Journal articles by Lydia Marshall
This article examines the factors leading children in Hawassa, Ethiopia, to want to go to school ... more This article examines the factors leading children in Hawassa, Ethiopia, to want to go to school in order ‘to become good people’. Drawing on a critical realist understanding of human agency, it argues that children’s motivations for going to school rested both on their ‘ultimate’, moral concerns and ‘ideas of the good’ and on external generative mechanisms that led them to identify participation in formal education as the key to becoming a ‘good’ person.
This article examines the factors leading children in Hawassa, Ethiopia, to want to go to school ... more This article examines the factors leading children in Hawassa, Ethiopia, to want to go to school in order ‘to become good people’. Drawing on a critical realist understanding of human agency, it argues that children’s motivations for going to school rested both on their ‘ultimate’, moral
concerns and ‘ideas of the good’ and on external generative mechanisms that led them to identify participation in formal education as the key to becoming a ‘good’ person.
This paper proposes that children have valid and important contributions to make to public discou... more This paper proposes that children have valid and important contributions to make to public discourse about education and development policy. This argument is illustrated through a discussion of findings from research exploring the outcomes that schoolchildren in one Ethiopian city expected and desired to be expanded through their schooling. These findings highlight the inadequacy of human capital accounts of the role of education in development, illuminating the importance of individual and collective capabilities and freedoms – as well as household incomes and national economic growth – being included in understandings of development and the role of formal education within that progress.
UNICEF's Protective Environment framework describes eight ways in which the organisation believes... more UNICEF's Protective Environment framework describes eight ways in which the organisation believes children should be protected in every nation. The research upon which this article is based consisted of a brief review of existing literature and an ethnographic case-study in Lobamba, Swaziland. The aim was both to investigate to what extent Swaziland is a protective environment for children according to this framework, and to consider whether the model needs reassessing in the light of the different economic, social and cultural values of a developing southern African country. It also focused on the positive roles which children in Swaziland play in the lives of their families and communities, for example in looking after one another and avoiding the risks identified by UNICEF, an approach which is seemingly neglected in the paternalistic model.
The findings suggest that although some aspects of the framework did appear to be appropriate to this society and to feature in the children's own conception of their world and need for protection, other elements seemed incongruous with the economic and cultural environment of this country. Interviews with ten children and their teacher highlighted other ways in which the children are or should be protected within this society.
Conference Presentations by Lydia Marshall
There is growing concern about a ‘crisis’ in housing affordability in the UK, renewing longstandi... more There is growing concern about a ‘crisis’ in housing affordability in the UK, renewing longstanding debates about what constitutes ‘affordable’ housing. The growth of the private rented sector as a source of housing for low income households has also led to increased interest in understanding the impact of housing costs on living standards, and to calls for a ‘Living Rent’. In this context, this paper builds on existing work on ‘residual income’ measures of housing affordability, accepting that what households can afford to pay for housing depends not just on their income but also on their other spending requirements. It proposes a new approach to defining and measuring housing affordability, based on the Minimum Income Standard (MIS).The paper uses the latest Family Resources Survey to examine the housing affordability across the UK and within London, and considers the impact of one model of Living Rents on affordability and living standards.
BSA Early Careers Forum - What next for childhood studies?
This paper argues that the ontology of critical realism can help childhood researchers to make cr... more This paper argues that the ontology of critical realism can help childhood researchers to make critical connections and contributions across disciplinary and spatial boundaries. A critical realist understanding of human agency provides the necessary framework for the ‘new and revised theorisations around children and young people’s agency and relationships’ called for by Tisdall and Punch (2012: 241). It can help researchers to address the current limitations of the ‘new’ sociology of childhood, which has tended either to present children simply as the site of social construction, or to emphasise children’s economic rationality and competence in order for them to be taken seriously as social actors. At the same time, evidence from research with children can further the contribution that critical realist theory adds to broader discussions in sociology about the nature of human agency. Findings from research with children attending primary schools in urban Ethiopia, for example, demonstrate the ways in which generative mechanisms in the spheres of interpersonal relationships, broader social structures and material realities shape human behaviours and understandings, as well as revealing the ways in which vulnerability as well as competency can constitute a reason for human action. Finally, the paper argues that critical realism can help childhood researchers to make critical contributions across spatial boundaries. Again drawing on evidence from research with children in Ethiopia, it demonstrates the ways in which critical realism facilitates understanding of the ‘ultimate’ or moral concerns that motivate children to act that go beyond ‘Western’, individualist concerns.
