its office in northern Thailand (mission accomplished! Thailand is developed!), so we were contracted to do an assessment of the Highland (or Integrated) Development Programs that had become the standard for upland development. We focused on a method developed by Dr. Tan-Kim-Wong for the Sam Muen Highland Development Project using 3-D maps as a tool for opening up communication among villagers and forestry officials in land use planning for watershed protection. This was one of the earliest (if not the first) use of participatory mapping. On that grounds alone, this report of the method is important. Dr. Tan-Kim-Wong has, sadly, passed away, and so we will never have a more polished overview of the results of her method.
is a Research Associate with the Environment and Policy Institute. He has worked with colleagues ... more is a Research Associate with the Environment and Policy Institute. He has worked with colleagues in China, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand to develop the Southeast Asian Universities Agroecosystem Network (SUAN), a regional association of scientists concerned with research on the human ecology of tropical agriculture. He is currently assisting SUAN to extend its activities to Laos and Vietnam.
(In 4 Volumes)Volume 1: Foreign Policy and Security in an Asian Century: Threats, Strategies and Policy ChoicesVolume 2: Trade, Investment and Economic IntegrationVolume 3: The Political Economy of EnergyVolume 4: Environment and Sustainable Development in Asia, 2014
SUAN-EHC-CRES Workshop on Sustainable Rural Resource Management and Biological Diversity Conserva... more SUAN-EHC-CRES Workshop on Sustainable Rural Resource Management and Biological Diversity Conservation (1991 : Hanoi, Vietnam, and Thai Blnh. Vietnam) Too many people, too little land : the human ecology of a wet rice-growing village in the Red River Delta of Vietnam : report of the SUAN-EWC-CRES Workshop on Sustainable Rural ResourcB Management and Biological Diversity Conservation, held in Hanoi and Thai Blnh Province from 15 to 26 July 1991 / edited by Le Trong Cue and A. Terry Rambo, with the assistance of Kathleen Glllogly. p. cm.-(Occasional paper ; no. 15) "A joint research activity of the Southeast Asian Universities Agroecosysten Network <SUAN) ; the Program on Environment (ENV), East-West Center: and the Center for Natural Resources Managenent and Environmental Studies (CRES). Hanoi University." Includes bibliographical references.
Comparing the Lisu economy of the late 1960s to that of the early 1990s highlights not only the t... more Comparing the Lisu economy of the late 1960s to that of the early 1990s highlights not only the transformations in village economic adaptations, but also the cultural politics of incorporation into the Thai state. The earlier Lisu economy relied on income from opium to make up for shortfalls in rice production and household acquisitiveness made reciprocity with other households possible. In the 1990s, villagers scrambled to find economic strategies to adapt to life in the post-opium economy. In the previous economy, there were checks on overproduction to ensure relatively equal wealth among households in an egalitarian political system. The post-opium economy included new forms of commodified agriculture such as cattle herding, contractual planting of cash crops, buying of land, and investment in trucks and motorbikes to transport produce to market, as well as participation in wage labor in urban lowland markets. Survival required capital accumulation. Is acquisitiveness greed? Not in a reciprocity economy with inherent limits to accumulation of wealth, where the standards were set by the poor families in the village. But in today's economy, acquisitiveness for accumulation and investment rather than reciprocity has given rise to accusations of stinginess among villagers and greed by Thai officials. The Thai head of a bilateral Integrated Highland Development Project in northern Thailand, 1 the site of Gillogly's research, told her a story about the origins of his policies for this development program. As a forestry official in the 1980s, he recounted, he was faced with armed conflict between Lisu villagers and Thai forestry officials over the cutting down of forest. In an attempt to end opium cultivation, reduce deforestation, and end the fighting, he had introduced a new cash crop—cut flowers for the market in Chiang Mai City. His goal was to introduce a cash crop that would allow Lisu farmers to make a better return on less land. This enterprise was tremendously successful, and Lisu farmers were able to buy sufficient rice while clearing relatively little land. But the next year, upland farmers from areas closer to the market who had observed the success of this commodity planted fresh flowers as well. With more reliable transport—many owning their own trucks rather than depending on occasional trucks for hire as the Lisu did—these farmers sold fresher flowers and came to dominate the market. The flower market in the Lisu villages collapsed. The next year, the Lisu responded by expanding production of both rice and flowers to try to make up the loss. They also planted some opium on the side. Forest was destroyed again, and farmers were unable to satisfy their needs. This apparently 88
... and Kathleen M. Adams Part One Fluid Personhood: Conceptualizing Identities 9 1 Living in Ind... more ... and Kathleen M. Adams Part One Fluid Personhood: Conceptualizing Identities 9 1 Living in Indonesia without a Please or Thanks: Cultural Translations of Reciprocity and Respect 14 Lorraine V. Aragon 2 Toba Batak Selves: Personal, Spiritual, Collective 27 Andrew Causey 3 ...
ABSTRACT Typescript. Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1988. Includes bibliographical... more ABSTRACT Typescript. Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1988. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 312-349). Microfilm.
And why would we need them? The fact is that assessing the sustainability of any given system is ... more And why would we need them? The fact is that assessing the sustainability of any given system is an inherently speculative activity. It is premised on an imagined futureone in which was have sufficient resources to keep going or one in which was have overshot our resource base and are in collapse.
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Papers by Kathleen Gillogly