جيلخلا يف نويلاغتربلا
طبارتم خيرات
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e da Tecnologia. ERC RUTTER Project (grant
agreement No 833438).
Ângela Barreto Xavier, Instituto de Ciências
Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa
Pedro Casaleiro, Universidade de Coimbra,
Departamento de Física da Faculdade de Ciências
e Tecnologia, Observatório Geofísico e Astronómico
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ISBN
978-989-26-2425-9
Autores Authors
André Murteira, FCSH, Universidade NOVA
de Lisboa, CHAM — Centro de Humanidades.
His article is part of a research project funded
by FCT (reference: 2021.02332.CEECIND).
e-ISBN
978-989-26-2426-6
Ângela Barreto Xavier, Instituto de Ciências Sociais
da Universidade de Lisboa
DOI
https://doi.org/10.14195/978-989-26-2426-6
Dejanirah Couto, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes,
Section des Sciences Historiques et Philologiques, Paris.
PSL/SAPRAT EA 4116 — Savoirs et Pratiques
du Moyen-Âge à l’Epoque Contemporaine.
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/23
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Universidade de Lisboa
Apoio Support
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Centro Interuniversitário de História das Ciências
e da Tecnologia. ERC RUTTER Project (grant
agreement No 833438).
Jorge Flores, Universidade de Lisboa, Centro
Interuniversitário de História das Ciências
e da Tecnologia.
UIDB/00311/2020
© Março March 2023
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Olisiponenses
José Manuel Malhão Pereira, Universidade de Lisboa,
Centro Interuniversitário de História das Ciências
e da Tecnologia e Academia de Marinha.
José Pedro Paiva, Universidade de Coimbra,
Centro de História da Sociedade e da Cultura
José Virgílio Pissarra, Universidade de Coimbra/
NOVA FCSH Centro de Ecologia Funcional
— História, Territórios e Comunidades.
Juan Acevedo, Universidade de Lisboa, Centro
Interuniversitário de História das Ciências
e da Tecnologia. ERC RUTTER Project (grant
agreement No 833438).
Mário Varela Gomes, NOVA-FCSH/Instituto
de Arqueologia e Paleociências
Miguel Monteiro, Yale University, Near Eastern
Languages and Civilizations Department
Rui Loureiro, Universidade NOVA de Lisboa,
FCSH Centro de Humanidades CHAM, Instituto
Superior Manuel Teixeira Gomes.
Sandra Costa Saldanha, Universidade de Coimbra,
Centro de História da Sociedade e da Cultura
Teresa Nobre de Carvalho, Universidade NOVA
de Lisboa, FCSH Centro de Humanidades CHAM.
Investigadora pós-doc FCT (SFRH/BPD/119899/2016)
Walter Rossa, Universidade de Coimbra,
Departamento de Arquitectura da Faculdade
de Ciências e Tecnologias da Universidade de Coimbra
e Centro de História da Sociedade e da Cultura
Zoltán Biedermann, University College London
— School of European Languages, Culture and Society
Tradução para inglês English translation
Stativa
António Conduto Oliveira
Sheena Caldwell
Tradução para árabe Arabic translation
Four Corners — Legal Translations & Languages
Group
Bahir Yousif
Fotografias Photography
Paulo Amaral (D.COM UC): 6, 10, 45, 47, 51,
72, 73, 77, 87
José Pessoa (DGPC/ADF): 89
Luísa Oliveira (DGPC/ADF): 90
Museu de Marinha: 83, 84
OGA UC: 7, 8, 9
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The digital reproductions of the remaining pieces
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domain.
OS PORT UGUESES NO GOLFO
1507–1650
UMA HISTÓRIA INTERLIGADA
THE PORT UGUESE IN THE GULF
1507–1650
AN INTERLINKED HISTORY
EXPOSIÇÃO
Emirado de Sharjah, Emirados Árabes Unidos
1–12 Novembro 2023
EXHIBITION
Emirate of Sharjah, United Arab Emirates
1–12 November 2023
Introdução
Introduction
11
I. De Portugal para o Golfo: Viagens e Navegações
From Portugal to the Gulf: Voyages and Navigations
11
II. ‘Dobrado o Cabo per esta Costa d’Arábia’:
A imagem do Golfo na cartografia
“Passing the Cape and along this Coast of Arabia”:
The cartographic image of the Gulf
53
III. O Livro do que viu e ouviu Duarte Barbosa
The Book of what Duarte Barbosa saw and heard
97
IV. ‘Nós lhe chamamos Arábia Feliz’:
Percepções e Descrições do Golfo
“We call it Arabia Felix”: Perceptions
and Descriptions of the Gulf
109
V. ‘Por aqui entra o lago que é fechado’:
a presença portuguesa no Golfo
“This is the entrance to the closed lake”:
The Portuguese presence in the Gulf
129
VI. ‘Todas sortes de mercadorias e per todas
as partes daqui vão e vêem’: o comércio do Golfo
“All sorts of goods come from, and go to all parts
of the world”: the Gulf’s trading networks
167
VII. Dinâmicas religiosas num espaço de fronteira
Religious dynamics in a frontier zone
209
[1–15]
[16–30]
[31–41]
[42–50]
[51–64]
[65–84]
[85–93]
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Ormuz é um estreito à entrada do Golfo, uma ilha do seu lado norte,
e a cidade iraniana ali implantada. Foi também um reino com limites
variáveis em torno do Golfo. A ilha que, na realidade, se chama Djarun,
constitui um círculo irregular com um diâmetro médio de 7 km e tem,
a igual distância, a costa do Irão, com a cidade mais próxima, Bandar
Abbas, 20 km a noroeste. Mais no seio e comprimindo o sifão do estreito,
estão as ilhas de Larak e Qeshm, onde se fazia aguada, pois Djarun, com
um solo salgado, quase não tem água doce. Árido e de cores tão estranhas
quanto variadas, o solo compõe, numa topografia muito irregular, uma
paisagem crespa, tórrida e elevada na frente para o estreito, e baixa numa
língua de terra que avança pelo canal que separa a ilha do continente, com
o topónimo Morona. Com boas condições portuárias e de segurança, esta
frente para o canal oferecia-se à instalação humana. No início do século
XIV, o rei de Ormuz para ali levou, do continente, a sua capital, incluindo
o topónimo. As suas excecionais condições defensiva, urbana e mercantil
deram-lhe a distinção de ter sido o centro da região.
Com exceção para uma parca recolha de sal-gema, óxido de ferro,
enxofre e pérolas naturais, Ormuz nada produziu ou produz, e o calor
é insuportável. Todavia, a sua capitalidade regional ditou um extraordinário desenvolvimento e afirmação como o mais importante empório de
troca de bens entre o Médio Oriente e o Oriente, com ênfase na Ásia do
Sul. No trânsito para os portos do Guzarate, Malabar e Vijayangar (Goa
e Karnataka), eram géneros mais expressivos os frutos secos (tâmaras
e compotas), corantes, pedra hume, aço, enxofre, sal, pérolas e, com grande
destaque, cavalos. E, ainda em quantidades significativas, ervas aromáticas e medicinais, pedras preciosas, têxteis (sedas, tapetes, brocados) e artigos de luxo, como joias e armas de aparato. No sentido inverso circulavam
produtos de algodão, manteiga de Sindh e Mangalore, açúcar e ferro de
Vijayanagar, arroz e especiarias de Karnataka e Malabar, e até porcelana da
China. Assim se compreende que, mais do que a porta marítima do Golfo,
nesses tempos o Estreito de Ormuz fosse considerado no Ocidente o início
das Índias. A presença portuguesa ditou a introdução de novos motivos
e bens, do que são prova diversas representações em têxteis, e até os azulejos
persas da Igreja de Santa Mónica de Goa ali foram encomendados.
De tudo isso deram conta os muitos relatos de viajantes, primeiro
sobre a desaparecida Ormuz continental, depois sobre a Ormuz insular.
Descrevem uma cidade grande, rica e densa, o que é corroborado pelo
desenho de Gaspar Correia que a representa num equívoco misto de 1515
(quando a conheceu) e alterações posteriores. Também uma urbe cosmopolita, que poderá ter chegado a ter 50.000 habitantes de comunidades
de religiões diversas e costumes ousados. O anónimo do Livro das cidades,
e fortalezas… sintetiza em 1582 essa informação sobre “o mais celebre
emporio e escala do mundo, em que mor concurso e trato há de todallas
mercadorias Orientaes e Occidentaes”, ou seja, era “a mais importante fortaleza que os Reis de Portugal teem nas partes da Índia.” Quando, em 1498,
as armadas portuguesas abriram a Rota do Cabo, Ormuz era, pois, uma
demonstração extrema de quanto o comércio determina a urbanidade
e a civilização, e de como esta marca as paisagens mentais, os imaginários.
A Coroa portuguesa cedo viu que, mais rentável que o trato com a Índia
pela Rota do Cabo, seria dominar o comércio do Índico, o que implicava
o controlo das rotas do Mar Vermelho e do Golfo, e que isso também lhe
Hormuz is a strait at the entrance to the Gulf, an island on its northern
side, and the Iranian city settled there. It was also a kingdom with variable
boundaries around the Gulf. The island, actually called Djarun, forms an
irregular circle with an average diameter of 7 km and is an equal distance
from the continental coast of Iran, with the nearest city, Bandar Abbas,
20 km to the northwest. Further in the bosom and compressing the siphon
of the strait are the islands of Larak and Qeshm, where water was made, for
Dajrun, with salty soil, has almost no fresh water. Barren and of colors as
strange as they are varied, the ground composes, on a very irregular topography, a landscape that is torrid, crisscrossed and elevated in front of the
strait, and low in a tongue of land that advances through the channel that
separates the island from the mainland, with the toponym Morona. With
good port and security conditions, this front to the channel was offered for
possible human settlement. At the beginning of the 14th century, the King
of Hormuz took his capital there from the mainland, including the toponym. Its exceptional defensive, urban, and mercantile conditions gave it
the distinction of having been the center of the region.
Except for a meager collection of rock salt, iron oxide, sulfur, and
natural pearls, Hormuz produced nothing, and the heat was unbearable.
Nevertheless, its regional capitality dictated an extraordinary development and affirmation as the most critical emporium for the exchange
of goods between the Middle East and the East, with emphasis on South
Asia. In the transit to the ports of Gujarat, Malabar, and Vijayanagar (Goa
and Karnataka), the most expressive types were dried fruits (dates and
jams), dyes, alum, steel, sulfur, salt, pearls, and, with great prominence,
horses. And, still in significant quantities, aromatic and medicinal herbs,
precious stones, textiles (silks, carpets, brocades), and luxury goods, such
as jewelry and apparatus weapons. In the opposite direction, cotton products, butter from Sindh and Mangalore, sugar and iron from Vijayanagar,
rice, spices from Karnataka and Malabar, and even porcelain from China
circulated. This explains why the Strait of Hormuz was considered in the
West to be the beginning of the Indies rather than the gateway to Persia.
The Portuguese presence dictated the introduction of new motifs and
goods, of which various textile representations are proof. Even the Persian
tiles of the Church of Saint Monica in Goa were commissioned there.
All this has been described in the many accounts of travelers, first
about the vanished mainland Hormuz, then about the island Hormuz.
They describe a large, rich, and dense city, which is corroborated by
Gaspar Correia’s drawing depicting it in a mixed equivocation of 1515
(when he knew it) and later alterations. Also, a cosmopolitan city may
have had as many as 50,000 inhabitants from communities of diverse religions and daring customs. The anonymous Livro das cidades, e fortalezas,
summarizes in 1582 that information on “the most famous emporium
and scale of the world, in which there is more competition and trade of all
East and West merchandises,” that is, it was “the most important fortress
that the Kings of Portugal have in the parts of India.” When, in 1498, the
Portuguese fleets opened the Cape Route, Hormuz was thus an extreme
demonstration of how much trade determines urbanity and civilization
and how this marks the mental landscapes, the imaginary.
The Portuguese Crown soon saw that, more profitable than dealing
with India via the Cape Route, it would be to dominate trade in the →
82 II — ‘DOBRADO O CABO PER ESTA COSTA D’ARABIA’ “Passing the Cape and along this coast of Arabia”
Desenho da fortaleza de Ormuz, c. 1515
in Gaspar Correia – Lendas da Índia
c. 1560
Manuscrito sobre papel
41,6 × 25,6 cm
Lisboa: Academia Real das Sciencias, 1860, vol. 2.
Representation of the fortress of Hormuz, c. 1515
in Gaspar Correia – Lendas da Índia
Goa (India), c. 1560
Ink on paper
41,6 × 25,6 cm
Lisbon, Academia Real das Sciencias, 1860, vol. 2.
83
25
[24-26] →
permitiria canalizar para a sua rota marítima o comércio daquelas rotas
mistas para o Mediterrâneo. Também se apercebeu que não tinha contingentes suficientes para monopolizar esse trato, mas que poderia taxá-lo
se dominasse os seus portos. A falha no domínio do Mar Vermelho, foi
compensada pelo sucesso no Golfo, de que Ormuz era a cabeça. Pêro da
Covilhã, na sua viagem terrestre de espionagem simultânea à descoberta
da Rota do Cabo, estivera lá e relatara-o. A presença regular de frotas no
Estreito de Bab-el-Mandeb (porta do Mar Vermelho), e a pesada taxação nos portos das embarcações que de lá viessem, ou para lá fossem, foi
o esforço possível para tentar canalizar esse fluxo para o Golfo.