Housing Studies Association conference 2016
The past few years have seen growing concerns over the ‘crisis’ in housing affordability, for bot... more The past few years have seen growing concerns over the ‘crisis’ in housing affordability, for both renters and home owners, renewing longstanding debate about what constitutes ‘affordable housing’. Alongside this, there is keen interest in understanding the impact of housing costs on living standards, particularly with the growth of the PRS as a source of housing for low income households. Currently the term ‘affordable’ in the UK generally means housing available at ‘below market value’ rather than resting on any considered assessment of what its inhabitants can afford. In this context, the paper builds on the work of Stone (2006) and others on ‘residual income measures’ of housing affordability, accepting that what households can afford to pay for housing depends not just on their income but also on their other spending requirements. We propose a new way of defining housing affordability for renters, built on an established and regularly updated measure of non-housing costs (or residual income), the Minimum Income Standard (MIS). The paper outlines our approach, and uses the latest Family Resources Survey to examine housing affordability across the UK and within London. It concludes by looking at how this new approach might be used to inform the setting of rents at an ‘affordable’ level – or what has come to be called a Living Rent.
This paper proposes that the exploration of what counts as mundane and “everyday” for children in... more This paper proposes that the exploration of what counts as mundane and “everyday” for children in different contexts can be highly illuminating in the Critical Realist endeavour to understand why children do/do not choose to act at certain moments and in certain ways.
Taking Ethiopian children’s school attendance as an example of an act of agency that is interdependent upon structure and culture, I consider the explanations of educational participation given by children attending primary schools in one Ethiopian city. Firstly, I demonstrate that these explanations often rested on assumptions about school being the/an appropriate arena for childhood. Secondly, I argue that the reasons for attendance taken for granted by these children – including going to school to become good workers, good people and good citizens of Ethiopia – reveal the dominance of social and political norms regarding morality and the achievement of social adulthood.
These findings contribute to our knowledge of children’s understandings and motivations for action in one crucial area of their lives. They also have implications for the design and implementation of educational policy in urban Ethiopia, and point to potential social repercussions that might result from an education system – or economic context – that fails to fulfill children’s expectations.
"This paper explores how methodological and theoretical lessons from the field of Childhood Studi... more "This paper explores how methodological and theoretical lessons from the field of Childhood Studies can be applied to development policy, particularly with regards to education.
Education is at the forefront of development agendas, and education policy in the Global South is a prime example of “divided priorities” in international development. Although universal, quality education is almost unanimously agreed on as a worthwhile aspiration, what that quality education is understood to look like, and its supposed purpose, vary greatly among economists, national governments, theorists of social justice, international donors and (I)NGOs, for example.
The contribution of Childhood Studies here is to stress the importance of children’s priorities being included – and given prominence – in this debate. Childhood research has demonstrated that rather than being passive, immature and incompetent, children are social actors, producers of knowledge and challengers of orthodoxy. As such, it is imperative that children are included in discussions about policy interventions that directly affect their lives.
As key stakeholders/supposed beneficiaries of education policy, then, it is important that we explore what children want and expect to arise from their schooling. I review some examples of the valued capabilities that the Ethiopian schoolchildren who participated in my PhD research expected to be expanded through their participation in education.
My paper concludes, however, with the Critical Realist recognition that people’s understandings of the world are fallible. I consider how social research can evaluate whether education is doing what children think it is doing and theorise about other important functions of schooling."
