arXiv:math/0507204v1 [math.HO] 11 Jul 2005
TRAITS
S. S. Kutateladze
Abstract. Reminiscences about Alexandr Danilovich Alexandrov (1912–1999)
Reminiscences and memoirs comprise a special kind of fiction with lies and boasts
unavoidable. The latter were disgusting for A. D.1 to an extent that leaves no room
for envying the authors who provide their written recollections about A. D.
It happened so that I had a privilege and honor of constant communication with
A. D. from the end of the 1970s up to his death. Writing reminiscences is by far
much easier after many years’ elapsing. However, my elder friends had managed to
convince me to reflect some details of the Siberian period of A. D.’s life.
I have had many opportunities of writing about A. D. in the traditional (and not
fully traditional) forms of scientific publicism. I am happy that he never reproached
me for this, and so I guess that I may skip surveying his scientific contribution.
Many events in which I observed A. D. and sometimes participated in secondary
roles were not so long ago as to become an impartial history. Not all of them deserve
inspecting over for revival and plunging into once again.
Perusing my personal archives, I decided to select just a few items reflecting
those traits of A. D.’s personality that were revealed in our contacts.
I will be glad if the lessons of A. D.’s life help someone to hold on or to settle
some pending crisis as they have readily done for me...
Anger and Self-Criticism
A particular trait of A. D. I wish to emphasize is the physiological reaction of
anger to danger, assault, or offence. It is well known that These circumstances
are well known to bring about the emotion of fear (pale face, cold wet, etc.) The
military commanders of the ancient times often enrolled in their forces the warriors
whose reaction to danger was anger.
A. D. exhibited the classical examples of the emotion of anger: his face reddened,
the chest threw out, and he showed the bared teeth. A. D. understood quite
perfectly how he intimidated those who provoked his anger. At that I never saw any
unjustified fits of his anger. Many years of acquaintance with A. D. cultivated the
strong stereotype: Everyone hating A. D. is a potential if not complete scoundrel.
1 Sounds in Russian like “under” with the letters “n” and “r” omitted and both syllables
stressed equally.
Typeset by AMS-TEX
1
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S. S. KUTATELADZE
As regards his students, friends, and relatives, A. D. was exceptionally kind, even
tender, very attentive, and scrupulous.
A man of passion, A. D. always remained self-critical. I had an opportunity to
write that self-criticism is a necessary test for intelligence. Every now and then
A. D. reconsidered his attitude to people and events in accord with the ideals of
morality he proclaimed: universal humanism, responsibility, and scientific outlook.
As a small illustration, I can recall that A. D. voted against the admittance of
my Ph. D. thesis to the formal procedure of public maintenance in 1969. Moreover,
he supplied no motivation whatsoever. An open negative vote of an academician
happens rarely on such a trifle occasion as the admittance of somebody’s Ph. D.
thesis. My thesis was submitted in analysis under the title Related Problems of
Geometry and Mathematical Programming. Its topic was close to the research
of A. D. Alexandrov in the theory of mixed volumes and the research of L. V.
Kantorovich in optimization and ordered vector spaces. Clearly, I was not the only
person impressed by the unmotivated demarche of A. D.
I thought that my article could be of interest to A. D. (the formal review of a
“leading mathematical organization” was written by V. A. Zalgaller; and my main
technical result was an extension of one unpublished idea by Yu. G. Reshetnyak in
measure theory). I was rather nervous making my talk at the public maintenance.
Using an overhead projector in a semi-darkened hall, I cast a casual glance towards
A. D. When I had told that my thesis uses the theory of mathematical programming
by L. V. Kantorovich and the theory of surface area measures by A. D. Alexandrov,
there was some noise from the side benches: A. D. rose and strode out. It is easy
to imagine how confused I was after that. However, the vote was unanimous.
After many years, when we had been close with A. D. for a long time, I reminded
him of this story. He rebuffed immediately: “This never happened at all.” (You
should know A. D. to understand his answer properly: when he forgot or doubted
something, he always said: “Don’t remember.” Replying in other words, A. D. had
declared the whole episode nil and void.)
It is a pleasure to recall that I had received satisfaction from A. D. in due course.
As a result of some bizarre machinations of the All-Union Attestation Committee
in the 1970s, my Sc.D. thesis was sent to extra referral despite its formal approval
at the corresponding section of the Committee on the recommendation by E. M.
Nikishin. Happily, the appointed “black” opponent was A. D., and I received
his appraisal for the isoperimetric problems with arbitrary constraints on mixed
volumes.
M. A. Lavrent ′ev and a Book on the Methodology of Mathematics
Narrating about his participation in the ideological battles of the 1940s and
1950s, A. D. always spoke about the tactics of preemptive blows. One of them
deserves recalling.
The Academy of Sciences of the USSR had printed in 1953 a huge volume of about
thousand pages under the title: Mathematics: Its Content, Methods and Meaning.
The Editorial Board of the volume comprised A. D. Alexandrov, A. N. Kolmogorov,
and M. A. Lavrent′ev.
The eighteen chapters of the book were intended to the general public and written
by thirteen authors. The list of the latter contained I. M. Gelfand, M. V. Keldysh,
M. A. Lavrent′ ev, A. I. Mal′ tsev, S. M. Nikol′ skiı̆, I. G. Petrovskiı̆, and S. L. Sobolev.
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The run of 350 copies was exceptionally small those days. Besides, each copy was
enumerated and the front page contained the index of the copy and the extraordinary signature stamp “Published for Discussion.”
Sufficiently many copies of this book were printed free of classification only in
1956, and the book became an issue in the world mathematical literature. Suffice
it to say that the translation of this book was reprinted thrice in the USA (the last
time in 1999).
Clearly, such an extraordinary collection had rather nontrivial reasons for its
compilation. The aim of this project consisted in defending mathematics from the
antiscientific attacks that were typical of those days in the Soviet Union.
To strike a severe preemptive blow on the pseudo-scientists of marxism which
try to harass the development of science in this country and to get rid of them
possibly for ever was an almost successful plot of the book. Avoiding strictly professional nuances, the world-renowned leaders of mathematics gave in this book a
detailed and thorough analysis of such fundamental general aspects of their science
as the subject of mathematics and the nature of mathematical abstractions, interaction between pure and applied mathematics, relationship between mathematical
research and practice, etc. The book remains to stand as one of the heights of the
methodology of mathematics.