Seguindo uma estratégia delineada em Lisboa, Afonso de Albuquerque
(1453–1515) no início da sua última longa missão no Índico, procurou
estabelecer o domínio português no Mar Vermelho e no Golfo. Entre
outras ações, em setembro de 1507 assenhoreou-se de Ormuz, mas teve de
a abandonar logo em abril seguinte. Só perto do final da sua vida, e já como
Governador da Índia Portuguesa (1509–1515), voltaria para fixar o seu
domínio. Não era absoluto, pois o soberano manteve-se, com suserania ao
rei português. Segundo esse protetorado, o estabelecimento português em
Ormuz, apoiado em alguns outros portos do golfo, constituiu o coroamento da estratégia seguida por Albuquerque de conquista dos pontos-chave
das rotas comerciais do Índico, cujo extremo oposto era Malaca (Malásia,
1511), e tinha como centro Goa (Índia, 1510).
Em 1622, em plena união das coroas portuguesa e espanhola, uma coligação entre Abbas I da Pérsia e a Companhia Britânica das Índias Orientais
pôs fim àquele protetorado. Além de ter desempenhado o papel de plataforma portuguesa para as muito intensas relações diplomáticas com
a Pérsia, Ormuz tinha sido, até então e de longe, o posto mais rentável de
todo o império, mesmo com o declínio verificado nos saldos da sua alfândega nas últimas décadas (95% de 1605 a 1618). Essa quebra de rentabilidade ficou a dever-se a contrabando e corrupção, não tanto a uma diminuição
do trato. Todavia, com o fim do domínio português a relevância comercial
de Ormuz cessou, pois o rei persa mudou as suas funções comerciais para
Bandar Abbas (Comorão para os portugueses), no continente, decerto por
influência dos ingleses, que ali haviam estabelecido uma feitoria. O que
congelou e fez mirrar Ormuz, que hoje é um pacato núcleo urbano onde
quase só as ruínas da fortaleza portuguesa invocam esse passado.
Além das descrições de viajantes, Ormuz conta com um apreciável
conjunto de documentação relativa aos mais variados assuntos da presença portuguesa, bem como relatos de episódios específicos, como os de
Gaspar Correia nas Lendas da Índia, redigidos, todavia, décadas depois.
Conta, também, com um razoável conjunto iconográfico e cartográfico
que, como aquele, requer cuidados críticos, pois as técnicas e motivações
são diversas, e, em alguns casos, são representações em segunda mão,
sem experiência do local. Conta ainda com levantamentos arqueológicos
e arquitetónicos das ruínas da fortaleza. Tudo tem sido usado para descortinar, à luz dos contextos pertinentes, diversos aspetos do pouco mais de
um século da história portuguesa no local. No que mais diretamente nos
diz respeito, a cartografia e iconografia mereceram estudos de identificação de séries e autorias, e, claro, os levantamentos foram utilizados pelos
autores para ensaiar reconstituições da fortaleza nas suas diversas fases,
e respetiva atribuição de autorias.
Indian Ocean, which implied control of the Red Sea and Gulf routes, and
that this would also allow it to channel to its maritime way the treatment
of those mixed routes to the Mediterranean. It also realized that it did
not have enough contingents to monopolize that tract but could tax it if it
dominated its ports. The failure to dominate the Red Sea was made up for
by success in the Gulf, of which Hormuz was the head. Pêro da Covilhã, on
his land journey of espionage simultaneous to the discovery of the Cape
Route, had been there and reported it. The regular presence of fleets in the
Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb (gateway to the Red Sea), and the heavy taxation
in ports of the vessels that came from there or went there, was the best possible effort in trying to channel those trade towards the Gulf.
Following a strategy outlined in Lisbon, Afonso de Albuquerque
(1453–1515), at the beginning of his last long mission in the Indian Ocean,
sought to establish Portuguese dominance in the Red Sea and Gulf. Among
various actions, in September 1507, he took possession of Hormuz but had
to abandon it the following April. Only towards the end of his life and term
as Governor of Portuguese India (1509–1515) did he return to establish his
dominion. It was not an absolute dominion, for the sovereign remained under suzerainty to the Portuguese king. Under this protectorate, the Portuguese establishment in Hormuz, supported by some other ports in the Gulf,
constituted the crowning of the strategy followed by Albuquerque of conquering the critical points of the Indian Ocean trade routes, whose opposite
end was Malacca (Malaysia, 1511), and had Goa (India, 1510) as its center.
In 1622, at the height of the union of the Portuguese and Spanish
crowns, a coalition between Abbas I of Persia and the British East India
Company put an end to that protectorate. Besides having played the role
of the Portuguese platform for the very intense diplomatic relations with
Persia, Hormuz had until then been, by far, the most profitable post in
the whole empire, even with the decline in the balances of its customs
in recent decades (95% from 1605 to 1618). This drop-in profitability was
due to smuggling and corruption, not so much to a decrease in the trade.
However, with the end of Portuguese rule, the commercial relevance
of Hormuz ceased, as the Persian king moved its commercial functions to
Bandar Abbas (Comorão for the Portuguese) on the mainland, surely by
the influence of the English, who had established a trading post there. This
has frozen and shriveled Hormuz, which today is a peaceful urban nucleus
where almost only the ruins of the Portuguese fortress evoke that past.
Besides the descriptions of travelers, Hormuz has an appreciable set
of documentation on the most varied subjects of the Portuguese presence,
as well as accounts of specific episodes, like those of Gaspar Correia in
Lendas da Índia, written, however, decades later. It also has a reasonable
set of iconographic and cartographic material, which, like that, requires
critical care since the techniques and motivations are diverse and, in some
cases, are second-hand representations without experience of the place.
It also includes archaeological and architectural surveys of the ruins of the
fortress. Everything has been used to uncover, in the light of the relevant
contexts, various aspects of the little over a century of Portuguese history at the site. As far as we are more directly concerned, the cartography
and iconography merited studies to identify series and authorship, and,
of course, the authors used surveys to test reconstructions of the fortress
→
in its various phases and the respective attribution of authorship.
84 II — ‘DOBRADO O CABO PER ESTA COSTA D’ARABIA’ “Passing the Cape and along this coast of Arabia”
Planta da fortaleza de Ormuz
in Plantas de praças das conquistas de Portugal
Goa (India), 1610
31,2 × 37 cm
Biblioteca Nacional do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro),
CAM.03,005 - Cartografia
Plant the fortress of Hormuz
in Plantas de praças das conquistas de Portugal
Goa (India), 1610
Pen-and-ink and watercolor on paper
31,2 × 37 cm
Biblioteca Nacional do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro),
CAM.03,005 - Cartografia
85
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Sabe-se menos no que diz respeito à estrutura e paisagem urbanas,
que se transformaram continuamente entre a conquista e instituição
do protetorado português e a sua queda, ou seja, 1507 e 1622. Vejamos,
porém, se os três elementos carto-iconográficos que este texto acompanha, nos ajudam a vislumbrá-las. Impõem-se, desde logo, duas ressalvas:
além das questões relacionadas com a fortificação, contêm essencialmente dados sobre a localização de instalações católicas de que quase
não restam vestígios, o que é natural, pois não só não tiveram tempo de
se fazerem robustas, como a expulsão dos portugueses foi também a do
catolicismo; qualquer uma delas representa a cidade já depois da destruição do conjunto monumental-palatino preexistente, a frente norte
da cidade. Sobre este contamos essencialmente com a gravura de Braun
& Hogenberg (in Civitatis Orbis Terrarum) de 1572, e com a memorável
descrição-reconstituição histórica de Jean Aubin, segundo a qual, no geral,
a cidade era bem arruada, ordenada e com boas praças, o que encontramos
em algumas descrições coevas e ainda se vislumbra na sua malha atual.
Seguindo uma regra ensaiada no século XV em Sagres (Portugal),
e desenvolvida em vários postos portugueses em África e no Índico, a partir da construção de uma torre empreendida durante o episódio de 1507
e concluída em 1515, a fortaleza foi erguida em Morona, o extremo norte
da cidade. A posterior abertura de um fosso de mar a mar, fez dela uma ilha
à qual se acedia por uma estreita ponte em pedra, evidenciada no desenho
do acervo da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, da autoria de Manuel
Godinho de Erédia. Tudo adjacente ao complexo palatino do rei local que,
por trás de uma espessa muralha com nove torres e uma extensão próxima
da centena de metros, incluía mesquitas, madraça, hospital e uma hospedaria. Como refere Aubin “um palácio fortificado que oferecia o aspeto
massivo que ainda hoje vemos nas residências dos sheiks árabes do Golfo
Pérsico e da Arábia meridional.” Apenas uma rua de costa a costa o separava da mole urbana, pelo que, quer a estrutura funcional quer a posição,
tornaram inevitável a sua demolição na operação de ampliação e renovação da fortaleza empreendida em 1539-1540, criando-se a esplanada ou
terreiro defensivo, que também funcionou como centro da ribeira (espaço
de mediação portuária com caraterísticas específicas nas cidades portuguesas), incluindo as estrebarias dos cavalos em trânsito e a alfândega.
O rei mudou-se para um palácio situado no extremo sudoeste do terreiro,
sobre o porto ocidental.
Já a presença, entre a alfândega e a mesquita aljama com o seu expressivo minarete, da misericórdia e do respetivo hospital, bem como, mais afastada, da picota, seriam mais próprios de uma praça e consubstanciaram
a substituição urbanística do poder local pelo do regime do protetorado
português. Começava aí, pois, a cidade propriamente dita, que era densa
e composta com casas em pedra e cal, altas, de fenestração erguia e rematadas com terraço. É o que Gaspar Correia, que terá tomado conhecimento
das demolições posteriores à sua estadia, compôs com alguns exageros
comuns, como na dimensão da picota em madeira erguida logo em 1515,
quase ombreando com o minarete que ali se manteve até ao século XIX.
Os relatos de que se socorreu seriam anteriores a todas as demolições, pois
a mesquita e o minarete acabaram por ficar com frente para o terreiro, aliás
ao centro, o que bem se vê em ambos os desenhos de Erédia (as Plantas
do Rio de Janeiro e o Lyvro de Plantaforma).
Less is known about the urban structure and landscape, which changed
continuously between the conquest and institution of the Portuguese protectorate and its fall, i.e., 1507 and 1622. Let us see, however, if the three
carto-iconographic elements this text accompanies, help us to glimpse
them. Two caveats are necessary: besides the questions related to the fortification, they essentially contain data on the location of Catholic facilities of which hardly any traces remain, which is natural since not only did
they not have time to become robust, but the expulsion of the Portuguese
was also that of Catholicism; any one of them represents the city after the
destruction of the pre-existing monumental palace complex, the northern front of the town. We can essentially rely on the engraving by Braun
& Hogenberg (in Civitatis Orbis Terrarum) of 157 and the memorable
historical description-reconstitution by Jean Aubin, according to which, in
general, the city was well laid out, ordered, and with good squares, which we
find in some coeval descriptions and which we still see in its current fabric.
Following a rule tried out in the 15th century in Sagres (Portugal) and
developed in various Portuguese posts in Africa and the Indian Ocean,
starting with the construction of a tower undertaken during the episode
of 1507 and completed in 1515, the fortress was erected in Morona, the
northern end of the city. The subsequent opening of a moat from sea to
sea made it an island accessed by a narrow stone bridge evidenced in the
drawing of the National Library of Rio de Janeiro’s collection, by Manuel
Godinho de Erédia. All adjacent to the local king’s palatine complex,
behind a thick wall with nine towers and a length of nearly a hundred meters, included mosques, a madrassa, a hospital, and an inn. As Aubin says,
“a fortified palace that offered the massive appearance that we still see
today in the residences of the Arab sheiks of the Persian Gulf and southern
Arabia.” Only one street from coast to coast separated it from the urban
mole so that both its functional structure and position made its demolition
inevitable in the operation to enlarge and renovate the fortress undertaken in 1539-1540, creating the esplanade or defensive yard, which also
functioned as the center of the Ribeira (a port mediation space with specific characteristics in Portuguese cities), including the stables for horses in
transit and the customs house. The king moved to a palace situated at the
southwestern end of the esplanade, above the western harbor.
The presence, between the customs house and the aljama mosque
with its expressive minaret, of the Misericórdia (mercy) and the respective
hospital, as well as, further away, the picota (pillory), would be more typical
of a square and consubstantiated the urban substitution of local power by
that of the Portuguese protectorate regime. This is where the city proper
began, which was dense and composed of stone and lime houses, high,
with a raised fenestration and topped with a terrace. This is what Gaspar
Correia, who would have been aware of the demolitions after his stay,
composed with some common exaggerations, such as the size of the wooden pinnacle erected as early as 1515, almost matching the minaret that
remained there until the 19th century. The mosque and the minaret ended
up facing the courtyard in the center, which can be seen in both of Erédia’s
drawings (the drawing of the National Library of Rio de Janeiro’s collection and the Lyvro de Plantaforma).
Significantly, it is also noted there that the Misericórdia complex,
situated on the south-eastern front of the yard, and a church dedicated →
86 II — ‘DOBRADO O CABO PER ESTA COSTA D’ARABIA’ “Passing the Cape and along this coast of Arabia”
Ilha de Ormuz
in Manuel Godinho de Erédia (?) – Lyvro de plantaforma
das fortalezas da Índia
Goa (?), c. 1610-1630
Papel aguarelado
58 × 42 cm
Biblioteca da Fortaleza de São Julião da Barra (Portugal)
Island of Hormuz
in Manuel Godinho de Erédia – Lyvro de plantaforma
das fortalezas da Índia
Goa (?), c. 1610-1630
Pen-and-ink and watercolor on paper
58 × 42 cm
Biblioteca da Fortaleza de São Julião da Barra (Portugal)
87
[24-26] →
Significativamente, também ali se confere que o conjunto da
Misericórdia, situado na frente sudeste do terreiro, e uma igreja dedicada
a S. João a oeste, enquadravam o expressivo conjunto islâmico. Por trás
da misericórdia situava-se o convento agostinho onde, entre outros
aspetos, pelo ensino da língua se prepararam missões à corte persa. Dali
também partiram, em inícios do século XVII, os monges que fundaram
as casas agostinhas de Isfahan, Shiraz e Baçorá, e por ali terão passado,
provindas de Shiraz, as relíquias da rainha-mártir Ketevan de Kakheti
(Geórgia), antes de seguirem para Goa onde foram sepultadas no respetivo
mosteiro. Nada sabemos acerca da materialidade do hospital e daqueles três conjuntos católicos. Sabemos, porém, que a igreja de N.ª S.ª da
Conceição, que dava o nome à fortaleza, foi primeiro instalada no cubelo
erguido no extremo oeste da sua frente para a cidade, surgindo, aliás, no
desenho de Gaspar Correia. A torre de menagem encimava o sino que o rei
D. Manuel I mandara retirar da igreja homónima de Lisboa, da Ordem de
Cristo, ato cujo simbolismo é evidente. Sabe-se, porém, que cerca de 1525
a igreja foi reinstalada em edifício próprio, também dentro da fortaleza,
e o sino movido para uma das torres renovadas do perímetro inicial, pois
a torre de menagem central erguida por Albuquerque, cedo obsoleta, foi
desmontada. Os materiais precários (p.e. cobertura vegetal), a conversão
em mesquita após 1622 e o posterior abandono da fortaleza levaram-na ao
desaparecimento.
