Young, C., & Pentón Herrera, L. J. (2023). Well-being as an ecological practice: Supporting students facing housing insecurity in higher education.
In J. S. Stephen, G. Kormpas, & C. Coombe (Eds.), Global Perspectives on higher education: From crises to opportunity (pp. 471–484). Springer.
Chapter 31
Well-being as an Ecological Practice:
Supporting Students Facing Housing
Insecurity in Higher Education
Christel Young and Luis Javier Pentón Herrera
Abstract Housing insecurity, a problem that crosses ethnic, racial, gender, and
religious lines, affects students across grade levels, including higher education. On
average, 45% of students experience some form of housing insecurity each year in
the United States (Broton KM J Soc Distress Homeless 29(1): 25–38, 2019).
Navigating housing insecurity while enrolled in higher education has become so
commonplace that the phrase struggling student is synonymous with attending college. The normalization of the term struggling student to describe the realities of
college life has desensitized the larger community from the needs of higher education students (Crutchfield RM, Carpena A, McCloyn TN, Maguire J Fam Soc J
Contemp Soc Ser 101(3): 409–421, 2020). Supporting students beyond their academic needs is of paramount importance as it affects attrition and graduation rates.
However, publications exploring the well-being of students facing housing insecurity in higher education remain sparse. In this chapter, we urge higher education
institutions to approach the well-being of students facing housing insecurity from
an ecological lens.
Keywords Housing insecurity · Higher education · Student well-being · Wellbeing as an ecological practice
Introduction
Housing insecurity, a problem that crosses ethnic, racial, gender, and religious lines,
affects students across grade levels, including higher education. On average, 45% of
students experience some form of housing insecurity each year in the United States
C. Young (*)
East Tennessee State University, Johnson City, TN, USA
L. J. Pentón Herrera
Akademia Ekonomiczno-Humanistyczna w Warszawie, Warsaw, Poland
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2023
J. S. Stephen et al. (eds.), Global Perspectives on Higher Education, Knowledge
Studies in Higher Education 11, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-31646-3_31
471
472
C. Young and L. J. Pentón Herrera
(Broton, 2019). For clarity, the terms housing insecurity and homelessness are not
interchangeable. Homelessness refers to one’s lack of a fixed shelter (Hallett &
Freas, 2018), whereas persons experiencing housing insecurity may have shelter but
experience problems with maintaining their housing due to concerns of “affordability, safety, quality, insecurity, and a [temporary] loss of housing” (Bucholtz, 2018,
para. 2). Navigating housing insecurity while enrolled in higher education has
become so commonplace that the phrase struggling student is synonymous with
attending college. The normalization of the term struggling student to describe the
realities of college life has desensitized the larger community from the needs of
higher education students (Crutchfield et al., 2020). Supporting students beyond
their academic needs is of paramount importance as it affects attrition and graduation rates. However, publications exploring the well-being of students facing housing insecurity in higher education remain sparse.
In this chapter, we urge higher education institutions to approach the well-being
of students facing housing insecurity from an ecological lens. To do this, we divide
our manuscript into four sections, namely: (1) the well-being of students facing
housing insecurity in higher education, (2) an ecological view of well-being for
students facing housing insecurity, (3) supporting the well-being of students facing
housing insecurity, and (4) call for action. In the first section, we introduce the concept of well-being, explain what well-being is for students, and explore how housing insecurity influences access to student well-being in higher education. In the
second section, we rely on Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) work on the ecology of human
development to analyze how different systems at the micro, meso, and macro levels
act as barriers to the well-being of students who are housing insecure. In the third
section, we propose wrap-around services1 higher education institutions must enact
at the micro, meso, and macro levels to support the well-being of students facing
housing insecurity. We end our chapter with a call to action encouraging higher
education institutions to implement initiatives grounded in equity and social justice
that promote the well-being of students facing housing insecurity.
The Well-being of Students Facing Housing Insecurity
in Higher Education
Well-being, as a concept and ideal, is difficult to define because of its multilayered,
intricate nature. Conversations about well-being are approached from different
lenses such as, for example, quality vs. quantity of well-being (e.g., Van den Broeck
et al., 2013), factors affecting well-being (e.g., Palacio Sprockel et al., 2020), or
even understanding what well-being is and to what extent it is collectively or
1
In our chapter, we use the term wrap-around services to refer to multilayered services that support
the different needs of students experiencing housing insecurity, such as social, emotional, and
psychological needs, basic food and hygiene needs, to mention a few.