The soul of this project was A. D. In addition to the two special chapters on
curves and surfaces and on abstract spaces, he made a “promising beginning” —
wrote the lengthy introductory chapter “A General View of Mathematics” with an
impressive analysis of the challenging philosophical problems of mathematics.
The work on this book drove A. D. and M. A. Lavrent′ ev closer. By the invitation
of M. A. Lavrent′ ev, A. D. Alexandrov joined the staff of the Siberian Division of
the Academy of Sciences of the USSR in 1964. A. D. was proud of the fact that
M. A. Lavrent′ ev had solely nominated him as a candidate to a full member of
the Academy and freed him from all bureaucratic formalities. When A. D. became
aware that L. V. Kantorovich was nominated for the same vacancy, he began to
refuse to participate in the elections. However, M. A. managed to convince A. D. to
stop refusing. Sage Mikhail Alekseevich turned out to be right: Both were happily
elected (the Bylaws of the Academy made room for such an outcome those days).
Bertrand Russell and a Preventive War Against Russia
At the end of the 1970s the plan was under discussion of publishing a volume
of the articles of A. D. on the general problems of science and other articles of
publicism. This plan led finally to his book Problems of Science and a Scientist’s
Standpoint. The release candidate No. 1 was surely the article “A General View
of Mathematics.” A. D. asked me to look it through for shortening. Reading the
article thoroughly, I felt much doubt about the following excerpt:
In the bourgeois society we can encounter the scientists that turn into obscurantists
professing political reaction and antiscientific obfuscation rather than progress and knowledge. An example of this degeneration is one of the founders of the so-called “logical
positivism”—Russell, an English philosopher and mathematician. He declared fifty years
ago that “Mathematics may be defined as the subject where we never know what we are
talking about, nor whether what we are saying is true.” In other words, mathematics has
no real content according to Russell. The real content of his own views Russell revealed
completely when he began to call for atomic war against the Soviet Union several years ago.
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S. S. KUTATELADZE
A perverter of science and self-conceited epigone of forlorn idealistic systems who instigates
mass destruction—that is the true face of this “logical positivist.”
In my opinion of those days Russell was one of the leaders of the Pugwash movement, a dedicated peace warrior, and a Nobel prize winner. In no way he was
reminiscent of a perverter of science who instigates mass destruction. Frankly
speaking, I thought that A. D. swallowed a tasty bait of the propagandists of the
CPSU in the first years of the Cold War.
With a hardly concealed spite I told A. D. that the reader needs a precise reference to the words of Russell and smugly requested his explanations. In fact, I
attacked him impudently in the trite style of the “presumption of dishonesty.” He
was definitely offended. He snapped back sharply that the episode did take place
but he could not remember any details. I must confess that these explanations
convinced me of nothing at all.
In the new millennium I tried to use the omnipotence of the Internet to settle
the problem finally by search machines. Without any effort, I found out that one of
Russell’s statements about the A-bomb appears in textbooks as a standard example
of a “false dilemma.”
Either we must have war against Russia before she has the atom bomb, or we will have
to lie down and let them govern us.
Also, Russell included in his book The Future of Science, and Self-Portrait of the
Author published in 1959 the following interview he gave for BBC Radio:
Q. Is it true or untrue that in recent years you advocated that a preventive war might be
made against communism, against Soviet Russia?”
RUSSELL: It’s entirely true, and I don’t repent of it now. It was not inconsistent with
what I think now.... There was a time, just after the last war, when the Americans had a
monopoly of nuclear weapons and offered to internationalize nuclear weapons by the Baruch
proposal, and I thought this an extremely generous proposal on their part, one which it
would be very desirable that the world should accept; not that I advocated a nuclear war,
but I did think that great pressure should be put upon Russia to accept the Baruch proposal,
and I did think that if they continued to refuse it it might be necessary actually to go to
war. At that time nuclear weapons existed only on one side, and therefore the odds were
the Russians would have given way. I thought they would ... .
Q. Suppose they hadn’t given way.
RUSSELL: I thought and hoped that the Russians would give way, but of course you can’t
threaten unless you’re prepared to have your bluff called.
It is a pity that A. D. will never hear the words of my repentance.
A. P. Aleksandrov and a Polemic about an Article by N. P. Dubinin
A. D. was engaged in defense of science and particular scientists in his Siberian
period as well. Many persons he drew out of the screw presses of the scientific and
would-be-scientific rascals who made their careers in the 1970s and 1980s. I am
reluctant to tell these stories whose analogs are familiar to the majority of scientific
groups in this country.
What I want to recall here is the valiant standpoint of A. D. in regard to the
article by N. P. Dubinin “Biological and Social Heredity” which was published in
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The Communist (1980:11).2
A. D. had appraised this composition as an “outstanding piece of antiscientific
literature.” I am convinced that to read the article by N. P. Dubinin and the
relevant controversy is as vital for a young scientist of any specialty as the perusing
of the shorthand record of the notorious August Session of the Lenin All-Union
Academy of Agricultural Sciences (VASKhNIL in the Russian abbreviation) which
took place in 1948.
Avoiding to narrate the whole composition of N. P. Dubinin, I just pinpoint one
of the ideological conclusions of his article:
Without clear understanding of the genuine scientific basis for the problem of man, it
is impossible to properly place the vicious essence of neoeugenical ideas in a disguise of
new discoveries in natural sciences and in particular in molecular biology and genetics.
Moreover, this problem is such that the coincidence of the truth criterion and the party
spirit is most conspicuous here.
A. D. found primarily repulsive the attempt at making the party spirit the test for
truth and refused to consider it as a slip of the tongue. His worst premonitions came
true: the editorial comment on the discussion around the article by N. P. Dubinin
read later in The Communist (1983:14):
The main criterion for evaluating the philosophical meaning of pieces of theoretical
research is their ideological orientation, the purity of the class-characteristic, ideological,
and methodological standpoints.
Practice as the ultimate test for truth was doomed for a pompous funeral and
complete oblivion.
A. D. tried to profess his views of the article by N. P. Dubinin actively: he made
talks on methodological seminars in various scientific institutions and attempted in
vain to publish his arguments. Fortunately (this happened quite rarely to A. D.),
he was supported by A. P. Aleksandrov who then held the position of the President
of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR and let A. D. get the floor at the General
Assembly of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR on November 21, 1980 (a version
of the speech of A. D. and the reply by N. P. Dubinin are published in the Herald
of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR (1981:6)).