Não há registos comprovados de mais equipamentos católicos dentro da cidade, até porque o número de crentes e o ambiente da cidade
nunca o terão tornado necessário. Ormuz, tal como os demais postos
no Golfo, nunca foi objeto de políticas portuguesas de colonização. Mas
a marcação portuguesa do território e da paisagem, ou a sua cristianização, era outra coisa, e fora da cidade, em posições elevadas próprias de
pequenos santuários de múltiplas religiões, existiram os de N.ª S.º da
Penha, N.ª S.ª da Esperança e Santa Luzia, em provável substituição de
estruturas islâmicas. No desenho do Lyvro de Plantaforma, que representa
toda a ilha, surge a sudoeste, frente à baía de Turumbaque a referência
a uma fortificada “quinta del’Rey,” ou seja, do rei local, que era num oásis
construído a partir de terra vegetal levada do continente e alimentado
pelos três únicos poços com água apenas salobra da ilha. Contém ainda
o topónimo “Lardimira” estendido sobre parte considerável da ilha, uma
área plana com espaços de lazer e um cemitério islâmico, com mausoléus
de alguma monumentalidade.
Ao reverso das dificuldades em reconstituir a estrutura e paisagem
urbanas de Ormuz no seu século português, sabe-se bastante sobre a fortaleza, sendo o principal documento as ruínas, pois a brusca decadência
da cidade bloqueou a sua descaracterização. A sua composição resultou,
como antes dito, de uma sucessão de intervenções visando mantê-la atualizada num tempo em que a evolução da engenharia militar foi vertiginosa.
No breve episódio de 1507–1508, Afonso de Albuquerque promovera
a construção da referida torre de menagem, quadrada com cerca de
8 metros de lado, mas não passou do primeiro dos três pisos projetados.
Concluiu-a quando regressou em 1515, campanha em que se concretizou
todo o perímetro que a cercou conforme o desenho de Gaspar Correia.
Assim se compôs uma fortificação do primeiro período experimental,
moderno-manuelino (torres quadradas, hexagonais, circulares), que so-
to St John to the West, framed the expressive Islamic complex. Behind the
Misericórdia was the Augustinian convent where, among other things,
missions to the Persian court were prepared through language teaching.
The monks who founded the Augustinian houses of Isfahan, Shiraz and
Basra also left from there at the beginning of the 17th century. The relics
of the queen-martyr Ketevan of Kakheti (Georgia) would have passed
through from Shiraz before going to Goa, where they were buried in the
respective monastery. We know nothing about the materiality of the hospital and those three Catholic sets. We do know, however, that the church
of Our Lady of the Conception, which gave the fortress its name, was first
installed in the tower erected at the western end of its front towards the
city, appearing, in fact, in Gaspar Correia’s drawing. The keep was topped
by the bell that King Manuel I had ordered to be taken from the church
of the same name in Lisbon, of the Order of Christ, an act whose symbolism is evident. It is known, however, that around 1525, the church was
reinstalled in its building, also inside the fortress, and the bell moved to
one of the renovated towers of the original perimeter, as the central keep
erected by Albuquerque, soon obsolete, was dismantled. The precarious
materials (e.g., vegetal cover), the conversion into a mosque after 1622,
and the subsequent abandonment of the fortress led to its disappearance.
There is no proven record of more Catholic facilities within the city,
not least because the number of believers and the city’s environment
would never have made them necessary. Like the other posts in the
Gulf, Hormuz was never the object of Portuguese colonization policies.
But the Portuguese marking of the territory and the landscape, or its
Christianisation, was something else. Outside the city, in elevated positions suitable for small sanctuaries of multiple religions, there were
those of Our Lady of Penha, Our Lady of Hope, and Saint Lucy, probably
replacing Islamic structures. In the drawing of the Lyvro de Plantaforma,
which represents the whole island, there appears to the southwest, facing the bay of Turumbaque, the reference to a fortified “quinta del’Rey,”
(King’s Farm) that is, of the local king, which was in an oasis built from
vegetal earth brought from the continent, and fed by the only three wells
with only brackish water on the island. It also contains the toponym
“Lardimira” extended over a considerable part of the island, a flat area
with leisure spaces and an Islamic cemetery, with mausoleums of some
monumentality.
On the reverse side of the difficulties in reconstructing the urban
structure and landscape of Hormuz in its Portuguese century, quite a lot
is known about the fortress, the main document being the ruins, as the
sudden decadence of the city blocked its decharacterisation. Its composition resulted, as said before, from a succession of interventions aimed at
keeping it up to date at a time when the evolution of military engineering
was vertiginous. In the brief episode of 1507–1508, Afonso de Albuquerque promoted the construction of the keep, as mentioned earlier, a square
in plan with a side of about 8 meters, but it did not go beyond the first of the
three planned floors. He finished it when he returned in 1515, a campaign
in which the entire perimeter surrounding it was completed according to
Gaspar Correia’s design. It was, thus, a fortification of the first experimental period, modern-Manueline (square, hexagonal and circular towers),
which was improved on the same conceptual basis (curvilinear bastions) →
88 II — ‘DOBRADO O CABO PER ESTA COSTA D’ARABIA’ “Passing the Cape and along this coast of Arabia”
freria melhorias de igual base conceptual (bastiões de recorte curvilíneo)
em 1525–1528 e 1539–1540 e recebeu um primeiro fosso. Em 1558-1560
introduziram-se os baluartes angulares que, com alguns ajustes posteriores, estabilizaram a sua forma de fortificação moderna. Segue, aliás,
o modelo experimentado em 1541 em Mazagão (El Jadida, Marrocos) e
na sucessão-sobreposição de fases-tipos muitas outras, de que cumpre
destacar Diu. Cada uma dessas reformas foi acrescentando área, pois
quase sempre cada novo bastião ou baluarte surgiu maior sobre outro, ou
à frente do existente. Assim chegou, à versão moderna, com perto de dois
hectares, retratada no desenho à guarda da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio
de Janeiro. Era uma das maiores fortalezas, que não cercaram uma urbe,
erguidas pelos portugueses.
De facto, não continha uma cidade, mas integrava um conjunto de
valências que, além da igreja matriz, incluía a casa do capitão e instalações
para toda a guarnição militar de cerca de cinco centenas de homens. Para
tudo isso, além da cisterna com abóbadas manuelinas e de algumas estruturas menores construídas com o mesmo fim em 1515, na última grande
campanha foi construída uma outra de formato oval também abobadada.
São os dois belos espaços da Ormuz portuguesa. Mesmos assim insuficientes, em termos funcionais. Não é plausível, como foi proposto há alguns
anos, que a cisterna manuelina fosse, afinal, a igreja.
Apesar de muitos o terem declarado inexpugnável, igual sucedia com
o aparatoso sistema defensivo, que incluía 70 peças de artilharia. Resistiu,
de facto, a diversos ataques, sendo os de 1521 e 1552 de tal relevância que
ditaram as principais reformas, ou seja, sempre reativa e não previamente. Mas já antes de 1622 surgiram relatos críticos, o que de forma alguma
deslustra o esforço desenvolvido durante um século pelos mais destacados
mestres pedreiros e engenheiros militares da coroa portuguesa na Ásia,
que chegaram a dirigir equipas mistas que ultrapassaram o milhar de
homens em estaleiro. As seis décadas decorridas desde a última grande
campanha de obras não se compadeciam com as intervenções pontuais
realizadas durante o difícil período da União Ibérica (1581–1640). Ambos
os impérios eram grandes de mais e outras nações europeias, como no caso
a Inglaterra, tinham entrado em campo. [Walter Rossa]
89
in 1525–1528 and 1539–1540 and received the first moat. In 1558-1560, the
angular bastions were introduced, which, with some later adjustments,
stabilized its form as a modern fortification. It follows the model tried out
in 1541 in Mazagan (El Jadida, Morocco) and in the succession-overlap
of phases-types many others, of which Diu must be highlighted. Each of
these reforms added area, as almost always, each new bastion or stronghold appeared larger over another or in front of the existing one. This
is how the modern version, covering almost two hectares, came to be,
as shown in the drawing in the custody of the National Library of Rio de
Janeiro. It was one of the largest fortresses, which did not surround a city,
erected by the Portuguese.
In fact, it did not contain a town. Still, it integrated a set of facilities
that, besides the main church, included the captain’s house and facilities
for the entire military garrison of about five hundred men. Besides the
Manueline vaulted cistern already mentioned, and some smaller structures built for the same purpose in 1515, another oval-shaped vaulted
cistern was built during the last great campaign. They are the two beautiful
spaces of the Portuguese Hormuz. Even so, they are insufficient in functional terms. It is not plausible, as was proposed a few years ago, that the
Manueline cistern was, after all, the church.