Drawing upon PhD research exploring why Ethiopian children attended school, this paper considers ... more Drawing upon PhD research exploring why Ethiopian children attended school, this paper considers what constitutes “participation”, and how different factors shape the extent to which research remains participatory.
The interdisciplinary field of Childhood Studies, like Development Studies, encourages participatory research characterised by democratic allocation of power and control. This was the methodological foundation of my research. Children were invited to decide if and how they wanted to participate. Participatory research tools including diaries, role-play and child-led tours departed from adult forms of communication and addressed assymetrical power relations. “Child-conferences” enabled participants to verify or challenge my representation of their lives.
However, there were constraints to how participatory my research could truly be. Limited by time and ethical approval processes, research questions were pre-decided. Participants’ agency in determining their involvement was limited by the hierarchical and authoritative educational environment. My theoretical framework necessitates a more critical understanding of the structures and pressures at play in children’s lives, requiring observation and analysis beyond participants’ perspectives.
This paper draws upon research exploring why children in Hawassa, Ethiopia attend primary school.... more This paper draws upon research exploring why children in Hawassa, Ethiopia attend primary school. Using ethnographic and participative methods, the research sought to go beyond not only orthodox human capital accounts of education, but also the “new paradigm” in childhood studies. Based on my research into decision-making, experiences and understandings of education and constraints on children’s agency within the school system, I argue that the latter paradigm can overstate children’s agency. This paper examines one feature of the findings arising from focus group discussions, individual interviews and child conferencing. Many children expressed that they went to school to “help their country” or to “develop Ethiopia”, by which they meant that their education would benefit Ethiopia by fostering both economic and political progress, and enhancing the nation’s global reputation. This paper explores the notions of national identity, participation and citizenship that these children linked to their school careers. In doing this, I draw on the work of Sharon Stephens and others on children’s national identities. I also revisit classic sociological studies of education as an institution of socialization, where children’s choices and expectations are managed, and a generation of capable workers and obedient citizens cultivated.
Papers by Lydia Marshall
The Minimum Income Standards (MIS) method provides a greater insight into the additional costs of... more The Minimum Income Standards (MIS) method provides a greater insight into the additional costs of vision impairment and how they increase with severity of impairment and age. The study shows that working age people who are severely sight impaired face 60% higher costs, and the costs for someone of pension age who is sight impaired can be 41% more than people of the same age who are not vision impaired. The research funded by Thomas Pocklington Trust followed on from a previous study looking at the costs of someone of working age who is sight impaired, and calculates how much extra the different groups need to reach a minimum acceptable standard of living, compared to the standard MIS budgets:
• Severely sight impaired (SSI) working age adult: an additional £116.43 per week
• Sight impaired (SI) pension age adult: £75.39
• This compares to £48.77 for a sight impaired (SI) working age adult, showing that both severity and life stage greatly affect costs.
The findings also highlight the broad range of additional costs that people who are vision impaired face which include direct aids to help with sight loss, services at home and additional lifestyle related costs outside of the home such as for social interaction and travel, and that there are similarities as well as differences in needs and costs when severity of impairment and age are taken into account.
The Minimum Income Standard research carried out regularly by CRSP involves detailed discussion a... more The Minimum Income Standard research carried out regularly by CRSP involves detailed discussion among member of the public about what things are essential for a minimum acceptable standard of living. This report sets out for the first time the details of how the groups reach consensus and what rationales they use to determine which items are included. Based on analysis of six years of MIS research, the report identifies the common themes that have emerged from the groups’ discussions, ranging from the need to have reasonable choices to the importance of living life in a practical way when time is scarce. For each area of household budgets, it explains how these rationales have guided decisions about what items people need to be able to afford.
This report, for the first time, looks in details at what households in Inner and Outer London ne... more This report, for the first time, looks in details at what households in Inner and Outer London need in order to reach an acceptable standard of living as defined by members of the public. Based on detailed discussions with groups of Londoners about what goods and services households need to be able to buy, and how this differs from what people require in the rest of the country, the report compares the needs of households living in the capital with those living in urban areas outside of London.The report shows that households in London face different challenges in making ends meet compared to the rest of the UK. Many additional costs in the capital are a result of higher prices, particularly relating to housing, public transport and childcare, but this is not the only source of extra costs. The different infrastructure, different ways of living and higher prices in the capital combine to make London a more expensive place to live. This means that Londoners need more than those living outside of London in order to reach a minimum socially acceptable standard of living.