A. D. always emphasized that the cause of science is to find out “how the
thingummy’s actually going on.” He pursued the same approach in this particular case:
The real problem consists in studying which sides of psyche depend on heredity or social
environment and to which extend. However, N. P. Dubinin closes this problem as regards
normal persons, leaving it open only for medical genetics in regard to abnormal persons.
A. D. told me after the Assembly that Anatoliı̆ Petrovich answered to A. D.’s
application for having the floor as follows: “Do you want to bite off Dubinin’s head
right away or after the break?” As far as I could remember, A. D. was eager to
accomplish the task immediately... These days A. D. gave me a galley proof of the
draft of his speech. Below I present the end of this manuscript which remained
unpublished by now:
2 The
official journal of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the USSR. (S. K.)
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S. S. KUTATELADZE
I have said now what I wished to say, but I harbor heavy doubts: maybe, it was unnecessary
to speak all this out and in so strong words at that. In fact, it is clear that the attempts
of Academician Dubinin will not affect serious scientists and practitioners. Therefore, they
will hardly influence our biology and medicine.
However, this view is not fully accurate. Academician Dubinin used a high rostrum
and it is not completely excluded that some assistant professor reading human genetics
in some medical college will be called to responsibility for “attempting”—in the words of
Dubinin—“to revise and waste the marxist teaching of the unique social nature of man.”
Furthermore, the question is placed on the agenda of the honor of science and our
personal honor: Do we agree to yield to the resurrection of the vicious style and battle
against science which reigned here about thirty years ago?
Everyone can make a mistake and even speak up in rigmarole. What really matters
in the long run are the basic principles of science themselves rather than some particular
mistakes. Marx observed that anyone I call a base person who strives to adjust science to
external and alien aims—irrespective of whatever delusions science might cling to.
The objects of concern are precisely the main principles of scientific research: impartiality and honesty. We cannot let them be dismissed so loudly and impudently.
S. L. Sobolev and a Polemic about an Article by L. S. Pontryagin
The year 1980 was rich in events!
The journal The Communist (September 1980:14) published the article by L. S.
Pontryagin “About Mathematics and the Quality of Teaching Mathematics.” This
composition still arouses the emotions as sharp as those stirred up by the article
of N. P. Dubinin. Moreover, both in the same volume of the journal produce an
unforgettable adore.
The article by L. S. Pontryagin was supplied with a routine editorial comment
that explained the genuine meaning of the article to those who failed or hoped to
fail to grasp it:
...the author is right in opposing vehemently not only the exceeding devotion to abstract
constructions in teaching mathematics and in mathematics itself but also the pseudoscientific speculations related to the false treatment of its subject.
Noncritical adoption of foreign achievements in relatively new branches of mathematics
and hypertrophy of general importance of these achievements to science as a whole have led
to overrating the results of many mathematical studies and in some cases to the idealistic
treatment of the essence of the subject of this science, to the absolutization of abstract
constructions, and to the belittling of the gnosiological role of practice. Exceeding devotion
to abstractions of the set-theoretic stance has started disorienting the creative interests of
students and academic youth.
It was impossible to consider such a rhetoric casual and innocent. Indeed, The
Communist 18 had published a note by Academician I. M. Vinogradov, Director of
the Steklov Mathematical Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. This
note said in particular that
The Scientific Council of the Steklov Institute is satisfied with the statement of the journal
The Communist in the form of the article by Academician L. S. Pontryagin... The Scientific
Council of the Steklov Institute supports the statement of the journal The Communist and
believes that it will serve the cause of improvement of teaching in secondary school...
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I find it appropriate to cite a few lines from my diary for reconstructing the intensive
but stale atmosphere of that span of time.
14.10. A. D. called me in the evening and told about an article in The Communist 14:
Pontryagin vs. secondary school, S. L. + L. V. [Kantorovich] + an editorial
comment on idealism in mathematics.
15.10. M. A. Lavrent′ ev passed away.
18.10. I read the nasty article by Pontryagin in the morning and dropped in on A. D.
in the evening to talk this over.
24.10. The ninth day—the funeral of Mikhail Alekseevich...
25.10. Zelmanov was flunked by secret ballot in the Institute. We discussed this and
The Communist with A. D. at length.
26.10. A. D. dropped in on me and gave me the second part of his textbook. Then
I dropped in on him. A. D. wants to retire.
30.10. ...G. P. [Akilov] crashed his car but slightly. A. D. told me that S. L. has
written a reply to The Communist. Yu. F. [Borisov] called me about extreme
points.
3.11. At V. L. [Makarov]’s seminar in the morning. Then I visited S. L.—about
The Communist. He showed me his reply. Next—at S. L.’s seminar with a
Vietnamese. Then another conversation with S. L. about the article (in the
breaks I talked to A. D.). S. L. spoke eloquently but slightly incoherently
about sets and cardinality.
4.11. S. L. called me about arranging a meeting of the Scientific Council vs. Pontryagin.
5.11. [The Scientific Council] unanimously condemned the Thesis Maintenance Council. The speakers were Serebryakov, Yu. G. [Reshetnyak], A. D., et al....
10.11. The whole day was full of discussions with S. L. and A. D. about Pontryagin
and also about Reshetnyak and Zelenyak (in view of a scandalous meeting of
the Academic Council to take place tomorrow [in NSU]).
11.11. An anniversary of Bourbaki. Yu. G. was cancelled by 40% ...
12.11. A seminar with A. D. about Lenin’s speech at the III Convent + vs. Pontryagin... Yu. G. discussed Lp with me.
24.11. I looked for the list of the members of the Council with L. M. [Krapchan].
A. D. has arrived—he spoke against Dubinin at the General Assembly. Dubinin replied... A seminar about attractors with Ustinov (from Obninsk).
28.11. [The Scientific Council] unanimously supported the appeal by Zelmanov. Celebration of the 20 years of the M[athematical-]E[conomical]D[epartment].
3.12. I dropped in on S. L. about the resolution. He told that he will move it
himself.
8.12. I dropped in on S. L. with A. D., V. A. [Toponogov], and V. V. [Ivanov].
Discussion vs. Pontryagin.