Although many had declared it impregnable, the same happened with
the apparatus of the defensive system, which included 70 pieces of artillery. It did, in fact, resist several attacks, with those of 1521 and 1552 being
of such relevance that they dictated the main reforms, i.e., always reactive
and not prior. But even before 1622, critical reports appeared, which in no
way detracts from the efforts made over a century by the most outstanding
master masons and military engineers of the Portuguese Crown in Asia,
who managed mixed teams that exceeded a thousand men on the building
site. The six decades elapsed since the last major building campaign were
no match for the one-off interventions carried out during the difficult
period of the Iberian Union (1581–1640). Both empires were too big, and
other European nations, such as England, had entered the field. [Walter
Rossa]
وﺑﺎﻟﺤﺪﻳــﺚ ﻋــﻦ اﻟﻮﺟــﻪ اﻵﺧــﺮ ﻟﻠﺼﻌــﺎب واﳌﺸــﺎق اﻟﺘــﻲ ووﺟﻬــﺖ أﺛﻨــﺎء إﻋــﺎدة ﺑﻨــﺎء اﻟﻬﻴــﻜﻞ اﻟﺤــﴬي واﳌﻨﺎﻇــﺮ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴــﺔ ﻟﻘﻠﻌــﺔ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪﻫــﺎ
اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎﱄ ﻓﺈﻧﻨــﺎ ﻧﻌﻠــﻢ اﻟﻜﺜــري ﻋــﻦ اﻟﻘﻠﻌــﺔ واﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘــﺔ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴــﻴﺔ ﺑــني أﻳﺪﻳﻨــﺎ ﻫــﻲ اﻵﺛــﺎر اﳌﻮﺟــﻮدة ﰲ اﳌﻮﻗــﻊ ﺣﻴــﺚ إن اﻻﻧﻬﻴــﺎر اﳌﻔﺎﺟــﺊ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﻣﻨــﻊ
ﺗﻔﻜﻜﻬــﺎ؛ وﻛــام ذﻛﺮﻧــﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘًﺎ ﻓــﺈن ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺔ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬــﺎ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﻗــﺪ ﻧﺘﺠــﺖ ﻋــﻦ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺘﺪﺧــﻼت اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻫﺪﻓــﺖ إﱃ إﺑﻘﺎﺋﻬــﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﺛــﺔ ﰲ وﻗــﺖ ﻛﺎن
ﻓﻴــﻪ ﺗﻄــﻮر اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺔ اﻟﻌﺴــﻜﺮﻳﺔ أﻣـ ًﺮا ﻣﺮﻫ ًﻘــﺎ ،ﻓﻔــﻲ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳــﺔ وﰲ اﻟﻔــﱰة اﻟﻘﺼــرية اﳌﻤﺘــﺪة ﻣــﻦ 1507إﱃ 1508-ﻛــام ذﻛﺮﻧــﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘًﺎ -روج أﻓﻮﻧﺴــﻮ دي
أﻟﺒﻮﻛــريك ﻟﺒﻨــﺎء ﺑــﺮج اﻟﻘﻠﻌــﺔ واﻟــﺬي مل ﻳﺘﻌـ َﺪ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺮﺑ ًﻌــﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺨﻄــﻂ ﻳﺒﻠــﻎ ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﻪ ﺣــﻮاﱄ 8أﻣﺘــﺎر ﻟﻜــﻦ ﺑﺘﻮﻗــﻒ أﻋــامل اﻟﺒﻨــﺎء مل ﻳﺘﺠــﺎوز اﻟﻄﺎﺑــﻖ
اﻷول ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻄﻮاﺑــﻖ اﻟﺜﻼﺛــﺔ اﳌﺨﻄــﻂ ﻟﻬــﺎ ،وﻗــﺪ أﻧﻬــﻰ أﻟﺒﻮﻛــريك أﻋــامل ﺑﻨــﺎء اﻟــﱪج ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﻋــﺎد ﰲ ﻋــﺎم 1515إﺑــﺎن ﺣﻤﻠــﺔ ﺗــﻢ ﻓﻴﻬــﺎ اﻻﻧﺘﻬــﺎء ﻣــﻦ
ﻣﺤﻴــﻂ اﻟﻘﻠﻌــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣــﻞ وﻓ ًﻘــﺎ ﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﺎر ﻛﻮرﻳــﺎ ﻓﻜﺎﻧــﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘــﺎﱄ ﺗﺤﺼﻴ ًﻨــﺎ ﻟﻠﻔــﱰة اﻟﺘﺠﺮﻳﺒﻴــﺔ اﻷوﱃ أو ﻣــﺎ ﻳُﻌــﺮف ﺑﻄ ـﺮاز اﳌﺎﻧﻮﻟــني اﻟﺤﺪﻳــﺚ
)اﻷﺑـﺮاج اﳌﺮﺑﻌــﺔ واﻟﺴﺪاﺳــﻴﺔ واﻟﺪاﺋﺮﻳــﺔ( واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗــﻢ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﻧﻔــﺲ اﻷﺳــﺎس اﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤــﻲ )اﻟﺤﺼــﻮن ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻴــﺔ اﻟﺨﻄــﻮط( ﰲ اﻷﻋــﻮام 1528-1525
و 1540-1539وﺑﻨــﻲ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﺧﻼﻟﻬــﺎ اﻟﺨﻨــﺪق اﻷول ،وﰲ ﻋــﺎم 1560-1558ﺗــﻢ إدﺧــﺎل اﻟﺤﺼــﻮن ذات اﻟﺰواﻳــﺎ واﻟﺘــﻲ أُﺿﻴﻔــﺖ ﻟﻬــﺎ ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳــﻼت
اﻟﻼﺣﻘــﺔ ﺣﺘــﻰ اﺳــﺘﻘﺮت ﻋــﲆ ﺷــﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﻛﺘﺤﺼــني ﺣﺪﻳــﺚ ،وﻣــﻦ اﻟﺠﺪﻳــﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛــﺮ أن اﻟﺒﻨــﺎء ﻳﺘﺒــﻊ اﻟﻨﻤــﻮذج اﻟــﺬي ﺗــﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺘــﻪ ﻋــﺎم 1541ﰲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﺔ
ﻣﺎزاﺟــﺎن )ﰲ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳــﺪة ،اﳌﻐــﺮب( ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓــﺔ إﱃ اﻟﻌﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺘﺪاﺧــﻼت اﻷﺧــﺮى اﻟﻼﺣﻘــﺔ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳــﱪز ﻃ ـﺮاز ﻗﻠﻌــﺔ دﻳــﻮ ﻣــﻦ
ﺑﻴﻨﻬــﺎ ،ﻛــام ﻳﺠــﺪر اﻹﺷــﺎرة أﻳﻀً ــﺎ إﱃ أن ﻛﻞ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻹﺻﻼﺣــﺎت ﻗــﺪ أﺿﺎﻓــﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﺣﺔ -ﻛــام ﻫــﻮ اﻟﺤــﺎل دامئًــﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳ ًﺒــﺎ -ﻟﺘُﻈﻬــﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺼــﻦ أو ﺣﺼــﻦ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ
أﻛــﱪ ﻣﺒﻨــﻲ ﻓــﻮق اﻵﺧــﺮ أو أﻣــﺎم اﻟﺤﺼــﻦ اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ ،وﻫــﺬا ﻫــﻮ اﻟﺸــﻜﻞ اﻟــﺬي ﻇﻬــﺮت ﺑــﻪ اﻟﻨﺴــﺨﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜــﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺒﻨــﺎء واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻐﻄــﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺣﺔ ﻣــﺎ ﻳﻘــﺮب
ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻬﻜﺘﺎرﻳــﻦ ﻛــام ﻫــﻮ ﻣﻮﺿــﺢ ﰲ اﻟﺮﺳــﻢ اﳌــﻮدع ﻟــﺪى ﻣﻜﺘﺒــﺔ رﻳــﻮ دي ﺟﺎﻧــريو اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴــﺔ ،ﻟﻘــﺪ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﻗﻠﻌــﺔ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ ﻣــﻦ أﻛــﱪ اﻟﻘــﻼع اﻟﺘــﻲ أﻗﺎﻣﻬــﺎ
اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــﻮن واﻟﺘــﻲ مل ﺗﺤــﻂ ﻳﻮ ًﻣــﺎ مبﺪﻳﻨــﺔ.
ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗــﻊ مل ﺗﻀــﻢ اﻟﻘﻠﻌــﺔ ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﻳﻮ ًﻣــﺎ إﻻ أﻧﻬــﺎ اﺣﺘــﻮت ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌــﻞ ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻷﺑﻨﻴــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻨــﺖ -إﱃ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴــﺔ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴــﻴﺔ -ﻣﻨــﺰل
اﻟﻘﺒﻄــﺎن وﻣﻨﺸــﺂت ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻣﻴــﺔ اﻟﻌﺴــﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻬــﺎ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎن ﻳﺒﻠــﻎ ﻗﻮاﻣﻬــﺎ ﺣــﻮاﱄ ﺧﻤﺴــامﺋﺔ رﺟــﻞ ،وﻗــﺪ ﺗــﻢ ﺑﻨــﺎء ﺻﻬﺮﻳــﺞ آﺧــﺮ ﻣﻘﺒــﺐ ﺑﻴﻀــﺎوي اﻟﺸــﻜﻞ
ﺧــﻼل اﻟﺤﻤﻠــﺔ اﻟﻜــﱪى اﻷﺧــرية ﻟﻴﻌﻤــﻞ إﱃ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ اﻟﺼﻬﺮﻳــﺞ اﳌﻘﺒــﺐ اﳌﺒﻨــﻲ ﻋــﲆ ﻃ ـﺮاز اﳌﺎﻧﻮﻟــني اﻟــﺬي ﺳــﺒﻖ ذﻛــﺮه وﺑﻌــﺾ اﻟﻬﻴــﺎﻛﻞ اﻷﺻﻐــﺮ اﻟﺘــﻲ
ﺗــﻢ ﺑﻨﺎؤﻫــﺎ ﻟﻨﻔــﺲ اﻟﻐــﺮض ﰲ ﻋــﺎم ،1515وﻋــﲆ اﻟﺮﻏــﻢ ﻣــﻦ اﳌﺴــﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﺠامﻟﻴــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺧﻠﻘﻬــﺎ ﻫــﺬان اﻟﻌﻨ ـﴫان ﰲ اﳌﺸــﻬﺪ اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎﱄ ﻟﻘﻠﻌــﺔ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ
ﻓﻬــام ﻏــري ﻛﺎﻓﻴــﺎن ﻋــﲆ اﳌﺴــﺘﻮى اﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔــﻲ وﻻ ميﻜــﻦ اﻟﻘــﻮل -ﻛــام اﻗــﱰح اﻟﺒﻌــﺾ ﻣــﻦ ﺳــﻨﻮات ﻣﻀــﺖ -إن اﻟﺼﻬﺮﻳــﺞ اﳌﺒﻨــﻲ ﻋــﲆ ﻃـﺮاز اﳌﺎﻧﻮﻟــني ﻛﺎن
ﻳﻮ ًﻣــﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﻫــﻮ ﻣﺒﻨــﻰ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴــﺔ.
وﻋــﲆ اﻟﺮﻏــﻢ ﻣــﻦ أن اﻟﻜﺜريﻳــﻦ ﻗــﺪ ﴏﺣــﻮا ﺑــﺄن اﻟﻨﻈــﺎم اﻟﺪﻓﺎﻋــﻲ واﻟــﺬي ﺗﻀﻤــﻦ 70ﻗﻄﻌــﺔ ﺣﺮﺑﻴــﺔ ﻫــﻮ ﻧﻈــﺎم ﻣﻨﻴــﻊ وﺣﺼــني ﻓﻘــﺪ ﺗﻌــﺮض ذﻟــﻚ
اﻟﻨﻈــﺎم ﻟﻸﻣــﺮ ذاﺗــﻪ؛ ﻓﻔــﻲ واﻗــﻊ اﻷﻣــﺮ متﻜــﻦ اﻟﻨﻈــﺎم اﻟﺪﻓﺎﻋــﻲ ﻣــﻦ ﺻــﺪ ﻫﺠــامت ﻋــﺪة ﻣﻨﻬــﺎ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﻬﺠــامت اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻌــﺮض ﻟﻬــﺎ ﻋــﺎم 1522 – 1521
واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ داﻓ ًﻌــﺎ ﻟﻔــﺮض اﻹﺻﻼﺣــﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴــﻴﺔ ﻓﻴــﻪ وﻣــﺎ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻹﺻﻼﺣــﺎت إﻻ رد ﻓﻌــﻞ ﳌــﺎ ﻳﻄــﺮأ ﻋــﲆ اﳌﺸــﻬﺪ ومل ﺗﻜــﻦ ﻳﻮ ًﻣــﺎ أوﻟﻮﻳــﺔ ﰲ
ﺣــﺪ ذاﺗﻬــﺎ ،ﻟﻜــﻦ وﻗﺒــﻞ 1622ﻇﻬــﺮت ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳــﺮ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎدﻳــﺔ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻻ ﺗﻨﺘﻘــﺺ ﺑــﺄي ﺣــﺎل ﻣــﻦ اﻷﺣــﻮال ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺠﻬــﻮد اﳌﻀﻨﻴــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺑﺬﻟﻬــﺎ أﺑــﺮز
اﻟﺒﻨﺎﺋــني واﳌﻬﻨﺪﺳــني اﻟﻌﺴــﻜﺮﻳني اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌــني ﻟﻠﺘــﺎج اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎﱄ ﰲ آﺳــﻴﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﻣــﺪى ﻗــﺮن ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺰﻣــﺎن ﺧﺎﺻ ـ ًﺔ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﺠﻬــﻮد اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺑﺬﻟﻮﻫــﺎ وﻫــﻢ ﻋــﲆ
رأس ﻓــﺮق ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻄــﺔ ﺗﺠــﺎوزت اﻷﻟــﻒ رﺟــﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ اﻟﺒﻨــﺎء اﻟﻮاﺣــﺪ ،ومل ﺗﻜــﻦ اﻟﻌﻘــﻮد اﻟﺴــﺘﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ اﻧﻘﻀــﺖ ﻣﻨــﺬ ﺣﻤﻠــﺔ اﻟﺒﻨــﺎء اﻟﻜــﱪى اﻷﺧــرية
ﻟﺘُﻘــﺎرن ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪﺧــﻼت اﻟﻘﺎمئــﺔ ﳌــﺮة واﺣــﺪة واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫــﺎ ﺧــﻼل اﻟﻔــﱰة اﻟﺸــﺎﻗﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻣــﺮ ﺑﻬــﺎ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد اﻹﻳﺒــريي ) (1640-1581ﻓﻘــﺪ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﻛﻠﺘــﺎ
اﻹﻣﱪاﻃﻮرﻳﺘــني ﻛﺒريﺗــني ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳــﺔ وﻗــﺪ دﺧﻠــﺖ دول أوروﺑﻴــﺔ أﺧــﺮى ﻣﺜــﻞ إﻧﺠﻠ ـﱰا إﱃ اﳌﻴــﺪان.
]واﻟﱰ روﺳﺎ[
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اﻟﻄــﺮح أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﻣﺴــﻮﺣﺎت أﺛﺮﻳــﺔ وﻣﻌامرﻳــﺔ ﻷﻃــﻼل اﻟﺤﺼــﻦ وﻟﻘــﺪ ا ُﺳــﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﳌــﻮاد ﰲ ﺿــﻮء اﻟﺴــﻴﺎﻗﺎت ذات اﻟﺼﻠــﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺸــﻒ ﻋــﻦ اﻟﺠﻮاﻧــﺐ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ ﳌــﺎ ﻳﺰﻳــﺪ ﻗﻠﻴـﻼً ﻋــﻦ
اﻟﻘــﺮن ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺰﻣــﺎن ﻣــﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳــﺦ اﻟﺘﻮاﺟــﺪ اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎﱄ ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘــﺔ ،وﺑﻘــﺪر ﻣــﺎ ﻳﻬﻤﻨــﺎ ﻫﻨــﺎ وﺑﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺒــﺎﴍ ﻓــﺈن رﺳــﻢ اﻟﺨﺮاﺋــﻂ واﻷﻳﻘﻮﻧــﺎت ﻳﺴــﺘﺤﻘﺎن دراﺳــﺎت ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣﺴــﺄﻟﺘﻲ اﻟﺘﺴﻠﺴــﻞ
واﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴــﻒ ،وﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒــﻊ اﺳــﺘﺨﺪم اﳌﺆﻟﻔــﻮن اﳌﺴــﻮﺣﺎت ﻻﺧﺘﺒــﺎر إﻋــﺎدة ﺑﻨــﺎء اﻟﻘﻠﻌــﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮاﺣﻠﻬــﺎ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ وإﺳــﻨﺎد ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﺔ ﻣﻨﻬــﺎ إﱃ ﻣﺴـــﺄﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴــﻒ.
ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗــﻊ ﻳﺨﻔــﻰ ﻋﻨﻨــﺎ اﻟﻜﺜــري ﺣــﻮل اﻟﺒﻨﻴــﺔ اﻟﺤﴬﻳــﺔ واﳌﻨﺎﻇــﺮ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻐــريت ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺮار ﰲ اﻟﻔــﱰة اﻟﻮاﻗﻌــﺔ ﺑــني ﻏــﺰو وﺗﺄﺳــﻴﺲ اﻟﺤامﻳــﺔ اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــﺔ وﺳــﻘﻮﻃﻬﺎ أي ﰲ اﻟﻔــﱰة
ﺑــني 1507و 1622ﻟﻜــﻦ دﻋﻮﻧــﺎ ﻧــﺮى إن ﻛﺎن ميﻜﻨﻨــﺎ ومبﺴــﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻌﻨــﺎﴏ اﻟﺨﺮاﺋﻄﻴــﺔ -اﻷﻳﻘﻮﻧﻴــﺔ اﻟﺜﻼﺛــﺔ اﳌﻮﺟــﻮدة ﰲ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨــﺺ أن ﻧﺤﺼــﻞ ﻋــﲆ ﳌﺤــﺎت ﺑﺴــﻴﻄﺔ ﻋﻨﻬــﺎ ،ﻫﻨــﺎك ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﺎن
ﴐورﻳــﺎن :ﻓــﺈﱃ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ اﻷﺳــﺌﻠﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺼــني ﻓــﺈن ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﻌﻨــﺎﴏ ﺗﺤﺘــﻮي ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ أﺳــﺎﳼ ﻋــﲆ ﺑﻴﺎﻧــﺎت ﺣــﻮل ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ اﳌﺮاﻓــﻖ اﻟﻜﺎﺛﻮﻟﻴﻜﻴــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ مل ﻳﺘﺒــﻖ ﻟﻬــﺎ أي أﺛــﺮ ،وﻫــﻮ أﻣــﺮ
ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﺣﻴــﺚ مل ﻳُﺴــﻨﺢ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ اﻟــﻜﺎﰲ ﻟﺘﻠــﻚ اﳌﺮاﻓــﻖ ﻟﺘﺼﺒــﺢ ذات ﺷــﺄن وﻗــﻮة ﻛــام أن ﻃــﺮد اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــني ﻛﺎن أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﻃــﺮدًا ﻟﻠﻜﺎﺛﻮﻟﻴﻜﻴــﺔ؛ أي واﺣــﺪ ﻣﻨﻬــﻢ ميﺜــﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺗﺪﻣــري
ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ اﻟﻘــﴫ اﻟﻀﺨــﻢ اﳌﻮﺟــﻮد ﻣﺴــﺒﻘًﺎ -اﻟﺠﺒﻬــﺔ اﻟﺸــامﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ،وميﻜﻨﻨــﺎ ﻫﻨــﺎ اﻻﻋﺘــامد وﺑﺸــﻜﻞ أﺳــﺎﳼ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻨﻘــﻮش اﻟــﺬي ﺗﺮﻛﻬــﺎ ﺑـﺮاون وﻫﻮﺟﻨــﱪج ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬــام )ﻣــﺪن ﺣــﻮل
اﻟﻌــﺎمل( اﻟﺼــﺎدر ﰲ ﻋــﺎم 1517ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓــﺔ إﱃ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟــﺔ إﻋــﺎدة ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻮﺻــﻒ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨــﻲ اﻟــﺬي ﻻ ﻳُﻨــﴗ واﻟﺘــﻲ اﺿﻄﻠــﻊ ﺑﻬــﺎ ﺟــﺎن أوﺑــﺎن واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗــﻢ ﺗﺨﻄﻴــﻂ اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﺟﻴـﺪًا وﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻬــﺎ
ﰲ ﻣﺮﺑﻌــﺎت ﺟﻴــﺪة وﻓ ًﻘــﺎ ﻟﻬــﺎ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻧﺠﺪﻫــﺎ ﰲ ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻷوﺻــﺎف اﳌﺸــﱰﻛﺔ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻣــﺎ زﻟﻨــﺎ ﻧﺮاﻫــﺎ ﰲ ﻧﺴــﻴﺠﻬﺎ اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ.
وﻓ ًﻘــﺎ ﻟﻘﺎﻋــﺪة متــﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺘﻬــﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻘــﺮن اﻟﺨﺎﻣــﺲ ﻋــﴩ ﰲ ﺳــﺎﺟﺮﻳﺲ )اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎل( وﺗــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫــﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﻗــﻊ ﺑﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ ﰲ إﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴــﺎ واﳌﺤﻴــﻂ اﻟﻬﻨــﺪي ﻓﻘــﺪ ﺑــﺪء ﺗﺸــﻴﻴﺪ اﻟﺤﺼــﻦ
ﰲ ﻣﻮروﻧــﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻄــﺮف اﻟﺸــامﱄ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﺑﺒﻨــﺎء ﺑــﺮج ﺗــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴــﺬه ﺧــﻼل ﻋــﺎم 1507واﻧﺘﻬــﻰ ﻋــﺎم ،1515وﻗــﺪ أدى اﻟﺤﻔــﺮ اﻟﻼﺣــﻖ ﻟﺨﻨــﺪق ﻣــﺎيئ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺒﺤــﺮ إﱃ اﻟﺒﺤــﺮ إﱃ ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ
اﻟﺤﺼــﻦ إﱃ ﺟﺰﻳــﺮة ميﻜــﻦ اﻟﻮﺻــﻮل إﻟﻴﻬــﺎ ﻋــﻦ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺟــﴪ ﺣﺠــﺮي ﺿﻴــﻖ ﻛــام ﻳﺘﻀــﺢ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺮﺳــﻢ اﻟــﻮارد ﰲ اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋــﺔ اﳌﻮدﻋــﺔ ﰲ اﳌﻜﺘﺒــﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴــﺔ ﰲ رﻳــﻮ دي ﺟﺎﻧــريو واﻟﺘــﻲ
رﺳــﻤﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻳــﻞ ﺟﻮدﻳﻨﻬــﻮ دي إرﻳﺪﻳــﺎ ،وﻗــﺪ ﺿﻤــﺖ ﻣﺒــﺎين اﻟﺤﺼــﻦ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺟــﺎورت ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﻗــﴫ اﳌﻠــﻚ اﳌﺤــﲇ ﺧﻠــﻒ ﺟــﺪار ﺳــﻤﻴﻚ ﺗﻌﻠــﻮه ﺗﺴــﻌﺔ أﺑـﺮاج وﻳﺒﻠــﻎ ﻃﻮﻟــﻪ ﻗﺮاﺑــﺔ اﳌﺎﺋــﺔ
ﴫا ﺣﺼﻴ ًﻨــﺎ ﻳﻌﻜــﺲ اﳌﻈﻬــﺮ اﳌﻬﻴــﺐ اﻟــﺬي ﻣــﺎ زﻟﻨــﺎ ﻧـﺮاه اﻟﻴــﻮم ﰲ ﻣﺴــﺎﻛﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮخ اﻟﻌــﺮب ﰲ اﻟﺨﻠﻴــﺞ
ﻣــﱰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺟﺪ وﻣﺪرﺳــﺔ وﻣﺴﺘﺸــﻔﻰ وﻧــﺰل ،وﺣﺴــﺐ وﺻــﻒ أوﺑــﺎن ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻛﺎن »ﻗـ ً
اﻟﻌــﺮيب وﺟﻨــﻮب ﺷــﺒﻪ اﻟﺠﺰﻳــﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴــﺔ« وأﺿــﺎف »ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨــﺎك ﺷــﺎرع واﺣــﺪ ﻓﻘــﻂ ميﺘــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺴــﺎﺣﻞ إﱃ اﻟﺴــﺎﺣﻞ ﻟﻴﻔﺼﻠــﻪ ﻋــﻦ اﳌﺮﻓــﺄ اﻟﺤــﴬي ﻓﺠﻌــﻞ ﻛﻞ ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻴﻜﻠــﻪ اﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔــﻲ
وﻣﻮﻗﻌــﻪ ﻣﺴــﺄﻟﺔ ﻫﺪﻣــﻪ أﻣـ ًﺮا ﻻ ﻣﻔــﺮ ﻣﻨــﻪ ﺧﺎﺻـ ًﺔ ﺧــﻼل ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺔ ﺗﻮﺳــﻴﻊ وﺗﺠﺪﻳــﺪ اﻟﺤﺼــﻦ واﻟﺘــﻲ متــﺖ ﰲ ﻋــﺎم 1540-1539وﻧﺘــﺞ ﻋﻨﻬــﺎ ذﻟــﻚ اﳌﻤــﴙ أو اﻟﺴــﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﺪﻓﺎﻋﻴــﺔ واﻟﺘــﻲ
ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﺗﻌﻤــﻞ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﻛﻤﺮﻛـ ٍﺰ ﻟﻠﺮﻳﺒﻴـريا )ﺑﺎﺣــﺔ وﺳــﺎﻃﺔ ﰲ اﳌﻴﻨــﺎء ذات ﺧﺼﺎﺋــﺺ ﻣﺤــﺪدة ﰲ اﳌــﺪن اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــﺔ( ﻓﺘﻀﻤﻨــﺖ اﺳــﻄﺒﻼت اﻟﺨﻴــﻮل اﳌــﺎرة ﺑﺎﳌﻴﻨــﺎء ﻟﻨﻘﻠﻬــﺎ إﱃ وﺟﻬﺎﺗﻬــﺎ وﻣﺒﻨــﻰ
اﻟﺠــامرك ،وﻗــﺪ اﻧﺘﻘــﻞ اﳌﻠــﻚ إﱃ ﻗــﴫ ﻳﻘــﻊ ﰲ اﻟﻄــﺮف اﻟﺠﻨــﻮيب اﻟﻐــﺮيب ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺒﺎﺣــﺔ ﻓــﻮق اﳌﺮﻓــﺄ اﻟﻐــﺮيب.
وﺗﻌﻜــﺲ اﳌﺴــﺎﺣﺔ اﳌﻮﺟــﻮدة ﺑــني ﻣﺒﻨــﻰ اﻟﺠــامرك واﳌﺴــﺠﺪ اﻟﺠﺎﻣــﻊ اﻟــﺬي اﺷــﺘﻬﺮ مبﺌﺬﻧﺘــﻪ اﳌﻌــﱪة ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓــﺔ إﱃ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ اﻟﺮﺣﻤــﺔ واﳌﺴﺘﺸــﻔﻰ واﻟﺒﻴﻜﻮﺗــﺎ منﻮذ ًﺟــﺎ ﻟﻠﺴــﺎﺣﺔ ﻛــام أﻧﻬــﺎ
اﺳــﺘﺒﺪﻟﺖ اﻟﻨﻤــﻂ اﻟﺤــﴬي ﻟﻠﺴــﻠﻄﺔ اﳌﺤﻠﻴــﺔ ﺑﻨﻈــﺎم اﻟﺤامﻳــﺔ اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎﱄ ،وﻗــﺪ ﻛﺎن ﻫــﺬا ﻫــﻮ اﳌــﻜﺎن اﻟــﺬي ﺑــﺪأت ﻓﻴــﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮة اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤــﺔ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﻛﺜﻴﻔــﺔ وﺗﺘﺄﻟــﻒ ﻣــﻦ
ﻣﻨــﺎزل ﺣﺠﺮﻳــﺔ وﺟريﻳــﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌــﺔ ﺗﺤﻴﻄﻬــﺎ اﻷﺳــﻮار اﳌﺮﺗﻔﻌــﺔ وﺗﻌﻠﻮﻫــﺎ اﻟﴩﻓــﺎت ،وﻛﺎن ﻫــﺬا أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﻣــﺎ أورده ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﺎر ﻛﻮرﻳــﺎ -اﻟــﺬي أمل ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴــﺎت اﻟﻬــﺪم ﺑﻌــﺪ إﻗﺎﻣﺘــﻪ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ -ﰲ
أﻋامﻟــﻪ اﻟﺘــﻲ أﺿــﺎف ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺎ ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻟﻌﻨــﺎﴏ اﳌﺒﺎﻟــﻎ ﻓﻴﻬــﺎ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺣﺠــﻢ اﻟــﱪج اﻟﺨﺸــﺒﻲ اﻟــﺬي ﺷُ ــﻴﺪ ﰲ وﻗــﺖ ﻣﺒﻜــﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﻋــﺎم 1515واﻟــﺬي ﻳــﻜﺎد ﻳﻄﺎﺑــﻖ اﳌﺌﺬﻧــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻇﻠــﺖ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ
ﺣﺘــﻰ اﻟﻘــﺮن اﻟﺘﺎﺳــﻊ ﻋــﴩ ،وﻗــﺪ اﻧﺘﻬــﻰ اﻷﻣــﺮ ﺑﻮﺟــﻮد اﳌﺴــﺠﺪ واﳌﺌﺬﻧــﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬــﺔ اﻟﻔﻨــﺎء ﰲ اﻟﻮﺳــﻂ وﻫــﻮ ﻣــﺎ ميﻜــﻦ رؤﻳﺘــﻪ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣــﻦ رﺳــﻤﺘﻲ إرﻳﺪﻳــﺎ )ﺿﻤــﻦ اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋــﺔ اﳌﻮدﻋــﺔ
ﰲ اﳌﻜﺘﺒــﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴــﺔ ﰲ رﻳــﻮ دي ﺟﺎﻧــريو و ﻛﺘــﺎب اﻟﻘــﻼع واﻟﺤﺼــﻮن(.