31 Well-being as an Ecological Practice: Supporting Students Facing Housing…
473
systemically determined (Mercer, 2021). In the literature, well-being has been
largely researched from two general perspectives: the hedonic and the eudemonic
approach (Ryan & Deci, 2001). The hedonic perspective understands well-being in
terms of personal happiness—or pleasure (Kahneman et al., 2003)—and uses the
construct of subjective well-being (SWB) to assess individuals’ experiences. In
simple terms, hedonic views on well-being hold that maximizing pleasurable/happy
experiences—and minimizing experiences that cause suffering or pain—increases
the well-being of individuals (Diener et al., 1999). Some popular descriptions or
practices that have been associated with hedonic well-being are instant/immediate
gratification and procrastination.
On the other hand, the eudemonic perspective understands well-being in terms of
personal self-actualization and the individual’s ability to realize their true potential
(Ryan & Deci, 2001). A construct used to measure happiness in the eudemonic
perspective is the psychological well-being (PWB), which comprises six distinct
aspects of human actualization: autonomy, personal growth, self-acceptance, life
purpose, mastery, and positive relatedness (see Ryff & Keyes, 1995). In simple
terms, eudemonic views on well-being believe that, beyond experiencing happiness
and pleasure, developing oneself and realizing one’s potential are necessary for
achieving well-being. Some popular descriptions or practices that have been associated with eudemonic well-being are personal growth, the Danish practice of hygge,
and the Japanese practice of ikigai. Table 31.1 provides a brief summary of these
two perspectives.
Although the hedonic vs. eudemonic debate has prevailed in the well-being literature, recent publications are beginning to take a more holistic—and positive—
approach to well-being, with researchers asserting that “well-being is not either
hedonic or eudemonic, but rather, it is likely…an integration of both ‘feeling good’
and ‘living well’” (Mercer, 2021, p. 15). In the field of education, this conversation
has resulted in new multidimensional perspectives that go beyond the simple
positive-negative dichotomy (e.g., Seligman et al., 2009; Seligman, 2011). These
scholarly works have helped expand definitions and understandings of well-being
beyond the traditional, individualistic views by acknowledging that social relationships affect individuals’ wellness. However, in our view, there is a need to continue
expanding the understanding of well-being, especially in the context of education,
by looking at it from an ecological perspective that pays attention to systemic, contextual, and societal factors (Mercer, 2021).
Acknowledging the diverging views on this hard-to-define concept, we approach
the topic of well-being in our chapter from an ecological standpoint. As such, we
describe well-being as feeling well and experiencing health, happiness, and prosperity in one’s life, which “includes good mental health, life satisfaction, a sense of
meaning in life, and how well we cope with stress” (Wood, 2021, p. 4). Further, we
agree with Wood (2021) and believe that it is useful to think of well-being “as a state
of balance (equilibrium)” (pp. 4–5)—that is, how well our personal resources meet
our life challenges in the different domains (e.g., physical, social, psychological,
emotional, spiritual, and academic) while acknowledging that well-being is not an
individual duty, but the responsibility of society as a whole.
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C. Young and L. J. Pentón Herrera
Table 31.1 Hedonic and Eudemonic Perspectives of Well-Being
Description
Construct to
assess
Well-being
Common
practices
Hedonic perspective
Well-being is the result of increased
positive affect such as pleasures and
happiness, and the reduction/absence
of negative affect such as pain and
suffering.
Subjective well-being (SWB)
comprises three components: life
satisfaction, pleasant affect, and
unpleasant affect. Life satisfaction
(i.e., happiness, pleasure, and
well-being) increases when pleasant
affect increases and unpleasant affect
decreases (see Diener et al., 1999).
Instant/immediate gratification, and
procrastination.
Eudemonic perspective
Well-being is achieved by an
individual’s ability to develop one-self
and realize their true potential.
Psychological well-being (PWB)
comprises six distinct aspects of human
actualization: autonomy, personal
growth, self-acceptance, life purpose,
mastery, and positive relatedness. High
indications of these six factors
(individually and as a group) indicate
higher levels of well-being (see Ryff &
Keyes, 1995).
Personal growth, the Danish practice of
hygge, and the Japanese practice of
ikigai.