12.12. [We were] pretty close to adoption of the anti-Pontryagin resolution [at the
philosophical-methodological seminar]. I dropped in on A. D. in the evening
to talk this over.
15.12. I discussed the resolution with S. L. Then at his seminar... Bokut′ called me
in a break about his troubles. Shirshov recommended Ershov for the party
membership...
23.12. Talking everything over the whole day out with Tikhomirov who just arrived.
Mainly in the anti-Pontryagin mood.
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S. S. KUTATELADZE
24.12. Thesis maintenance: [V. N.] Dyatlov 18-0=0 and [G. G.] Magaril [-Il′ yaev]
17-0=0... Everything was pretty nice... Booze&noise at Dyatlovs’...
25.12. Short discussion with A. D. in the morning... [The Scientific Council] adopted
the anti-Pontryagin text + there will be a letter to The Communist to be
prepared by A. D. + Yu. L. [Ershov] + [S. I.] Fadeev!
Such were the circumstances we lived in those days.
I remember the extraordinary stamina of A. D. (which was predictable) and
Sergeı̆ L′ vovich (which was unexpected for me). The latter startled me on November 3, giving his reply to The Communist: “I am interested in your opinion but you
should bear in mind that I have already mailed my reply.” On the same occasion
he showed me a copy of an analogous letter to somebody in the leadership of the
Central Committee of the CPSU (seemingly, this was M. V. Zimyanin).
Many participants of these events are still alive. Some of them have changed for
the better (and the rest of them still have a good chance to do the same). That
is why I am reluctant to describe all details of the vehement struggle for a noble
answer to the article by L. S. Pontryagin. I mention only that the crucial ingredient
was the titanic joint efforts of Aleksandr Danilovich and Sergeı̆ L′ vovich.
In result, the Scientific Council of the Institute of Mathematics unanimously
(sic!) adopted at its meeting of December 25, 1980 the resolution that read in
particular as follows:
The Scientific Council announces its disagreement with those who informed the Editorial Board of The Communist about the situation in the science of mathematics which
gave grounds for the editorial comment on the article by L. S. Pontryagin to make accusations of the noncritical adoption of foreign achievements, formalistic craze, disorientation
of academic youth, and the false treatment of the subject of mathematics. Mathematics is a unique whole and deterioration of its fundamental more abstract part resembles
proscription of chromosome heredity theory, treatment of cybernetics as a “science of obscurantists,” and prohibition of using mathematical methods in economics on the basis of
false pseudoscientific arguments. Mathematics is a very serious matter of paramount importance for the development of our society. Therefore, treating it and judging it requires
great responsibility.
There was some cool in the relations of A. D. and S. L. that year (but I am
disinclined to reveal the reasons behind this yet). Therefore, it happened so that
the drafts of the resolutions were prepared with me acting as an intermediary. I
keep these drafts with the scars of those “shuttle operations” in remembrance of
the unforgettable material lesson of struggling for scientific truth.
It is worth observing that E. I. Zelmanov whose Ph. D. thesis was rejected by
secret vote as mentioned above acquired the Fields Medal a few years later.
The standpoint of Sergeı̆ L′ vovich was reflected by The Communist in the phrase:
“Comments are still coming. Among them some are written in a polemic style: the
letters by Academician S. L. Sobolev, Assistant Professor P. V. Stratilatov, and
Professor Yu. A. Petrov.” The chant “Academician Sobolev, Assistant Professor
Stratilatov, and Professor Petrov” was our catch-phrase for a few years.
We attempted to print a booklet with the resolution of the Scientific Council
and a detailed version of the report by A. D. Alexandrov “About the Article by
L. S. Pontryagin in The Communist (1980:14).” Our attempts were unsuccessful—
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we were opposed by V. A. Koptyug.3
A. D. showed me a personal memo by V. A. Koptyug in which the latter—a
censor (sic!)—reproached A. D. for a “persecutor’s tone” and refused to publish
the report.
Despite this the scientific community became aware of the standpoint of Siberian
mathematicians: at Sobolev’s request the copies of the resolution and A. D.’s report
were sent to the principal mathematical institutions of this country.
Something similar happened later to A. D.’s book Problems of Science and
a Scientist’s Standpoint whose publication was procrastinated by the chiefs of the
Siberian Division and became possible only after interference of P. N. Fedoseev who
knew A. D. rather well and strictly obeyed academic etiquette in this matter.
Sic Transit...
or Heroes, Villains, and Rights of Memory
April 25, 2003 is the date of the centenary of the birth of Andreı̆ Nikolaevich
Kolmogorov. The personality and creative contribution of this genius man to the
world science and Russian culture are so eminent that the tiniest bits of recollections
of anything related to him might be of avail to those pondering over life and its
principles.
For many years I have heard requests of my friends and colleagues to present for
the public my whatever partial overview of the circumstances and events invoked by
Merzlyakov’s article “The Right of Memory” and in particular the polemic between
A. D. Alexandrov and L. S. Pontryagin this article had stirred up. The story to
tell is rather ugly and to plunge into it again, reviving the bygones, brings about
much discontent and displeasure.
Unfortunately, the historical nihilism of these days intertwines rather tightly with
nihilism in morality. “The past crimes are buried in the past. The past is absent at
present. Therefore, the past crimes are absent now. So, let bygones be bygones.”
This sophism brings about the opinion that nobody could recall and take into
account the crimes of the past in view of the period of limitations. This is correct
but partly. The murderer remains a murderer for ever irrespective of whether or
not he committed a negligent homicide and was relieved from persecution or has
served his punishment and lives with no record of conviction. The thief is still a
thief although she returned back the things she had pilfered and was relieved from
punishment. No fact of assassination or theft is ever repealed by whatever decisions
about it. No error disappears unless it has been repaired. Always evil is to forget
the past and its lessons... These arguments drove me to the decision of narrating
about this gloomy episode of the past.
Merzlyakov’s article appeared on February 17, 1983 in the newspaper Science
in Siberia of the Presidium of the Siberian Division of the Academy of Sciences of
the USSR. Yu. I. Merzlyakov (1940–1995), an established algebraist, a Sc.D. and
professor, had a bit of reputation in the theory of rational groups. He was not
an ordinary personality devoid of literary and other gifts and so won quite a few
admirers. His article served many years as a credo of the Novosibirsk branch of the
notorious “Memory” society, an informal nationalistic group sprang to life in the
early years of Gorbi’s perestroı̆ka.