وﻣــﻦ اﳌﻼﺣــﻆ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ اﻟﺮﺣﻤــﺔ اﻟﻮاﻗــﻊ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺠﺒﻬــﺔ اﻟﺠﻨﻮﺑﻴــﺔ اﻟﴩﻗﻴــﺔ ﻟﻠﺴــﺎﺣﺔ واﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴــﺔ اﳌﺨﺼﺼــﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﻳــﺲ ﻳﻮﺣﻨــﺎ اﻟﻮاﻗﻌــﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻐــﺮب ﻫــام ﻣــﻦ وﺿﻌــﺎ إﻃــﺎ ًرا ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻤــﻊ
اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ،ﻓﺨﻠــﻒ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ اﻟﺮﺣﻤــﺔ ﻗﺒــﻊ اﻟﺪﻳــﺮ اﻷوﺟﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ واﻟــﺬي ﻛﺎن ﻳﺘــﻢ إﻋــﺪاد اﻟﺒﻌﺜــﺎت داﺧﻠــﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل ﺗﺪرﻳــﺲ اﻟﻠﻐــﺔ ﻹرﺳــﺎﻟﻬﺎ إﱃ اﻟﺒــﻼط اﻟﻔــﺎرﳼ ،ﻛــام ﺧــﺮج ﻣﻨــﻪ
اﻟﺮﻫﺒــﺎن اﻟﺬﻳــﻦ أﺳﺴــﻮا دﻳــﺎر أوﺟﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻮس ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣــﻦ أﺻﻔﻬــﺎن وﺷـرياز واﻟﺒــﴫة ﰲ ﺑﺪاﻳــﺔ اﻟﻘــﺮن اﻟﺴــﺎﺑﻊ ﻋــﴩ ،و ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ رﻓــﺎت اﳌﻠﻜــﺔ اﻟﺸــﻬﻴﺪة ﻛﻴﺘﻴﻔــﺎن ﻣــﻦ ﻛﺎﺧﻴﺘــﻲ )ﺟﻮرﺟﻴــﺎ(
ﻗــﺪ ﻣــﺮت ﻣــﻦ ﺷـرياز ﻗﺒــﻞ اﻟﺘﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻬــﺎ إﱃ ﺟــﻮا ﺣﻴــﺚ ﺗــﻢ دﻓﻨﻬــﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺪﻳــﺮ اﻟﺨــﺎص ﺑﻬــﺎ ،ﻗــﺪ ﻻ ﻧﻌــﺮف ﺷــﻴﺌًﺎ ﻋــﻦ اﻷﻫﻤﻴــﺔ اﳌﺎدﻳــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ متﺜﻠﻬــﺎ اﳌﺴﺘﺸــﻔﻰ وﺗﻠــﻚ اﻷﺑﻨﻴــﺔ اﻟﻜﺎﺛﻮﻟﻴﻜﻴــﺔ
اﻟﺜﻼﺛــﺔ ﻟﻜﻨﻨــﺎ ﻧﻌﻠــﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌــﻞ أن ﻛﻨﻴﺴــﺔ ﺳــﻴﺪة ﻛﻨﻴﺴــﺔ اﻟﺤﻤــﻞ اﻟﻄﺎﻫــﺮ -اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻣﻨﺤــﺖ اﻟﻘﻠﻌــﺔ اﺳــﻤﻬﺎ -ﻗــﺪ ﺗــﻢ ﺗﺸــﻴﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻷول ﻣــﺮة ﰲ اﻟــﱪج اﻟــﺬي أﻗﻴــﻢ ﰲ اﻟﻄــﺮف اﻟﻐــﺮيب ﻣــﻦ
واﺟﻬﺘﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﺠــﺎه اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻈﻬــﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌــﻞ ﰲ أﻋــامل ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﺎر ﻛﻮرﻳــﺎ ،اﻋﺘــﲆ اﻟــﱪج ﺟــﺮس ﻛﺎن اﳌﻠــﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻳــﻞ اﻷول ﻗــﺪ أﻣــﺮ ﺑﻨﻘﻠــﻪ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﺤﻤــﻞ ﻧﻔــﺲ اﻻﺳــﻢ ﰲ
ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﻟﺸــﺒﻮﻧﺔ وﻫــﻮ أﻣــﺮ ﻟــﻪ رﻣﺰﻳﺘــﻪ اﻟﺠﻠﻴــﺔ ،ﺑﻴــﺪ أﻧــﻪ و ﰲ ﺣــﻮاﱄ ﻋــﺎم 1525أﻋﻴــﺪ ﺗﺸــﻴﻴﺪ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴــﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻫــﺎ داﺧــﻞ اﻟﻘﻠﻌــﺔ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ واﻧﺘﻘــﻞ اﻟﺠــﺮس إﱃ أﺣــﺪ اﻷﺑـﺮاج اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗــﻢ
ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻫــﺎ ﰲ اﳌﺤﻴــﻂ اﻷﺻــﲇ ﺣﻴــﺚ أﺻﺒــﺢ اﻟــﱪج اﻟﺮﺋﻴــﴘ واﻟــﺬي ﺷــﻴﺪه اﻟﺒﻮﻛــريك ﻗﺪميًــﺎ ﻓﺄُﻣــﺮ ﺑﺘﻔﻜﻴﻜــﻪ ،وﻗــﺪ أدت اﻟﻌﻮاﻣــﻞ ﻏــري اﳌﺴــﺘﻘﺮة )ﻣﺜــﻞ اﻟﻐﻄــﺎء اﻟﻨﺒــﺎيت( إﱃ ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ اﳌــﻜﺎن
إﱃ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻋــﺎم 1622ﺣﺘــﻰ اﺧﺘﻔــﺎء اﻟﺤﺼــﻦ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻫﺠــﺮه ﻻﺣ ًﻘــﺎ.
ـﺠﻼ ﻳﺜﺒــﺖ وﺟــﻮد اﳌﺰﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﳌﻨﺸــﺂت اﻟﻜﺎﺛﻮﻟﻴﻜﻴــﺔ داﺧــﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ وذﻟــﻚ ﻷﺳــﺒﺎب ﻋــﺪة أﻫﻤﻬــﺎ أن ﻋــﺪد اﺗﺒــﺎع اﻟﻜﺎﺛﻮﻟﻴﻜﻴــﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ وﺑﻴﺌــﺔ اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﻧﻔﺴــﻬﺎ مل ﺗﺠﻌــﻞ
إﻧﻨــﺎ ﻻ منﻠــﻚ ﺳـ ً
ﻣــﻦ اﻷﻣــﺮ ﴐورة ﰲ ﺣــﺪ ذاﺗــﻪ ،وﻛﻤﺜــﻞ ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ اﳌﻮاﻗــﻊ ﰲ اﻟﺨﻠﻴــﺞ مل ﺗﻜــﻦ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ أﺑ ـﺪًا ﻫﺪﻓًــﺎ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳــﺎت اﻻﺳــﺘﻌامر اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎﱄ ﻟﻜــﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺔ اﳌﻨﻄﻘــﺔ اﳌﺘﻔــﺮدة وﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻫــﺎ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴــﺔ
وﻣﺴــﺄﻟﺔ ﺗﻨﺼريﻫــﺎ ﻛﺎن أﻣـ ًﺮا آﺧـ ًﺮا ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴــﺒﺔ ﻟﻬــﻢ ،ﻛــام أﻧــﻪ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﻫﻨــﺎك ﻧﻘــﺎط أﺧــﺮى ﺧــﺎرج اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ أﻛــرث ارﺗﻔﺎ ًﻋــﺎ وﻣﻼمئـ ًﺔ ﻟﺘﺸــﻴﻴﺪ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻷﺑﻨﻴــﺔ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴــﺔ اﻟﺼﻐــرية اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ
ﺗﺨــﺪم اﻟﻄﻮاﺋــﻒ اﳌﺘﻌــﺪدة ﻓﻨﺠــﺪ ﻣﺜـ ًـﻼ :دﻳــﺮ ﺳــﻴﺪة ﺑﻴﻨﻬــﺎ ودﻳــﺮ ﺳــﻴﺪة اﻷﻣــﻞ ودﻳــﺮ ﺳــﺎﻧﺖ ﻟــﻮﳼ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻣــﻦ اﳌﺤﺘﻤــﻞ أﻧﻬــﺎ ﻗــﺪ ﺣﻠــﺖ ﻣﺤــﻞ اﻷﺑﻨﻴــﺔ اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺔ ،وميﻜﻨﻨــﺎ أن ﻧﻼﺣــﻆ
ﰲ اﻟﺠﺎﻧــﺐ اﻟﺠﻨــﻮيب اﻟﻐــﺮيب ﻟﺮﺳــﻮﻣﺎت ﻛﺘــﺎب اﻟﻘــﻼع واﻟﺤﺼــﻮن -اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺻــﻮرت اﻟﺠﺰﻳــﺮة ﻛﻜﻞ -وﰲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬــﺔ ﺧﻠﻴــﺞ ﺗﻮروﻣﺒــﺎك إﺷــﺎر ًة إﱃ ﻣــﺎ ﻳُﻌــﺮف ﺑﺎﺳــﻢ »ﻣﺰرﻋــﺔ اﳌﻠــﻚ« اﳌﺤﺼﻨــﺔ
واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﺗﻌــﻮد ﻟﻠﻤﻠــﻚ اﳌﺤــﲇ وﻫــﻲ ﻋﺒــﺎرة ﻋــﻦ واﺣــﺔ ﻣﺒﻨﻴــﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﱰﺑــﺔ اﻟﻨﺒﺎﺗﻴــﺔ اﻵﺗﻴــﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻴﺎﺑﺴــﺔ اﻟﻘﺎرﻳــﺔ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻬــﺎ اﻵﺑــﺎر اﻟﺜﻼﺛــﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻴــﺎه ﻗﻠﻴﻠــﺔ اﳌﻠﻮﺣــﺔ
اﳌﻮﺟــﻮدة ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺠﺰﻳــﺮة ﻓﻘــﻂ ،ﻛــام ﺗﺤﻤــﻞ اﻟﺮﺳــﻮﻣﺎت اﻻﺳــﻢ اﻟﺠﻐـﺮاﰲ » ﻻردميـريا » اﳌﻤﺘــﺪ ﻋــﲆ ﺟــﺰء ﻛﺒــري ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺠﺰﻳــﺮة وﻫــﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﺔ ﻣﺴــﻄﺤﺔ ﺑﻬــﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺣﺎت ﻟﻠﺘﻤﺸــﻴﺔ وﻣﻘــﱪة
إﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓــﺔ إﱃ ﺷــﻮاﻫﺪ ﺗﻌــﻮد ﻟﺒﻌــﺾ اﳌﻌــﺎمل اﻷﺛﺮﻳــﺔ.
36
العرىى« :الصورة التخطيطية للخليج
»المرور ب رأس الرجاء الصالح >
واالبحار عىل طول الساحل 0 /
24–26
PT/EN, 82–89
.24ﺻﻮر ﻣﻦ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ – ﺣﻮاﱄ 1515
ﺟﺎﺳﺒﺎر ﻛﻮرﻳﺎ -أﺳﺎﻃري اﻟﻬﻨﺪ
ﺟﻮا )اﻟﻬﻨﺪ( – ﺣﻮاﱄ 1560
ﺣﱪ ﻋﲆ ورق
ﻣﻘﺎس 25.6 × 41.6 :ﺳﻢ
ﻟﺸﺒﻮﻧﺔ – اﻷﻛﺎدميﻴﺔ اﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻮم– – 1860ﻣﺠﻠﺪ 2
.25ﻣﺨﻄﻂ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ
ﻣﺨﻄﻄﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﺣﺎت ﻟﻠﻔﺘﻮﺣﺎت اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴﺔ
ﺟﻮا ) اﻟﻬﻨﺪ( – 1610
ﻗﻠﻢ وﺣﱪ وأﻟﻮان ﻣﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ورق
ﻣﻘﺎس 37 × 31.2 :ﺳﻢ
ﻣﻜﺘﺒــﺔ اﻟﱪازﻳــﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴــﺔ )رﻳــﻮ دي ﺟﺎﻧــريو( - CAM.03،005 ،رﺳــﻢ
اﻟﺨﺮاﺋــﻂ
.26ﺟﺰﻳﺮة ﻫﺮﻣﺰ
ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻳﻞ ﺟﻮدﻳﻨﻬﻮ دي إرﻳﺪﻳﺎ –ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻗﻞ اﻟﻬﻨﺪ
ﺟﻮا )؟( – ﺣﻮاﱄ 1630 – 1610
ﻗﻠﻢ وﺣﱪ وأﻟﻮان ﻣﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ورق
ﻣﻘﺎس 42× 58 :ﺳﻢ
ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺳﺎو ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺎو دا ﺑﺎرا )اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎل(
] [26-24ﻳﻘــﻊ ﻣﻀﻴــﻖ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ ﻋﻨــﺪ ﻣﺪﺧــﻞ اﻟﺨﻠﻴــﺞ وﻫﻨــﺎك ﺟﺰﻳــﺮة ﺗﻘــﻊ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﻪ اﻟﺸــامﱄ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓــﺔ إﱃ ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﺔ إﻳﺮاﻧﻴــﺔ ،وﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﻣﻤﻠﻜ ـ ًﺔ ذات ﺣــﺪود ﻣﺘﻐــرية ﺣــﻮل
اﻟﺨﻠﻴــﺞ ،وﺗﺸــﻜﻞ اﻟﺠﺰﻳــﺮة -واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﺴــﻤﻰ ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗــﻊ دﺟــﺎرون -داﺋــﺮة ﻏــري ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤــﺔ ﻳﺒﻠــﻎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻗﻄﺮﻫــﺎ 7ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣـﱰات وﻫــﻲ ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺘﺴــﺎوﻳﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺴــﺎﺣﻞ اﻟﻘــﺎري ﻹﻳـﺮان،
وﺑﻨــﺪر ﻋﺒــﺎس ﻫــﻲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ اﻷﻗــﺮب ﻟﻬــﺎ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻘــﻊ ﻋــﲆ ﺑﻌــﺪ 20ﻛــﻢ إﱃ اﻟﺸــامل اﻟﻐــﺮيب ،ﻋــﻼوة ﻋــﲆ ذﻟــﻚ ﺗﻘــﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻣــﻦ ﺟﺰﻳــﺮيت ﻻرك وﻗﺸــﻢ ﰲ ﻗﻠــﺐ اﳌﻀﻴــﻖ ﺣﻴــﺚ ﺗﺘﺠﻤــﻊ
اﳌﻴــﺎه ﻟــﱰوي دﺟــﺎرون ذات اﻟﱰﺑــﺔ اﳌﻤﻠﺤــﺔ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳﻨــﺪر ﻓﻴﻬــﺎ اﳌــﺎء اﻟﻌــﺬب ،ﺗﻜ ـ ﱢﻮن اﻷراﴈ اﻟﻘﺎﺣﻠــﺔ ذات اﻷﻟــﻮان اﳌﺘﻌــﺪدة اﻟﻐﺮﻳﺒــﺔ واﻟﺘﻀﺎرﻳــﺲ ﻏــري اﳌﻨﺘﻈﻤــﺔ ﻣﻨﻈ ـ ًﺮا ﻃﺒﻴﻌ ًﻴــﺎ
ﺣــﺎ ًرا وﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃ ًﻌــﺎ وﻣﺮﺗﻔ ًﻌــﺎ أﻣــﺎم اﳌﻀﻴــﻖ ﻟﺘﻨﺨﻔــﺾ وﻫــﻲ ﺗﺘﻘــﺪم ﰲ اﺗﺠــﺎه اﻟﻘﻨــﺎة اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻔﺼــﻞ اﻟﺠﺰﻳــﺮة ﻣــﻦ اﻟــﱪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴــﴘ واﻟــﺬي ﻳﺤﻤــﻞ اﻻﺳــﻢ اﻟﺠﻐـﺮاﰲ ﻣﻮروﻧــﺎ ،وﰲ ﻇــﻞ اﻟﻈــﺮوف
اﳌﻴﻨﺎﺋﻴــﺔ واﻷﻣﻨﻴــﺔ اﻟﺠﻴــﺪة اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﺘﻤﺘــﻊ ﺑﻬــﺎ اﳌﻨﻄﻘــﺔ ﺷــﻜﻠﺖ ﻫــﺬه اﻟﺒﻘﻌــﺔ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻘﻨــﺎة ﻣﻮﻃ ًﻨــﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻤـ ًـﻼ ﻟﻺﻧﺴــﺎن ،وﰲ ﺑﺪاﻳــﺔ اﻟﻘــﺮن اﻟﺮاﺑــﻊ ﻋــﴩ أﻧﺸــﺄ ﻣﻠــﻚ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ ﻋﺎﺻﻤﺘــﻪ ﻫﻨــﺎك
ﻋــﲆ اﻟــﱪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴــﴘ ﺑﻌــﺪ أﺿﻔــﺖ اﻟﻈــﺮوف اﻟﺪﻓﺎﻋﻴــﺔ واﻟﺤﴬﻳــﺔ واﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳــﺔ اﻻﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻄﻘــﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺎ متﻴﺰﻫــﺎ ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺤــﺖ ﻣﺮﻛـ ًﺰا ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻄﻘــﺔ ﻣــﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻬــﺎ.