For students, well-being has been identified as a foundational factor affecting
participation and success inside and outside the classroom (Baik et al., 2019; Holzer
et al., 2021; Houghton & Anderson, 2017; Leshner & Scherer, 2021). However, for
students facing housing insecurity, well-being is even more critical because—
beyond participation and success—it is more closely connected to life sustenance
and basic human needs such as food (insecurity), sleep (deprivation), homelessness,
and safety (Haskett et al., 2021). Recent publications are indicating that food and
housing insecurity occur at alarming rates in higher education in the U.S. (Haskett
et al., 2021; Young & Pentón Herrera, 2021) and, yet, not much progress has been
made in recent years to ensure that students have access to basic needs and necessities affecting their well-being. If colleges and universities are truly committed to
social justice and equity, then student well-being must be approached from an ecological perspective where higher education institutions acknowledge their responsibility in ensuring that all students have basic human necessities. From this ecological
purview, well-being can be thought of as access—ensuring that students have
prompt and easy access to the resources needed to be well, which will then result in
active participation and success in the classroom and beyond.
An Ecological View on Well-being for Students Facing
Housing Insecurity
To frame our conversation, we rely on Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) work on the ecology of human development. More specifically, we analyze how barriers can appear
at the micro, meso, and macro levels affecting the well-being of students facing
31 Well-being as an Ecological Practice: Supporting Students Facing Housing…
475
housing insecurity in higher education. Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) work on the ecology of human development is a fitting framework for our discussion because it reaffirms that environmental interconnections inside and outside the different systems
(i.e., micro, meso, and macro) have an effect on the forces directly affecting human
growth, development, and success. In the context of the United States, these environmental connections (e.g., family nucleus, formal schooling, society, etc.) have
traditionally enforced individual, isolating practices of well-being, which “do not
account for power, privilege, oppression, or the needs of those with marginalized
identities” (Sambile, 2018, p. 32). From this ecological lens, then, we begin to recognize that well-being, when expected as an individualistic duty, diverts responsibility away from society, institutions, and stakeholders, placing additional stress,
blame, sole responsibility, and shame on vulnerable populations like students who
are facing housing insecurity.
In this manuscript, we approach well-being from an ecological perspective
because we believe that societies, institutions, and stakeholders at all levels have the
responsibility to ensure the well-being of their citizens. In education, more specifically, societies, policy-makers, institutions, and those in positions of power who are
truly committed to social justice and equity have the responsibility to ensure that
vulnerable student populations, like students facing housing insecurity, are provided
with the necessary tools to first take care of their well-being (Maslow, 1954). To
accomplish this, students must be viewed as human beings first, and students second, which has implications for how student success is defined, and how support is
determined and provided. For example, in schools, student success is commonly
defined as achieving high grades, and support is provided to help learners achieve
those high grades. However, by viewing students as human beings first, success
becomes synonymous with being well (i.e., well-being), which places the responsibility on institutions to provide adequate support to ensure individuals have their
(human) needs met.
By approaching our conversation from an ecological perspective, we are also
able to move away from the ideology that well-being is the result of individuals
adopting a lifestyle that prevents any affliction to their wellness (Crawford, 1980).
Such conversations placing the individual as the sole and/or primary entity responsible for their well-being reflects elitist, privileged ideologies (Crawford, 1980,
2006) and “risk sliding into victim blaming” (Crawford, 2006, p. 411). We believe
that individuals’ well-being is, in fact, more directly connected with dominant political and economic interests within the society than with individual practices.
Societies that are concerned about their citizens’ well-being implement policies that
ultimately produce healthy individuals. Conversely, societies that prioritize economic and political interests do so at the risk of their citizens, thus producing at-risk
individuals and behaviors (Crawford, 1980).
In the United States, students facing housing insecurity in higher education are a
vulnerable population not because they are unable to engage in healthy lifestyles,
but because policies prioritize national economic and political interests, which continue to expand opportunity and social equity gaps among populations. The
U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (2015) reported that many
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students facing housing insecurity often come from low socioeconomic backgrounds or foster care and, once they enroll in higher education, the lack of affordable housing, limited access to federal financial aid, and inflated tuition costs prevent
them from successfully participating and staying in school. For these students, the
physical and emotional toll associated with housing insecurity often results in
incredible mental distress, food insecurity, sleep problems or deprivation, and low
self-esteem and depression, to name a few (Haskett et al., 2021). What, then, can be
done to change this trend? In Table 31.2, we provide an overview of the common
barriers that students facing housing insecurity experience at the micro, meso, and
macro levels. Also, we share wrap-around services that may be offered at each of
these levels, which will be expanded upon in the next section of the chapter.