Households in London face particular challenges making ends meet. Costs such as housing, transpo... more Households in London face particular challenges making ends meet. Costs such as housing, transport and childcare are different from the rest of the United Kingdom. This paper considers how the ability of Londoners to meet their minimum needs might differ from that of people living elsewhere in the UK. People’s ability to meet their needs depends on both the costs of meeting those needs and the financial resources available to them, so each of these are looked at in turn. Where possible, the paper also examines how the things that Londoners require, and not just their cost, might differ from elsewhere in the UK, but at present there is little evidence about this. The paper concludes by looking at existing evidence regarding the numbers and experiences of people unable to meet their minimum needs in London.
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Journal articles by Lydia Marshall
concerns and ‘ideas of the good’ and on external generative mechanisms that led them to identify participation in formal education as the key to becoming a ‘good’ person.
The findings suggest that although some aspects of the framework did appear to be appropriate to this society and to feature in the children's own conception of their world and need for protection, other elements seemed incongruous with the economic and cultural environment of this country. Interviews with ten children and their teacher highlighted other ways in which the children are or should be protected within this society.
Conference Presentations by Lydia Marshall
Taking Ethiopian children’s school attendance as an example of an act of agency that is interdependent upon structure and culture, I consider the explanations of educational participation given by children attending primary schools in one Ethiopian city. Firstly, I demonstrate that these explanations often rested on assumptions about school being the/an appropriate arena for childhood. Secondly, I argue that the reasons for attendance taken for granted by these children – including going to school to become good workers, good people and good citizens of Ethiopia – reveal the dominance of social and political norms regarding morality and the achievement of social adulthood.
These findings contribute to our knowledge of children’s understandings and motivations for action in one crucial area of their lives. They also have implications for the design and implementation of educational policy in urban Ethiopia, and point to potential social repercussions that might result from an education system – or economic context – that fails to fulfill children’s expectations.
Education is at the forefront of development agendas, and education policy in the Global South is a prime example of “divided priorities” in international development. Although universal, quality education is almost unanimously agreed on as a worthwhile aspiration, what that quality education is understood to look like, and its supposed purpose, vary greatly among economists, national governments, theorists of social justice, international donors and (I)NGOs, for example.
The contribution of Childhood Studies here is to stress the importance of children’s priorities being included – and given prominence – in this debate. Childhood research has demonstrated that rather than being passive, immature and incompetent, children are social actors, producers of knowledge and challengers of orthodoxy. As such, it is imperative that children are included in discussions about policy interventions that directly affect their lives.
As key stakeholders/supposed beneficiaries of education policy, then, it is important that we explore what children want and expect to arise from their schooling. I review some examples of the valued capabilities that the Ethiopian schoolchildren who participated in my PhD research expected to be expanded through their participation in education.
My paper concludes, however, with the Critical Realist recognition that people’s understandings of the world are fallible. I consider how social research can evaluate whether education is doing what children think it is doing and theorise about other important functions of schooling."
The interdisciplinary field of Childhood Studies, like Development Studies, encourages participatory research characterised by democratic allocation of power and control. This was the methodological foundation of my research. Children were invited to decide if and how they wanted to participate. Participatory research tools including diaries, role-play and child-led tours departed from adult forms of communication and addressed assymetrical power relations. “Child-conferences” enabled participants to verify or challenge my representation of their lives.
However, there were constraints to how participatory my research could truly be. Limited by time and ethical approval processes, research questions were pre-decided. Participants’ agency in determining their involvement was limited by the hierarchical and authoritative educational environment. My theoretical framework necessitates a more critical understanding of the structures and pressures at play in children’s lives, requiring observation and analysis beyond participants’ perspectives.