مل ﺗﻜــﻦ ﺟﺰﻳــﺮة ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺠــﺰر اﳌﻨﺘﺠــﺔ ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﺒــري ﻓــام ﻛﺎن ﻳﺨــﺮج ﻣﻨﻬــﺎ ﺳــﻮى ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﺔ ﺿﺌﻴﻠــﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﳌﻠــﺢ اﻟﺼﺨــﺮي وأﻛﺴــﻴﺪ اﻟﺤﺪﻳــﺪ واﻟﻜﱪﻳــﺖ واﻟﻠﺆﻟــﺆ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌــﻲ وﻛﺎﻧــﺖ
درﺟــﺔ اﻟﺤـﺮارة ﻋــﲆ أراﺿﻴﻬــﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻄــﺎق إﻻ أن ﻗﻮﺗﻬــﺎ اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴــﺔ ﻗــﺪ ﺷــﻜﻠﺖ ﺗﻄــﻮرا ً اﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺎً وﺗﺄﻛﻴــﺪا ً ﻋــﲆ أﻧﻬــﺎ اﳌﺮﻛــﺰ اﻟﺘﺠــﺎري اﻷﻛــرث أﻫﻤﻴــﺔ ﻟﺘﺒــﺎدل اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋــﻊ ﺑــني اﻟــﴩق اﻷوﺳــﻂ
واﻟــﴩق ﺧﺎﺻــﺔ ﺟﻨــﻮب آﺳــﻴﺎ ،وﻗــﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻨــﺖ اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋــﻊ اﳌــﺎرة مبﻮاﻧــﺊ ﺟﻮﺟــﺎرات وﻣﺎﻻﺑــﺎر وﻓﻴﺠﺎﻳﺎﻧﺎﺟــﺎر )ﺟــﻮا وﻛﺎرﻧﺎﺗــﺎﻛﺎ( اﻟﻔﻮاﻛــﻪ اﳌﺠﻔﻔــﺔ )اﻟﺘﻤــﻮر واﳌــﺮىب( واﻷﺻﺒــﺎغ واﻟﺸــﺐ
واﻟﺼﻠــﺐ واﻟﻜﱪﻳــﺖ واﳌﻠــﺢ واﻟﻠﺆﻟــﺆ واﻟﺨﻴــﻮل اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﻟﻬــﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺘﻬــﺎ آﻧــﺬاك ،ﻛــام ﺗﻀﻤﻨــﺖ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋــﻊ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ -وﺑﻜﻤﻴــﺎت ﻛﺒــرية -اﻷﻋﺸــﺎب اﻟﻌﻄﺮﻳــﺔ واﻟﻄﺒﻴــﺔ واﻷﺣﺠــﺎر اﻟﻜﺮميــﺔ
واﳌﻨﺴــﻮﺟﺎت )اﻟﺤﺮﻳــﺮ واﻟﺴــﺠﺎد واﻟﺪﻳﺒــﺎج( واﻟﺴــﻠﻊ اﻟﻜامﻟﻴــﺔ ﻣﺜــﻞ اﳌﺠﻮﻫـﺮات واﻷﺳــﻠﺤﺔ ،وﻋــﲆ اﻟﺠﺎﻧــﺐ اﻵﺧــﺮ ﺗــﻢ ﺗــﺪاول اﳌﻨﺘﺠــﺎت اﻟﻘﻄﻨﻴــﺔ واﻟﺰﺑــﺪة ﻣــﻦ ﺑــﻼد اﻟﺴــﻨﺪ وﻣﺎﻧﺠﺎﻟــﻮر
واﻟﺴــﻜﺮ واﻟﺤﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ ﻓﻴﺠﺎﻳﺎﻧﺎﺟــﺎر واﻷرز واﻟﺘﻮاﺑــﻞ ﻣــﻦ ﻛﺎرﻧﺎﺗــﺎﻛﺎ وﻣﺎﻻﺑــﺎر وﺣﺘــﻰ اﻟﺨــﺰف اﻟﺼﻴﻨــﻲ ،وﻫــﺬا ﻗــﺪ ﻳﻔــﴪ ﺳــﺒﺐ اﻋﺘﺒــﺎر ﻣﻀﻴــﻖ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ ﰲ اﻟﻐــﺮب ﺑﺪاﻳــﺔ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺟــﺰر
اﻟﻬﻨــﺪ وﻟﻴــﺲ ﺑﻮاﺑــﺔ ﺑــﻼد ﻓــﺎرس ﻓﺤﺴــﺐ ،وﻣــﻦ اﻟﺠﺪﻳــﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛــﺮ أن اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎﱄ ﻗــﺪ ﻓــﺮض زﺧــﺎرف وﺳــﻠﻊ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪة ﻋــﲆ اﻷﺳــﻮاق واﻷذواق وﻛﺎن ﻣﻨﻬــﺎ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻷﺷــﻜﺎل اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ
ﻣــﻦ اﳌﻨﺴــﻮﺟﺎت ﻛــام أن اﻟﺒــﻼط اﻟﻔــﺎرﳼ ﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴــﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺴــﺔ ﻣﻮﻧﻴــﻜﺎ ﰲ ﺟــﻮا ﺗــﻢ ﺻﻨﻌــﻪ ﻫﻨــﺎك.
وﻟﻘــﺪ ذﻛــﺮ اﻟﻜﺜــري ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺮﺣﺎﻟــﺔ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﳌﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺗﻬــﻢ وﺗﺪوﻳﻨﺎﺗﻬــﻢ ﻓﻜﺘﺒــﻮا ﻋــﻦ اﻟــﱪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴــﴘ اﳌﺘــﻼﳾ ﻟﻬﺮﻣــﺰ ﺛــﻢ ﻛﺘﺒــﻮا ﻋــﻦ ﺟﺰﻳــﺮة ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ ،ﻛــام وﺻــﻒ ﻫــﺆﻻء اﻟﺮﺣﺎﻟــﺔ
ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﻣﻬﻴﺒــﺔ وﻏﻨﻴــﺔ ﻣﱰاﻣﻴــﺔ اﻷﻃـﺮاف وﻫــﺬا ﻣــﺎ ﺳــﺎﻧﺪﺗﻪ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ رﺳــﻮﻣﺎت وﻣﺨﻄﻄــﺎت ﺟﺎﺳــﱪ ﻛﻮرﻳــﺎ واﻟﺘــﻲ أﻇﻬــﺮت اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﰲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻏﺎﻣــﺾ وﻣﺘﺪاﺧــﻞ ﻋــﺎم ) 1515ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﻬــﺎ(
واﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳــﻼت اﻟﻼﺣﻘــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ أدﺧﻠﻬــﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺎ ،ﻛــام ذﻛــﺮ اﻟﺮﺣﺎﻟــﺔ ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﻛﻮزﻣﻮﺑﻮﻟﻴﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺔ ﻛﺎن ﻳﺴــﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﻳﺼــﻞ إﱃ 50000ﻧﺴــﻤﺔ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌــﺎت ودﻳﺎﻧــﺎت وﺛﻘﺎﻓــﺎت ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋــﺔ.
وﰲ ﻋــﺎم 1582ﻟﺨــﺺ اﻟﻜﺘــﺎب »اﳌــﺪن واﻟﺤﺼــﻮن« واﻟــﺬي ﻻ ﻧﻌﻠــﻢ ﻣﺼــﺪره ﺗﻠــﻚ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣــﺎت ﰲ ﺳــﻄﻮره ﺣــني أﺷــﺎر إﱃ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ ﻋــﲆ أﻧﻬﺎ«اﳌﺮﻛــﺰ اﻟﺘﺠــﺎري اﻟﻌﺎﳌــﻲ اﻷﻛــرث ﺷــﻬﺮة
واﻷﻛــرث ﺗﻮﺳـ ًﻌﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻌــﺎمل ﺣﻴــﺚ ﺗﺘﺪاﺧــﻞ ﺗﺠــﺎرات اﻟــﴩق واﻟﻐــﺮب ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻓــﺲ ﻣﺤﺘــﺪم« ﻛــام أﺿــﺎف اﻟﻜﺘــﺎب ﻣﺸـ ًريا ﻟﻬــﺎ ﺑﺄﻧﻬــﺎ »أﻛــرث اﻟﺤﺼــﻮن اﳌﻬﻤــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ميﺘﻠﻜﻬــﺎ ﻣﻠــﻮك اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎل
ﰲ أﺟـﺰاء ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻬﻨــﺪ« ،وﰲ ﻋــﺎم 1498وﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﻓﺘﺤــﺖ اﻷﺳــﺎﻃﻴﻞ اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻛﻴــﺐ روت وﻗﻔــﺖ ﺟﺰﻳــﺮة ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ ﻟﺘﻘــﺪم دﻟﻴـ ًـﻼ داﻣ ًﻐــﺎ ﻋــﲆ أن اﻟﺘﺠــﺎرة ﻫــﻲ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ رﺋﻴــﴘ ﰲ
ﺗﺤﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻮى اﻟﻌﻤـﺮان واﻟﺤﻀــﺎرة.