Supporting the Well-being of Students Facing
Housing Insecurity
Support of students facing housing insecurity should be multifaceted in nature to
redirect the future trajectory of the students. Current research advocates for the
establishment of supports directly targeted at eliminating the barriers to academic
success (Rose et al., 2021). While students entering higher education may face similar obstacles, those without access to basic needs such as housing and sustenance
face additional obstacles leading to higher attrition rates (Smith & Knechtel, 2019).
Programs must not only provide tangible resources such as personal hygiene items
or groceries but also must consciously and explicitly support students’ socialemotional well-being. Hernandez et al. (2021) highlighted the importance of using
new experiences and opportunities to counteract the negative life journeys that may
be common for students facing housing insecurity. With the combination of strategic student-forward institutional policies and additional positive life experiences
within the context of the micro, meso, and macro levels, students can be better supported, and attrition rates are decreased.
Micro Level
Toxic self-care is defined as finding the easy way to solve (or deal with) life problems by applying a temporary bandage versus finding a sustainable solution. The
normalization of the term struggling student in U.S. society as an accepted hardship/rite of passage has contributed to students’ repression of the vocalization of
need, leading them to seek solutions from among already strained resources
(Crutchfield et al., 2020). Toxic self-care, often used as a way to escape reality, can
result in overindulgences that serve as a pacifier for hardships. Although temporary
bandages might feel good for the moment, the effects are short-lived. Students
facing housing insecurity who engage in toxic self-care practices such as
31 Well-being as an Ecological Practice: Supporting Students Facing Housing…
477
Table 31.2 Ecological View on Well-being for Students Facing Housing Insecurity
Micro Level: “A pattern of
activities, roles, and
interpersonal relations
experienced by the developing
person in a given setting within
particular physical and material
characteristics”
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 22).
Meso Level: “A mesosystem
comprises the interrelations
among two or more settings in
which the developing person
actively participates”
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 25).
Common barriers
Lack of sleep
Nutritional barriers
Stigmatization
Personal hygiene insecurity
Social-emotional hygiene
Toxic self-care
Technological health
Finding a balance between the
worlds of school and work
Securing funds to supplement
the cost of higher education
while supporting self and
family
Allocating time resources
needed to successfully
participate in school while
working, taking care of
personal obligations, and
engaging in self-care
negotiating definitions of
mental Well-being
Macro Level: “Consistencies… Idea that the student did
that exist, or could exist, at the something wrong to be facing
housing insecurity
level of the subculture or the
The belief/myth that housing
culture as a whole, along with
any belief systems or ideologies insecurity does not exist in
underlying such consistencies” higher education because
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 26). students can live on campus
Wrap-around services
Expanded access to toiletries
and basic personal hygiene
items
Access to low-cost or free
resources to acquire, secure,
maintain, and repair
technology resources
Include in all degree
programs a required, free
course on student Well-being
Professional development for
students informing them of
resources to support
themselves and others they
may encounter
Mentorship and sponsorship
program connecting students
facing housing insecurity
with community and business
partners
Revision of policies
concerning student
enrollment and qualifications
Funding transitional living
scholarship programs
Revising policies on
educational harm to include
an ecological perspective on
student Well-being
overindulgence in drinking and illicit drug usage are further isolated from their
peers. In turn, policies are written in such a way that when students engage in toxic
self-care practices because of the lack of resources, agencies that normally provide
support are excused from getting involved in the in-depth healing and stabilization
processes. To truly affect student success, support services must be sustained while
keeping in mind that practices such as toxic self-care exist because those in vulnerable positions are directly affected by policies designed to punish them rather than
support them in their time of need.
Allowing students the opportunity to make conscientious choices toward selfactualization breeds a healthy lifestyle which, in turn, affects student well-being and
success in school and beyond. Implementation of programming to effectively support students results in conversations between students facing housing insecurity
and support organizations about their needs instead of formulating a list of what is
thought of as a need. The effect of these collaborative conversations results in
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C. Young and L. J. Pentón Herrera
healthy long-term social, emotional, and mental practices and self-regulation. An
additional benefit from these collaborative conversations is that the incidences of
toxic self-care are decreased (Atkinson, 2021).
While many higher education institutions offer food, clothing, and toiletry
resources, the addition of access to resources that are increasingly vital for participation, such as technology, will help students remain connected to the broader educational program (Young, 2021; Young & Pentón Herrera, 2021). The dependence
on technology tools which seem to be more efficient as a means to participate in the
higher education landscape has left students facing housing insecurity in positions
of tension. Students facing housing insecurity often have to make the decision to
either secure shelter, pay tuition, eat, or acquire technology hardware and software
for educational purposes (Young, 2021). Institutions can help mitigate problems
surrounding technology accessibility issues through the negotiation of contracts
with vendors to provide free or low-cost repair services for students. Additionally,
higher education institutions should include yearly technology tool maintenance
services and all required software as part of the student enrollment experience.