3 The
Chairman of the Presidium of the Siberian Division (1980–1997). (S. K.)
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S. S. KUTATELADZE
To grasp the undercurrents of Merzlyakov’s article completely is practically impossible for anyone far from the Russian mathematical life of those days. Moreover,
the understanding of and attitude to this text varied drastically from capitals to
province. Despite this, all Russian mathematicians clearly saw the implication of
the following excerpt of Merzlyakov’s article:
Academician Lev Semënovich Pontryagin is a brilliant exemplar of a scientist and patriot
of these days. The International Astronautical Federation elected him an honorary member side by side with the cosmonauts Gagarin and Tereshkova for his outstanding scientific
contributions. Skipping any description of all aspects of the versatile activities of L. S.
Pontryagin,4 I will dwell upon a single problem of a national-wide scale, the teaching of
mathematics in secondary school. It was exactly L. S. Pontryagin who vehemently pointed
out, in particular on the pages of The Communist,5 the evil implications of the sharp turn
to the course of the extreme formalization of mathematics which was imposed on our schools
in 1967 and oriented consciously or unconsciously to the accelerated intellectual development (with an equally fast achievement of the utmost limits of creativity) nontypical of
the majority of the country’s population. The flood of responses to the statement by L. S.
Pontryagin6 has demonstrated that his criticism was quite timely and fair. In particular,
Vice-President of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR Academician A. A. Logunov ascertained on the session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in October 1980 that there is a
grieve situation about the teaching of mathematics in secondary school and to learn mathematics from the present-day textbooks “can destroy any interest in not only mathematics
but also exact sciences in general.” (I remark parenthetically that the leader of the reform
received the prize of 100,000 dollar in 1980 from the state with which the USSR had severed
all diplomatic relations exactly in the year of the beginning of the reform.)7
The rest of the article was mainly inspired by the outright scandalous situation in
the midst of logicians and algebraists of Novosibirsk and in the whole mathematical
community of Siberia either. The point was that the retirement of S. L. Sobolev
was pending from the position of the director of the Institute of Mathematics of the
Siberian Division of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. This evoked the battles
for power and better places under the sun which were typical of the academic
community of those days.
I am disinclined to dwell upon the other details of Merzlyakov’s article since I
fully agree with the estimate of Sobolev who expressed his attitude to the hysterics by Merzlyakov as follows: “The role of Savonarola befits no twentieth-century
scientist.”
Sobolev forwarded his sagacious and valiant letter from Moscow to the management of the Institute on March 9. He rejected the slander against Kolmogorov and
justly gave a negative estimation of the whole article. I had an opportunity to read
this hand-written page of a copy-book which unfortunately was unwelcome by some
4 The initials seem abundant to the English eye but they reflect the style of the Russian polemics
in which the presence of initials brings about some extra respect to the persons in question whereas
the absence of initials clearly demonstrates slight indifference, disrespect, or even neglect. Every
Russian professor knows that the initials of Gagarin are Yu. A., and the initials of Tereshkova
are V. V. To keep the flavor of the polemic I preserve the authors’ rules for placing initials in the
Russian originals throughout. (S.K.)
5 The Communist, 1980:14, p. 99–112
6 The Communist, 1980:18, p. 119–121; 1982:2, p. 125–126
7 Notices of the AMS (1981) 28:1, p. 84
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of the addressees, concealed for a long time, and made public by S. K. Godunov
only after fierce battles and conflicts at the meeting of the Academic Council of
the Institute on April 18. The principled and uncompromising position of Sobolev
seemed to the many less important than the opinion of local party leadership. A
few iterations under the pressure of petty communist bonzes brought about the
official position of the management of the Institute which recalled the merits of
Kolmogorov while observing that Merzlyakov appropriately posed the problems of
patriotism.
Patriotism and slander... A notorious mixture...
Some unpleasant general thoughts are in order now about professionalism and
mathematicians. Professionalism requires absolute devotion to profession and, absorbing personality, tends to impoverish the latter. Professionalism appears amidst
mathematicians rather early whereas the upbringing of necessary moral qualities is
often far from a fast and easy matter (mathematicians are next of kin to sportsmen
in this respect). Of little secret are the elements of gossip, jealousy, and envy encountered the world over even among the first mathematicians. Hatred to the gifts
of the others is often mixed or replaced with xenophobia, racism, antisemitism, and
similar elements of the same sort. These phenomena are still far from rare nowadays. The oversensitive reaction to the slightest traits of the presence or absence of
antisemitism was and still is a litmus test of “friend-enemy” in Russia irrespective
of whether this is right or wrong. I believe that to grasp correctly the tension of
the events after Merzlyakov’s article is impossible without the clear understanding
of the above circumstances of the Russian life.
By the way, somebody told me that the then editor-in-chief of the newspaper
Science in Siberia tried to justify himself on explaining that he had slightly deviated from the standard routine of accepting materials for publication in order
to insert Merzlyakov’s article in the issue on the Day of the Soviet Army because
he viewed it as exceptionally patriotic. In our midst we have called these views
“slanderous patriotism” since then. Mixing love for the Fatherland with slander is
always characteristic of “the last resort of a scoundrel.”
The Moscow mathematical community reacted to Merzlyakov’s article immediately and adequately in general. The understanding prevailed that the lampoon
could strike the health of Kolmogorov which was already shaken seriously. Surely,
nobody showed the newspaper to Andreı̆ Nikolaevich but his 80th anniversary approached rapidly and Merzlyakov’s article could provoke some undesirable predicaments: for instance, there might have been no ceremonial decoration from the government which could be noticed by Kolmogorov, stirred up his analytical interest
and investigation with possibly unfavorable aftereffects to his health.
Another circumstance helped to the spreading of a noble reaction: The article
appeared on the eve of the General Assembly of the Academy of Sciences of the
USSR in Moscow where several copies of the issue of the newspaper were delivered
immediately. The exceptionally sharp reaction against slander and the style of a
political informant was revealed by the leading mathematicians: A. D. Alexandrov,
S. M. Nikol′ skiı̆, S. P. Novikov, Yu. V. Prokhorov, S. L. Sobolev, L. D. Faddeev,
and many others.