Papers by Lydia Marshall
• Severely sight impaired (SSI) working age adult: an additional £116.43 per week
• Sight impaired (SI) pension age adult: £75.39
• This compares to £48.77 for a sight impaired (SI) working age adult, showing that both severity and life stage greatly affect costs.
The findings also highlight the broad range of additional costs that people who are vision impaired face which include direct aids to help with sight loss, services at home and additional lifestyle related costs outside of the home such as for social interaction and travel, and that there are similarities as well as differences in needs and costs when severity of impairment and age are taken into account.
concerns and ‘ideas of the good’ and on external generative mechanisms that led them to identify participation in formal education as the key to becoming a ‘good’ person.
The findings suggest that although some aspects of the framework did appear to be appropriate to this society and to feature in the children's own conception of their world and need for protection, other elements seemed incongruous with the economic and cultural environment of this country. Interviews with ten children and their teacher highlighted other ways in which the children are or should be protected within this society.
Taking Ethiopian children’s school attendance as an example of an act of agency that is interdependent upon structure and culture, I consider the explanations of educational participation given by children attending primary schools in one Ethiopian city. Firstly, I demonstrate that these explanations often rested on assumptions about school being the/an appropriate arena for childhood. Secondly, I argue that the reasons for attendance taken for granted by these children – including going to school to become good workers, good people and good citizens of Ethiopia – reveal the dominance of social and political norms regarding morality and the achievement of social adulthood.
These findings contribute to our knowledge of children’s understandings and motivations for action in one crucial area of their lives. They also have implications for the design and implementation of educational policy in urban Ethiopia, and point to potential social repercussions that might result from an education system – or economic context – that fails to fulfill children’s expectations.
Education is at the forefront of development agendas, and education policy in the Global South is a prime example of “divided priorities” in international development. Although universal, quality education is almost unanimously agreed on as a worthwhile aspiration, what that quality education is understood to look like, and its supposed purpose, vary greatly among economists, national governments, theorists of social justice, international donors and (I)NGOs, for example.
The contribution of Childhood Studies here is to stress the importance of children’s priorities being included – and given prominence – in this debate. Childhood research has demonstrated that rather than being passive, immature and incompetent, children are social actors, producers of knowledge and challengers of orthodoxy. As such, it is imperative that children are included in discussions about policy interventions that directly affect their lives.
As key stakeholders/supposed beneficiaries of education policy, then, it is important that we explore what children want and expect to arise from their schooling. I review some examples of the valued capabilities that the Ethiopian schoolchildren who participated in my PhD research expected to be expanded through their participation in education.
My paper concludes, however, with the Critical Realist recognition that people’s understandings of the world are fallible. I consider how social research can evaluate whether education is doing what children think it is doing and theorise about other important functions of schooling."
The interdisciplinary field of Childhood Studies, like Development Studies, encourages participatory research characterised by democratic allocation of power and control. This was the methodological foundation of my research. Children were invited to decide if and how they wanted to participate. Participatory research tools including diaries, role-play and child-led tours departed from adult forms of communication and addressed assymetrical power relations. “Child-conferences” enabled participants to verify or challenge my representation of their lives.
However, there were constraints to how participatory my research could truly be. Limited by time and ethical approval processes, research questions were pre-decided. Participants’ agency in determining their involvement was limited by the hierarchical and authoritative educational environment. My theoretical framework necessitates a more critical understanding of the structures and pressures at play in children’s lives, requiring observation and analysis beyond participants’ perspectives.
• Severely sight impaired (SSI) working age adult: an additional £116.43 per week
• Sight impaired (SI) pension age adult: £75.39
• This compares to £48.77 for a sight impaired (SI) working age adult, showing that both severity and life stage greatly affect costs.
The findings also highlight the broad range of additional costs that people who are vision impaired face which include direct aids to help with sight loss, services at home and additional lifestyle related costs outside of the home such as for social interaction and travel, and that there are similarities as well as differences in needs and costs when severity of impairment and age are taken into account.