These (or similar) wrap-around services will bring balance to the students’ socialemotional and financial well-being, positively affecting their experiences in the
increasingly digitally-dependent higher education context (Gonzales et al., 2020).
Lastly, to target the social-emotional well-being of all students, we recommend
that higher education institutions provide in all degree programs a required, free
course on student well-being. The course should include information that helps students understand important topics affecting their social-emotional and physical
wellness, such as toxic self-care, mental health, adjustment, emotional regulation,
emotional intelligence, and conflict resolution, to name a few. The course should be
taken within the first semester of enrollment and count towards graduation. The
premise for such a radical requirement is that many students enroll in college and
are ill-equipped to handle the magnitude of the social-emotional strain that the
academy can place upon them (Johnson et al., 2020). We would like to firmly recognize that students’ ill equipment is through no fault of their own. In the United
States, formal schooling in K-12 largely ignores social-emotional concerns and
well-being (Pentón Herrera & Martínez-Alba, 2021), which affects students’ life
habits, practical knowledge, and ability to engage in self-regulatory behavior in
higher education and in life.
Meso Level
Within the meso-ecological sphere, managing the tensions between school, life, and
work can present significant challenges. One of the greatest challenges presented in
the research is a sense of belonging and a desire to be connected to the broader
campus community (Roth & Bongoy, 2020). While programs purport to foster a
sense of belonging and community, students facing housing insecurity share that the
isolation they experience negatively affects their completion rates (Stidum et al.,
2021; Young, 2021). Much of the isolation experienced by students facing housing
31 Well-being as an Ecological Practice: Supporting Students Facing Housing…
479
insecurity is secondary to the fact that housing insecurity does not often start when
students initially enroll in higher education institutions. Research shows that students who experience housing insecurity while in college have faced similar situations throughout the years prior to enrollment because the students come from
previous destabilized housing situations, foster care systems, as well as other situations that increase the vulnerability of this population.
To bring balance, higher education institutions must acknowledge the reality that
the lack of permanent, stable shelter disconnects students—physically, emotionally,
and mentally—from the broader community. The lack of stability does not support
the deep roots within a community to build a sense of belonging. The practices of
higher education institutions associated with the idealized definitions of community
and belonging, as defined by individuals in positions of power who are housing
secured, fail to capture the experience and hardships of those facing housing insecurity. Thus, while supporting students facing housing insecurity, higher education
institutions have an opportunity to grow their definition of community and belonging by looking at these concepts through the students’ purview. Supporting students
facing housing insecurity will require professional development for students, faculty, and staff members targeting the specific community needs. The goal of the
training would be to bring awareness about housing insecurity, community building,
and belonging, as well as to equip participants with the resources and knowledge on
how to address and better support individuals facing housing insecurity within the
institution.
To further connect students to the broader community and provide much-needed
support, the development of mentorship and sponsorship programs is critical
(Brower et al., 2021). Through the partnering of students with fellow students, faculty, staff, and community partners, mentorship and sponsorship within higher education can provide the catalyst needed to propel them to completion. A word of
caution here is that mentorship and sponsorship programs must be implemented
with fidelity. Students facing housing insecurity often have acquired the ability to
recognize when others (including the institution) do not care about them and their
well-being. When mentorship and sponsorship programs are implemented only to
promote the institution’s ‘initiatives,’ students facing housing insecurity recognize
that their well-being and success are not the priority and thereby disengage.
The ultimate goal of implementing mentorship and sponsorship programs must be
to recruit and help stabilize students’ lives as they successfully complete their program of study.
Macro Level
Leaders and influential stakeholders must thoroughly review and consider systemic
policies through an empathic lens to truly understand the effects, both positive and
negative, that higher education institutions can have on students facing housing
insecurity (Hernandez et al., 2021). Developing a strong community of support is
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vital to students’ long-term social, emotional, and physical health. Disconnection
among students facing housing insecurity leads to further isolation, which negatively affects their overall wellness and their ability to participate in their schooling
and complete their programs.