Already on March 14 there appeared the first written response by Alexandrov
with an analysis of Merzlyakov’s article. Characterizing the article as objectively
anti-Soviet and subjectively base, Alexandrov demonstrated the necessity of terminating all instances of slander and political insinuation. Closing his response,
12
S. S. KUTATELADZE
Alexandrov wrote:
Yu. Merzlyakov himself has clearly deserved the right of memory. Since at least some of
his statements are so evil and monstrous that might go down in history....
We have thus seen that Merzlyakov’s article is an objectively anti-Soviet, subjectively
base, rude, and antipatriotic composition, its every appeal to patriotism notwithstanding.
Let us abstain from judging the author severely but rather pity him since we observe
an indubitable pathological case. Only a perverted mind and turbid imagination can bring
about such a flood of insolence and mud! Renegades, domestic emigrants, immature moral
viewpoints halfway from amoeba to cave-dweller, a shitting bull, a beast, a toady-like
mediocrity of a petty shop-keeper and, to crown all these, the monstrous image of villains
that crawl to loot the wounded as description of the “horde” of scientific workers and, in
particular, his fellow colleagues. Well, that is the limit: an obvious pathology.
We are to pay tribute to the Mathematics Division of the Academy of Sciences of
the USSR and personally to Yu. V. Prokhorov who was an initiator and editor of
the following Resolution of the Bureau of the Mathematics Division as of March
25, 1983:.
Academician Yu. V. Prokhorov informed the body about a recent article in the weekly
newspaper Science in Siberia of the Presidium of the SDAS 8 of the USSR (No. 7 of
February 17, 1983) by Yu. I. Merzlyakov, Sc.D. on the staff of the Institute of Mathematics
of the SDAS of the USSR. This article contains a uniquely decipherable insinuation against
Academician A. N. Kolmogorov, an outstanding Soviet scientist.
The floor for discussion was taken by Academicians S. M. Nikol′ skiı̆, V. S. Vladimirov,
S. P. Novikov, A. A. Samarskiı̆, S. L. Sobolev, and L. D. Faddeev; Corresponding Members
of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR A. V. Bitsadze, I. M. Gelfand, A. A. Gonchar,
and S. V. Yablonskiı̆. All of them unanimously condemned the indecent insinuations of
Merzlyakov’s article and qualified them as slander against one outstanding scientist and
patriot. It was also observed that the article contains insinuations against a number of
other Soviet mathematicians.
The Bureau of the Mathematics Division of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR HAS
DECIDED
1:
to observe that the article of Sc.D. Yu. I. Merzlyakov “The Right of Memory” in the
newspaper Science in Siberia of the Presidium of the SDAS of the USSR contains
slander against one outstanding scientist/mathematician and Soviet patriot;
to observe that the article contains a number of indecent attacking allusions to other
Soviet mathematicians.
2:
to call upon the Presidium of the Siberian Division of the Academy of Sciences of the
USSR to take due measures pertinent to Item 1.
The Resolution of the Bureau of the Mathematics Division of the Academy of Sciences of
the USSR was adopted by a unanimous vote.
The bushes of provincialism were already full-fruited in Siberia those days, and the
solicitude for the honor, dignity, and health of Kolmogorov together with counteraction against the filthy things like antisemitism seemed to the chosen few to be
negligible as compared with the prevailing sentiments for their own career, success,
fame, and prosperity. The following story of Alexandrov looks like a joke nowadays: one of the top bosses of the Siberian Division responded to the protest and
8 The
abbreviation of “ Siberian Division of the Academy of Sciences.” ( S. K.)
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indignation against Merzlyakov’s article with the sincere question: “Who is that
Kolmogorov guy?” One can easily imagine our reaction...
On March 28 there was a meeting of the Presidium of the SDAS of the USSR.
The official letter of the Institute, bearing the signatures of the three deputy directors and the party secretary, was announced together with the second milder letter
of Sobolev who was in Moscow. The “Savonarola” letter was never mentioned.
Unfortunately, the official copy of the Resolution of the Bureau of the Mathematics Division did not arrived at Novosibirsk (the time of facsimile communication
had not come yet). Alexandrov briefed the audience about this Resolution. However, not without reason it is said:“you’re nobody till somebody gives you a sheet
of paper.” V. A. Koptyug, never feeling anything positive towards Alexandrov,
moderated the discussion with reference to the unclear standpoint of the Institute
of Mathematics and the absence of the Moscow Resolution in writing. Of no avail
were the vehement statements of the members of the Presidium Academicians G. K.
Boreskov, S. S. Kutateladze (1914–1986), and A. N. Skrinskiı̆ who condemned the
slander against Kolmogorov and insisted on a principled reaction. In result there
was adopted a rather insipid resolution which stated that the editorial staff of the
newspaper made a serious mistake by publication of Merzlyakov’s article “written
in the style inadequate to the spirit and aims of the newspaper.” That was how
slander had become a style in the opinion of a part of the then leadership of the
Siberian Division.
The efforts of the supporters of Kolmogorov brought about a tactical success:
the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR was signed on April
22 upon the decoration of Academician A. N. Kolmogorov with the Order of the
October Revolution for his great contributions to the development of the science of
mathematics and the long-term and fruitful pedagogical activities on the occasion
of the 80 years of his birth. It seems to me that Kolmogorov had never become
aware of Merzlyakov’s article.
Of great importance to Novosibirsk was the publication in the issue of May 12 of
the newspaper Science in Siberia of an article about Kolmogorov which was written by S. L. Sobolev, A. A. Borovkov, and V. V. Yurinsky. Their article ranked
Kolmogorov as one of the most eminent mathematicians on the twentieth century,
an outstanding teacher, an ardent patriot, and the founder of his scientific school of
a worldwide reputation and few analogs in the history of science. The authors particularly emphasized the undisputable influence of Kolmogorov on the development
of mathematics in Siberia.
This did not close the case however. “The Special Opinion of L. S. Pontryagin”
was made public already on April 30. In this article Pontryagin expressed his
disagreement with the Resolution of the Bureau of the Mathematics Division (he
was the member of the Bureau but missed the meeting on March 25 since he was
ill). He refuted the accusation against Merzlyakov of slandering Kolmogorov and
estimated the article “generally in the positive since it summons up citizenship
which is in great demand of our scientists.”
