Messengers of Hindu nationalism: how the RSS reshaped India

Commonwealth & Comparative Politics ISSN: 1466-2043 (Print) 1743-9094 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fccp20 Messengers of Hindu nationalism: how the RSS reshaped India Ashok Chousalkar To cite this article: Ashok Chousalkar (2019): Messengers of Hindu nationalism: how the RSS reshaped India, Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, DOI: 10.1080/14662043.2019.1665803 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2019.1665803 Published online: 25 Sep 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 17 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fccp20 COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS BOOK REVIEW Messengers of Hindu nationalism: how the RSS reshaped India, by Walter Andersen and Shridhar Damle, London, Hurst and Company, 2019, 320 pp., £25 (hardback), ISBN 9781787380257 Andersen and Damle have returned with another book on Hindu nationalism highlighting the work of the affiliates of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), collectively known as the messengers of Hindu nationalism. The book shows how the movement has promoted a nationalist ideology of Hindutva (literally Hindu-ness). The forces of Hindutva are in ascendance with the return of Modi as Prime Minister. They have established their political dominance, if not hegemony, reflected in the abrogation of the articles 370 and 35A of the constitution, depriving Jammu and Kashmir of its autonomy and statehood. The authors seek to show how the RSS manages the link between itself and its affiliates and how the increasing social inclusiveness of the family of Hindu nationalist organisations, or Sangh parivar, shaped its perceptions of democracy, secularism and Hindutva. A few case studies of Sangh affiliates are used to understand the articulation of different elements of Hindutva politics. The major thrust of the book is to discover how the rapid expansion of the RSS and its affiliates took place and what mechanisms have been put in place to reconcile and resolve contradictions that emerged in the increasingly large and diverse family of the RSS. The first five chapters of the book give a general overview of the RSS over the last three decades. The second group of chapters narrates nine case studies of the affiliates and a rare instance of internal rebellion in Goa. In chapter fourteen, the involvement of the RSS in elections and the personnel management of its affiliates are studied. Among this wealth of material, there are three topics which need further discussion here: the meaning of Hindutva, explaining the rise of the BJP, and the Jammu and Kashmir problem. Hindu nationalism emerged out of a peculiar reading of Orientalism which portrayed political conflicts between Hindus and Muslims as a war between two communities and a history of Hindus marked by defeats and subjection. Accordingly, it is said Hindus suffered slavery for 800 years due to a lack of unity and social solidarity. Three Hindutva responses to orientalism and modernity were set out: the first response was that of Veer Savarkar who supported science and modernity which would help the Hindu nation to be strong and powerful. A second response came from M. S. Golwalkar who wanted to establish Hindu dominance over the state and civil society. A third response was propounded by V. K. Palekar or ‘Aprabuddha’ who led the Nagpur group of intellectuals. He held that ‘Bharatiya Dharana’ or the Hindu world view always separated the territorial state from a culturally rich Hindu civil society. All three groups responded critically to modernity and nationalism. Savarkar and Palekar did not get popular support, even though Savarkar remains an icon of Hindutva. 2 BOOK REVIEW The authors assess the contributions of the six chiefs of the RSS. M. S. Golwalkar played the most important role, heading the Sangh for 33 years (1940–1973) and taking it through the most turbulent period in its history. He is uniquely known as ‘Param pujya’ or the most revered. He was an ideologue who expounded four core principles of Hindutva. Namely establishing cultural hegemony of the Hindus, using the state and nation to hold society together, making sure that the Indian state is a Hindu state, and promoting Indian philosophy and an Indian way of life as alternatives to corrupt and consumerist western civilisation. It seems that Golwalkar wanted to reconcile his opposition to western civilisation with the use of a western concept of nationalism. Balasaheb Deoras opened up the Sangh to different sections of society. He was instrumental in bringing the Hindutva forces closer to power at Delhi, and Mohan Bhagwat fulfilled the goal of his predecessors by bringing Hindutva forces to the centre of Indian politics. But the goals set by Mr Golwalkar remain sacrosanct. The authors have critically discussed the growth of BJP since its formation in 1980. The BJP declared that Gandhian socialism was its ideology, and it sought to win over the support base of the Janata Party by radically revising its policy positions. In the process, it captured some of the support base of the Janata Party in northern and western India. It gradually won over the support of lower castes but at the same time retained the support of the upper castes with the help of strident Hindutva propaganda. Narendra Modi successfully reconciled economic development, Hindutva and the aspirations of the new middle classes to win elections. Bhagwat successfully resolved differences between the BJP governments and various Sangh affiliates with consummate skill and created consensus within the movement. Since 1952, the Sangh parivar opposed Article 370 of the constitution which gave autonomy to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Yet, the BJP Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee tried to resolve the issue by opening talks with Pakistan. He took some bold initiatives but did not succeed. Many expected the BJP government under Modi would pursue the Vajpayee line when it came to power in 2014. After the assembly elections of 2015, the BJP allied with the PDP led by Mufti Mohammad Sayeed (who hoped for an accommodating approach). The alliance was uncomfortable and in 2018 the BJP broke with the PDP, bringing down the state government and imposed governor’s rule. After the BJP’s improved performance in the 2019 parliamentary elections, the government unexpectedly abrogated articles 370 and 35A of the constitution, dividing the state into two union territories, thus depriving Jammu and Kashmir of its autonomy and statehood through very questionable constitutional amendments. Coercive measures were used to intimidate political leaders and stifle public debate. This demonstrates a typical oscillation in the Hindu nationalist movement swinging from moderation, shown in the use of liberal terminology and compromise positions, to hardline politics. In the midst of this ambiguity, the Sangh parivar promotes the vision of Golwalkar who wanted to establish a Hindu state. The main thrust of this book is to show how the RSS affiliates spread in different parts of India and different sections of Hindu society. These bodies carry out cultural activities to expand their social base. The affiliates take up emotive issues, COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS 3 such as the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, the conversion of nonHindus (ghar vapsi), and banning cow slaughter, to mobilise public opinion. The BJP could not have achieved its current position without the support of these affiliates. While concluding their discussion, the authors point out that so far the RSS has successfully mediated the internal conflicts in the Sangh family, but the organisation will be challenged as India continues to change. It will have to bridge the needs of a rapidly modernising Indian society and the original vision of the movement. This task is likely to create problems for the Sangh parivar in the long term. The book is a welcome addition to the growing literature on Hindutva politics. Ashok Chousalkar Shivaji University, Kolhapur ashok.chousalkar@gmail.com © 2019 Ashok Chousalkar https://doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2019.1665803