Students enrolled in higher education institutions are required to maintain a minimum number of credit hours to receive financial aid. There are times when the
financial aid does not cover expenses beyond the tuition, such as housing or basic
personal necessities. When faced with the challenge of securing housing and providing for one’s personal needs while carrying a full-time credit load, the choice to
secure employment—often which is full-time—causes tensions with the demands
of higher education. As a result, students must reduce their credit hours at school to
allow for increased work hours. Because of the reduction of credit hours, students
become ineligible for many of the Federal financial aid programs and even some
scholarships. Providing a waiver for students with a demonstrated need is vital.
Maintaining a full-time course load and full-time work schedule affects students’
well-being and often results in the abandonment of the quest to obtain a degree that
would result in greater career opportunities (Au-Yong-Oliveira et al., 2017).
Supporting and addressing student housing needs requires an immediate institutional response. Students who struggle to secure adequate housing may engage in
behaviors such as couch surfing, staying in their vehicle, shelters, or moving from
residence to residence in an effort to afford the cost of tuition (Young, 2021).
Mitigating the destabilized housing situations calls for institutional creative programming and support. Transitional living scholarship programs, such as the one at
Montgomery College in Maryland, provide much needed support to bridge the gap
between concept and reality for students facing housing insecurity (Montgomery
College, 2021). With housing programs like the transitional living scholarship program, the specific needs of students are met, and the stigma and shame which presents a barrier to completion are removed. Further, these merit-based programs give
students facing housing insecurity the opportunity to retain their dignity and feel a
sense of accomplishment in the face of adversity.
Traditionally, institutional leadership has developed policies that seem to teeter
on the chasm between students and institutions. With the revelation of greater student needs during the COVID-19 pandemic, it is imperative that higher education
institutions revise policies on educational harm to include an ecological perspective
on student well-being. Many of the established institutional policies in higher education focus on ensuring that quality instruction is provided; however, there is a
great need to address the gaps that remain. For example, with the continued dependence on technology to communicate and navigate the higher education landscape,
various student groups will continue to be further marginalized. If the mantra of
higher education is to prepare and equip students for their careers, the cost cannot
be students’ social, emotional, and mental health. Students must find support to
complete their programs of study with the support of the leadership through the
revision of policies that would ensure no educational harm is experienced by any
student due to institutional neglect of their students’ well-being.
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Call to Action
Shifting the focus of obtaining a degree from a self-involved process or activity to a
larger community priority has greater value for society. Without the appropriate
resources and supports, students facing housing insecurity are more likely to have
greater debt, increased health concerns, and lower lifetime earnings (U.S. Department
of Education, n.d.). Further, students who start school but disenroll soon after see
even higher debt and increased rates of default on loans that were secured while
enrolled in school (U.S. Department of Education, n.d.). We urge institutions, stakeholders in positions of power, and the society at large to consider the effects of policies on the well-being of students pursuing higher education. Shifting our focus
from pursuing higher education as a community priority instead of a self-involved
process or activity will become the foundation for conversations surrounding student well-being as a vital component of community and society well-being in the
present and future.
We end this chapter by amplifying the clarion call to action previously issued by
scholars in support of students facing housing insecurity, especially after the additional needs and marginalization revealed during the COVID-19 pandemic (see
Stidum et al., 2021; Strayhorn, 2021; Toquero, 2020; Young, 2021). Why does student well-being in higher education matter? Because the lack of access to satisfy
basic needs leads to a significant decrease in overall grade point average (GPA),
higher attrition rates, and greater social, emotional, physical, and mental health concerns (The Hope Center for College, Community, and Justice, 2021). Further, we
truly believe that if students fail, society fails, and greater student well-being will
result in greater societal well-being. The onus is now on institutions and leaders;
looking at the well-being of students from an ecological perspective must become
the most pressing (present and future) issue in education.
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C. Young and L. J. Pentón Herrera
Christel Young, Ed.D. is the Director of Using Information Technology and an instructor at East
Tennessee State University (ETSU). Her research interests focus on the multi-dimensional impact
of housing insecurity on higher education student success. She is also interested in the promotion
of equitable educational access among vulnerable populations at the secondary and post-secondary
levels. She serves as co-president of the ETSU Black Faculty and Staff Association.
Luis Javier Pentón Herrera, Ph.D. is Full Professor at Akademia Ekonomiczno-Humanistyczna
w Warszawie, Poland, the Coordinator of the Graduate TESOL Certificate at The George
Washington University, United States, and Co-Editor of Tapestry: A Multimedia Journal for
Teachers and English Learners. In addition, he is a Fulbright Specialist and an English Language
Specialist with the U.S. Department of State.