In particular, Pontryagin wrote:
I ascertain that the statement of Yu. I. Merzlyakov about Kolmogorov, even in deciphered form, cannot be viewed as slander. It does not ascertain any causal relation
between the failure of the reform and the awarding of the prize. But the thought about a
causal relation can be borne in upon the reader.
14
S. S. KUTATELADZE
It was after this meeting already that I received some responses to the Yu. I. Merzlyakov article. One of them showed disapproval (by Academician A. D. Alexandrov)
and three of them showed approval (by Academician/writer Leonov; Mathematician, ScD
V. D. Mazurov; and the chiefs of the Mechanics and Mathematics Department of NSU:9
Dean M. M. Lavrent′ ev and Secretary of the Party Bureau D. E. Zakharov).
“The Special Opinion” pinpointed a few rare facts of public subscription to soiling
Kolmogorov’s reputation. Pontryagin’s text full of the bits of an open polemic
with Alexandrov raised the question: “Whom does A. D. Alexandrov defend so
vehemently in his response?”. There was little doubt that Alexandrov would leave
this question rhetorical.
Alexandrov finished his response to Pontryagin on May 28. Confirming his view
of Merzlyakov’s article as politically slanderous insinuation, Alexandrov wrote:
In my response to Merzlyakov’s article I characterized this as baseness and I reiterate:
this is baseness, and the meanest baseness at that.
Academician Pontryagin is not a young man and he knows the intended consequences
of such baseness in the times of the year 1937. He could know in particular that Nikolaı̆
Nikolaevich Vavilov, a great Russian scientist/biologist, died in prison since someone casted
a political slanderous innuendo about him. Now Academician Pontryagin supports the
revival of political slanders and insinuations and even discerns some “citizenship” in them.
However they were condemned by our party and people long ago. It is the Bureau of
the Mathematics Division that revealed the genuine citizenship by repulsing Merzlyakov’s
slander. The “citizenship” in the sense of Pontryagin was revealed already in his article in
The Communist where he spread slander against our mathematics. Now it is revealed once
again in his “Special Opinion” supporting baseness and slander against not only A. N.
Kolmogorov but also the whole school of our scientists which supposedly incorporates a
crawling horde of the most monstrous careerists and villains...
The copies of the March Resolutions of the Bureau of the Mathematics Division
and the Presidium of the SDAS of the USSR were displayed on the advertisement
board of the Institute of Mathematics of the SDAS of the USSR from July 2 to
July 7. So ended the crisis of “patriotically slanderous citizenship” at Novosibirsk
in 1983.
The above events in the history of science in Russia may be compared only with
the so-called “Academician N. N. Luzin Affair.” The pivotal distinction of the
year 1986 from the year 1936 lies in the fact that the personality of Kolmogorov
had morally united the overwhelming majority of the Russian mathematicians who
shielded their professional community from slander and political insinuation.
Sic transit separation.
Science at the Center of Culture
A. D. was a person with a universal outlook. Through much suffering he did
achieve a perfect system of views that allowed him to analyze the general philosophical problems and meet the challenges of contemporary life.
I had many opportunities to listen his public lectures which always evoked a vivid
response of any audience. I recall his brilliant talk at the conference “The Place
9 The
abbreviation of Novosibirsk State University.
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of Science in the Modern Culture” which was arranged in Academgorodok near
Novosibirsk in the end of April of 1987.
A. D. titled his talk “Science at the Center of Culture” so biting a part of the
audience with antipathy to science. In my files there still reside some records of the
main points of his talk. I insert a few of them here.
We live in the age of science.
False theses: science beyond culture; science as next of kin to utopia and ideology;
science as a tool for dehumanization.
This is a spite of philosophers. A philosopher is an unsuccessful scientist full of mania
grandiose.
Science occupies the center of culture. Objectively, science is a system of knowledge and
conception... Man must stand in the center of science. Man is not only a creator but also
an object and ultimate aim of research and thought. Science asks not only “How?” but
also “What for?”.
Truth is a tool of good. Science leads to truth and its entire credenda appeal to the
mind so liberating human mentality.
A. D. knew much about religion, always contrasting religious belief and scientific
search. With love to precise definitions innate in mathematicians, he often cited
the following words by Vl. S. Solov′ ëv from the article “Belief” in the Encyclopedic
Dictionary by F. A. Brokgauz and I. A. Efron:
Belief (philos.) means the acceptance of something as being true with the resolution
surpassing the power of external proofs by fact and formal logic.
A. D. was fond of reiterating that he believes in nothing. This statement usually
called about the retort of the audience: “Neither in communism?” which always
gained the affirmative answer of A. D. It goes without saying that the lectures of
A. D. were often accompanied with sneaking letters to various local party committees.
A. D. had explicated his views of interrelation between religion and science in the
booklet “Scientific Search and Religious Belief” which was published by Politizdat
in 1974 with run of many thousand copies. It seems to me that this article does not
lose its actual value nowadays in the time of an unprecedented blossom of mysticism
and pseudoscience.
O. A. Ladyzhenskaya and a Struggle Against the Last Insinuations
At the end of the 1980s Aleksandr Danilovich suddenly became a target of some
slanderous attacks that ran as far as accusations of “lysenkoism.” Yu. G. Reshetnyak and I were compelled to write much about A. D. Hatred to calumniators
boiled in our soles. However, we worked at ease feeling the inspiring warmth of
final exposition of a just-proven new theorem. In the most critical moments of
controversy we readily found out many objective facts witnessing the intellectual
honesty of A. D. and his devotion to serving science and taking care of the fates of
his fellow scientists.
Stuffed up with concocted reminiscences, massaged citations, archived data full
of sneaking and quasi-sneaking letters to “competent authorities” and having mastered up many tricks typical of a barrister, I grew up to appraise the moral standpoint of O. A. Ladyzhenskaya tied with A. D. by many years of friendly relations.
16
S. S. KUTATELADZE
In the spring of 1989 I happened to be in Leningrad at the peak of controversy
about Alexandrov’s “lysenkoism.” Olga Aleksandrovna asked me to visit her in
LOMI (the Russian abbreviation for the Leningrad Department of the Steklov Institute). In contrast to the majority (including some friends of A. D. who always
requested the objective proofs of A. D.’s innocence), Olga Aleksandrovna rejected
from the very beginning all my attempts to show papers, compare figures, etc.:
“Sëma! I need none of this stuff. Tell me only what we must do for A. D.”