ﴎﻋــﺎن ﻣــﺎ ﻻﺣــﻆ ﻣﻠــﻮك وﺣــﻜﺎم اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎل أن ﻓــﺮض ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺘﻬــﻢ ﻋــﲆ ﻃــﺮق اﻟﺘﺠــﺎرة ﻋــﱪ اﳌﺤﻴــﻂ اﻟﻬﻨــﺪي -ﻣــام ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻣﻌــﻪ اﻟﺴــﻴﻄﺮة ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺒﺤــﺮ اﻷﺣﻤــﺮ وﻃــﺮق اﻟﺨﻠﻴــﺞ -ﻣــﻦ ﺷــﺄﻧﻪ
أن ﻳــﺪر ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﻢ أرﺑﺎ ًﺣــﺎ وﻣﻨﺎﻓ ًﻌــﺎ أﻛــﱪ ﻣــﻦ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳﺠﻨﻮﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺘﺠــﺎرة ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻬﻨــﺪ ﻋــﱪ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻛﻴــﺐ روت ،وﻻﺣﻈــﻮا أﻳﻀً ــﺎ أن ﻫــﺬا ﻣــﻦ ﺷــﺄﻧﻪ أن ﻳﺴــﻤﺢ ﻟﻬــﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺟﻴــﻪ ﺗﻠــﻚ
اﻟﻄــﺮق اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻄــﺔ إﱃ اﻟﺒﺤــﺮ اﻷﺑﻴــﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻟﺘﻜــﻮن ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬــﺎ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬــﻢ اﻟﺒﺤــﺮي ،ﻛــام أدرﻛــﻮا أﻧﻬــﻢ ﻻ ميﻠﻜــﻮن ﻣــﺎ ﻳﻜﻔــﻲ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻘــﻮات ﻻﺣﺘــﻜﺎر ﺗﻠــﻚ اﳌﻨﻄﻘــﺔ ﻟﻜﻨﻬــﻢ ﻗــﺪ
ﻳﻔﺮﺿــﻮا ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺎ اﻟﴬاﺋــﺐ إذا ﻣــﺎ متﻜﻨــﻮا ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺴــﻴﻄﺮة ﻋــﲆ ﻣﻮاﻧﺌﻬــﺎ ،وﻗــﺪ ﻋــﻮض اﻟﻨﺠــﺎح اﻟــﺬي ﺣﻘﻘــﻮه ﰲ اﻟﺨﻠﻴــﺞ اﻟــﺬي ﻛﺎن ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ ﻋــﲆ رأس ﻣﻮاﻧﺌــﻪ ﻓﺸــﻠﻬﻢ ﰲ اﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨــﺔ ﻋــﲆ
اﻟﺒﺤــﺮ اﻷﺣﻤــﺮ ،وﻣــﻦ اﻟﺠﺪﻳــﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛــﺮ أن ﺑﻴــريو دا ﻛﻮﻓﻴﻠﻬــﺎ ﻛﺎن ﰲ رﺣﻠــﺔ ﺗﺠﺴــﺲ ﺑﺮﻳــﺔ ﻣﺘﺰاﻣﻨــﺔ ﻣــﻊ اﻛﺘﺸــﺎف ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻛﻴــﺐ روت وأﺑﻠــﻎ ﻋــﻦ ذﻟــﻚ اﻻﻛﺘﺸــﺎف ،وﻗــﺪ ﻛﺎن اﻟﺘﻮاﺟــﺪ
اﳌﻨﺘﻈــﻢ ﻟﻸﺳــﺎﻃﻴﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻴــﻖ ﺑــﺎب اﳌﻨــﺪب )ﺑﻮاﺑــﺔ اﻟﺒﺤــﺮ اﻷﺣﻤــﺮ( واﻟﴬاﺋــﺐ اﻟﺒﺎﻫﻈــﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﻧــﺊ اﻟﺴــﻔﻦ اﻟﻘﺎدﻣــﺔ ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻨــﺎك أو اﻟﺘــﻲ ذﻫﺒــﺖ إﱃ ﻫﻨــﺎك أﻓﻀــﻞ ﺟﻬــﺪ ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﰲ
ﻣﺤﺎوﻟــﺔ ﺗﻮﺟﻴــﻪ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﺘﺠــﺎرة ﻧﺤــﻮ اﻟﺨﻠﻴــﺞ.
ﺳــﻌﻰ أﻓﻮﻧﺴــﻮ دي أﻟﺒﻮﻛــريك ) (1515-1453ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺑﺪاﻳــﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺘــﻪ اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻠــﺔ واﻷﺧــرية ﰲ اﳌﺤﻴــﻂ اﻟﻬﻨــﺪي إﱃ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﺦ اﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨــﺔ اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺒﺤــﺮ اﻷﺣﻤــﺮ واﻟﺨﻠﻴــﺞ وذﻟــﻚ ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل
اﺗﺒﺎﻋــﻪ اﺳـﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ وﺿﻌﺘﻬــﺎ اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﻟﺸــﺒﻮﻧﺔ ،وﻛﺎن ﻣــﻦ ﺑــني اﻹﺟـﺮاءات اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ اﺗﺒﻌﻬــﺎ دي أﻟﺒﻮﻛــريك ﰲ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﺼــﺪد أﻧــﻪ وﰲ ﺳــﺒﺘﻤﱪ 1507اﺳــﺘﻮﱃ ﻋــﲆ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ
ﻟﻜﻨــﻪ اﺿﻄــﺮ ﻟﻠﺘﺨــﲇ ﻋﻨﻬــﺎ ﰲ ﺷــﻬﺮ أﺑﺮﻳــﻞ اﻟﻼﺣــﻖ ،ﺛــﻢ ﻋــﺎد ﻓﻘــﻂ ﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺗــﻪ وﻓــﱰة وﻻﻳﺘــﻪ ﻛﺤﺎﻛــﻢ ﻟﻠﻬﻨــﺪ اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ) (1515-1509ﻟﺘﺄﺳــﻴﺲ ﺳــﻠﻄﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺎ ،ومل ﺗﻜــﻦ ﺗﻠــﻚ
اﻟﺴــﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﻘــﺔ ﻷن اﻟﺤﻜــﻢ ﻫﻨــﺎك ﻇــﻞ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺳــﻴﺎدة اﳌﻠــﻚ اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎﱄ ،ومبﻮ ِﺟــﺐ ﻫــﺬه اﻟﺤامﻳــﺔ ﻗﺎﻣــﺖ اﳌﺆﺳﺴــﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤــﺔ اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ -ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻣـ ًﺔ ﺑﺒﻌــﺾ اﳌﻮاﻧــﺊ اﻷﺧــﺮى
اﻟﻮاﻗﻌــﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﺔ اﻟﺨﻠﻴــﺞ -ﺑﺘﺘﻮﻳــﺞ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻻﺳـﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ اﺗﺒﻌﻬــﺎ أﻟﺒﻮﻛــريك وذﻟــﻚ ﺑﻐــﺰو اﻟﻨﻘــﺎط اﻟﺤﺎﺳــﻤﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ متــﺮ ﺑﻬــﺎ ﺗﺠــﺎرة اﳌﺤﻴــﻂ اﻟﻬﻨــﺪي واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﻬــﺎ اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻠــﺔ
ﻫــﻲ ﻣﻠﻘــﺎ )ﻣﺎﻻﻳــﺎ (111 ،وﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﺟــﻮا )اﻟﻬﻨــﺪ (1510 ،ﻣﺮﻛـ ًﺰا ﻟﻬــﺎ.
وﰲ ﻋــﺎم 1622و ﰲ ذروة اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﺘﺎﺟــني اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎﱄ واﻹﺳــﺒﺎين ﻗــﺎم ﺗﺤﺎﻟــﻒ ﺑــني ﻋﺒــﺎس اﻷول ﻣﻠــﻚ ﺑــﻼد ﻓــﺎرس وﴍﻛــﺔ اﻟﻬﻨــﺪ اﻟﴩﻗﻴــﺔ اﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴــﺔ ووﺿــﻊ ﺣــﺪا ً ﻟﺘﻠــﻚ اﻟﺤامﻳــﺔ ،ﻓﺒﺠﺎﻧــﺐ
اﻟــﺪور اﻟــﺬي ﻟﻌﺒﺘــﻪ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ ﻛﺴــﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗــﺎت اﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳــﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻤﻘــﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳــﺔ ﻣــﻊ ﺑــﻼد ﻓــﺎرس ﻓﻘــﺪ ﺷــﻜﻠﺖ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ -ﺣﺘــﻰ ذﻟــﻚ اﻟﺤــني وإﱃ ﺣــﺪ ﺑﻌﻴــﺪ -اﳌﺮﻛــﺰ اﻷﻛــرث رﺑﺤﻴــﺔ
ﰲ اﻹﻣﱪاﻃﻮرﻳــﺔ ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻬــﺎ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﰲ ﻇــﻞ ﺗﺮاﺟــﻊ أرﺻــﺪة رﺳــﻮﻣﻬﺎ اﻟﺠﻤﺮﻛﻴــﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﻘــﻮد اﻷﺧــرية ) 95٪ﻣــﻦ 1605إﱃ ،(1618وﻗــﺪ ﻧﺠــﻢ ﻫــﺬا اﻻﻧﺨﻔــﺎض ﰲ اﻟﺮﺑﺤﻴــﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﺔ اﻟﺘﻬﺮﻳــﺐ
واﻟﻔﺴــﺎد ومل ﻳﻜــﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﺔ ﻻﻧﺨﻔــﺎض اﻟﺘﺠــﺎرة ،إﻻ أﻧــﻪ ﺑﻨﻬﺎﻳــﺔ اﻟﺤﻜــﻢ اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎﱄ ﺗﻼﺷــﺖ اﻷﻫﻤﻴــﺔ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳــﺔ ﻟﻬﺮﻣــﺰ ﺣــني ﻧﻘــﻞ اﳌﻠــﻚ اﻟﻔــﺎرﳼ وﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬــﺎ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳــﺔ إﱃ ﺑﻨــﺪر ﻋﺒــﺎس )أو
ﻛﻮﻣــﺎراو ﻛــام ﻛﺎن ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻬــﺎ اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــﻮن( ﰲ اﻟــﱪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴــﴘ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺎن ذﻟــﻚ ﺑﺘﺄﺛــري ﻣــﻦ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴــﺰ اﻟﺬﻳــﻦ أﺳﺴــﻮا ﻣﺮﻛـ ًﺰا ﺗﺠﺎرﻳًــﺎ ﻟﻬــﻢ ﻫﻨــﺎك وﻗــﺪ أدى ﻫــﺬا إﱃ ﺗﺠﻤــﺪ وﺗــﻼﳾ ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ
اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻌــﺪ اﻟﻴــﻮم ﻧــﻮاة ﺣﴬﻳــﺔ ﺳــﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻓــﻼ ﻧﺠــﺪ ﻓﻴﻬــﺎ ﺳــﻮى أﻧﻘــﺎض اﻟﻘﻠﻌــﺔ اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴــﺔ وﻫــﻲ ﺗﺴــﺘﺤﴬ ذﻟــﻚ اﳌــﺎﴈ.
ﻋــﻼوة ﻋــﲆ وﺻــﻒ اﻟﺮﺣﺎﻟــﺔ واﳌﺴــﺎﻓﺮﻳﻦ -ﻛــام أﴍﻧــﺎ -ﻟﻬﺮﻣــﺰ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺗﻬــﻢ وﺗﺪوﻳﻨﺎﺗﻬــﻢ ﻓﻘــﺪ ﻛﺎن ﻟﻬﺮﻣــﺰ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻬــﺎ اﻟﻜﺒــري ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋــﻖ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻨﺎوﻟــﺖ اﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎت اﻷﻛــرث ﺗﻨﻮ ًﻋــﺎ
ﺣــﻮل اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد اﻟﱪﺗﻐــﺎﱄ ﻧﺎﻫﻴﻜــﻢ ﻋــﻦ اﻟﺮواﻳــﺎت اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻨﺎوﻟــﺖ ﻓـﱰات ﻣﻌﻴﻨــﺔ ﻣــﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻬــﺎ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﺘــﻲ أدرﺟﻬــﺎ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﺎر ﻛﻮرﻳــﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺘــﻪ ﻟﻴﻨــﺪاس دا أوﻧﺪﻳــﺎ أو أﺳــﺎﻃري اﻟﻬﻨــﺪ
ﺧﺎﺻــﺎ وذﻟــﻚ ﻟﺘﻨــﻮع ﻛﻞ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴــﺎت
واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛُﺘﺒــﺖ ﺑﻌــﺪ ذﻟــﻚ ﺑﻌﻘــﻮد ،وﻟﻬﺮﻣــﺰ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﻧﺼﻴ ًﺒــﺎ ﻣــﻦ اﳌــﻮاد ذات اﻟﺼﻠــﺔ مبﺠــﺎل رﺳــﻢ اﻟﺨﺮاﺋــﻂ ورﺳــﻢ اﻷﻳﻘﻮﻧــﺎت واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﺴــﺘﺪﻋﻲ ﺗﻨـ ً
ـﺎوﻻ ً
اﻟﺘــﻲ اﺳــﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻌﻬــﺎ واﻟﺪواﻓــﻊ وراء ﺻﻨﻌﻬــﺎ ﻓﻔــﻲ ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻟﺤــﺎﻻت ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻷﻋــامل ﻣﺒﻨﻴــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﺗﺠــﺎرب ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳــﺔ مل ﻳــﺰر أﺻﺤﺎﺑﻬــﺎ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻷﻣﺎﻛــﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌــﻞ ،وﻳﺘﻀﻤــﻦ ﻫــﺬا
35
ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ
ﻣﻦ اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎل إﱃ أرض اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ رﺣﻼت ووﺟﻬﺎت
12
][1–15
»اﳌﺮور ﺑﺮأس اﻟﺮﺟﺎء اﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ واﻹﺑﺤﺎر ﻋﲆ ﻃﻮل اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻞ اﻟﻌﺮيب«:
اﻟﺼﻮرةاﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻄﻴﺔﻟﻠﺨﻠﻴﺞ
ﻛﺘﺎب ﻣﺎ رآه وﻣﺎﺳﻤﻌﻪ دواريت ﺑﺎرﺑﻮﺳﺎ ﰲ رﺣﻼﺗﻪ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﺔ
26
][16–30
43
][31–41
»ﻧ َُﺴ ّﻤـﻴﻬﺎ أراﺑﻴﺎ ﻓﻠﻴﻜﺲ«
ﺗﺼﻮرات ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ وأوﺻﺎﻓﻬﺎ
» اﳌﺪﺧﻞ إﱃ اﻟﺒﺤرية اﳌﻐﻠﻘﺔ«:
اﻟﻮﺟﻮد اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﱄ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ
»ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﻮاع اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺗﻨﺘﻘﻞ إﱃ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﺟﺰاء اﻟﻌﺎمل «:
ﺷﺒﻜﺎت اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ
اﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺎت اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ
47
][42–50
54
][51–64
68
][65–84
84
][85–93
9
اﻟﱪﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴﻮن ﻋﲆ أرض اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ
رﺣﻠﺔ ﻋﱪ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻘﻄﻊ
اﳌﻌﺮض اﻟﻔﻨﻲ
ﺳﻴﻘﺎم اﳌﻌﺮض اﻟﻔﻨﻲ ﰲ اﻟﻔﱰة ﻣﻦ
1إﱃ 12ﻧﻮﻓﻤﱪ 2023
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