It seemed to me that the formal position of Leningrad’s mathematicians will
be important for A. D. Olga Aleksandrovna agreed with this opinion. She was
then a deputy chairperson of the Leningrad Mathematical Society (LMS) (and the
chairperson was D. K. Faddeev).
Soon after that V. A. Zalgaller sent me to Novosibirsk the following statement
of the LMS which was adopted unanimously at the meeting of March 28, 1989:
Concerning the publication by the journal Energy (1989:1) of a letter of Academician of the
Siberian Division of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR V. E. Nakoryakov, the Leningrad
Mathematical Society (LMS) announces that the letter by V. E. Nakoryakov contains slander (refutable by proof) and an attempt to defame Academician A. D. Alexandrov, a member of the LMS and an outstanding mathematician. The Leningrad scientists remember
many good deeds by A. D. Alexandrov: his efforts helped to save science and particular
scientists in the grim years which required his great personal fortitude.
A. D. was touched with this statement. Also, it was a great help for Yu. G. Reshetnyak and me in the public polemics of those years.
The reader seeking for more detail can restore the main events by looking through
the corresponding publications in the Herald of the Academy of Sciences of the
USSR (1989:7; 1990:3) and the relevant articles in the issues of the newspaper
Science in Siberia of March 10 and October 13, 1989.
When a decade has elapsed, sharp contrast transpires between the figure of
silence (aposiopesis) of the top officials of the Academy such as V. A. Kirillin,
V. A. Koptyug, G. I. Marchuk, et al. and the behavior of the scientists who
consider the defense of the honor of a colleague against slander as their personal
duty.
I keep a few letters that were unpublished in view of the standpoint of the then
Academy bosses. I cherish the words of my long-term friend V. M. Tikhomirov, a
professor at Lomonosov State University in Moscow:
I am sure that A. D. Alexandrov belongs to those who have always served the forces
of good. I wish to express through your newspaper my feeling of admiration for him,
his brilliance, intellectual gift, and human generosity. I’ve never heart that Aleksandr
Danilovich caused harm to the persons he met in life but I heard that he helped them and
promoted the development of science.
Of utmost importance for me are the words by V. I. Smirnov, a person of unsurpassable
moral standards, who wrote that A. D. Alexandrov controlled the University using the
power of moral authority!
There is no denying that the attitude of contemporaries meant much to A. D.
I have no desire to expatiate upon this story even though it had a “happy end”:
In October of 1990 A. D., the only mathematician in a group of biologists, was
decorated for special contribution to preservation and development of genetics and
selection in this country.
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The Decoration Decree appeared by the initiative of Professor N. N. Vorontsov
who then hold the position of the Chairman of the Governmental Committee for
Nature of the USSR. In a lengthy interview to the newspaper Izvestiya as of November 3, 1990 Nikolaı̆ Nikolaevich testified:
Aleksandr Danilovich was the Rector of Leningrad State University and he made much
for preservation and development of genetics. He invited to LSU many of those expelled for
their scientific views from other cities. Young persons simply fled to Aleksandr Danilovich
Alexandrov to gain custody. The courses of lectures in LSU differed drastically from the
Lysenko rigmarole that was delivered (and, I am afraid of that, is still delivered) by the
teachers of agricultural colleges. This determined the general atmosphere of the academic
life of Leningrad.
Alexandrov took care of the level of science as a whole. All scientists know: liquidation
of one of the branches will bring about repercussions on the entire frontiers of science. That
is why in many running years, many physicists and mathematicians wrote letters to the
Central Committee of the Party about the importance of genetics. By the way, when somebody says that A. D. Sakharov was late in taking the road of political struggle, it is not true.
His name appeared in the letter of physicists of 1953 together with the names of Kapitsa,
Semënov, and Varga. This letter was handled to Khrushchëv by Kurchatov. The letter of
physicists was followed by a letter of mathematicians: Kolmogorov, Sobolev, Alexandrov,
and Lavrent′ ev. I was a first-year postgraduate when I collected their signatures.
The English Language
Another not universally known trait deserves mentioning. A. D. was a person of
a discriminating artistic taste with a poetic gift. He wrote many poems and plays
but most of them are lost since he had an absolute memory and wrote them down
only at somebody’s request or to make a present of them.
A. D. was in full command of the English language: He delivered lectures, cited
classics, and even wrote poems in English. S. I. Zalgaller saved in her memory the
following lines:
My heart is full of burning wishes,
My soul is under spell of thine,
Kiss me: yours kisses are delicious
More sweet to me than myrrth and wine.
Oh lean against my heart with mildness,
And I shall dream in happy silence,
Till there will come the joyful day
And gloom of night will fly away.
Not later than in 1944 A. D. had made this interpretation of a celebrated poem that
was written by A. S. Pushkin in Russian as far back as in 1825 and soon became
an immortal romance by M. I. Glinka.
It is curious but one of our first conversations in the mid-1960s ran in English (I
was a freshmen; and A. D., a brand-new academician). I recall the presence of some
“English-speaking” diplomat in the hall of a small canteen in the Golden Valley
where we dined those years. A. D. remarked that it is indecent to use the language
that is not comprehended by everyone present and we proceeded in English.
I also recall an episode of the 1970s when on some occasion I cited a few lines of
the 66th sonnet by W. Shakespeare in English, and A. D. continued recital in a flash.
This took place long before the famous Georgian “Repentance” by T. Abuladze.
18
S. S. KUTATELADZE
The circumstances of the beginning of the 1990s drove me to writing a short
booklet on English grammar to alleviate the burdens of life for my friends who
were seeking some sources of nourishment. A. D., always a very attentive reader,
pinpointed a slip in a King James’s citation of Ecclesiastes.
And in June of 1993 he sent me the following lines in a sloppy handwriting:
Since legs, nor hands, nor eyes, nor strong creative brain,
But weakness and decay oversway their power,
I am compelled forever to refrain
From everything but waiting for my hour.
He has never sent me any verses since then...
Sobolev Institute of Mathematics
4 Koptyug Avenue
Novosibirsk, 630090
RUSSIA
E-mail address: sskut@ member.ams.org