Journal
of
Ecocriticism
5(2)
July
2013
The
Frosty
Winters
of
Ireland:
Poems
of
Climate
Crisis
1739-‐41
Lucy
Collins
(University
College
Dublin)1
Abstract
The
period
between
1450
and
1850
in
Europe
is
often
referred
to
as
the
‘Little
Ice
Age’
but
it
was
in
the
years
1739-‐1741
that
Ireland
experienced
some
of
the
most
severe
weather
conditions
ever
recorded
in
the
country.
The
Great
Frost,
as
it
later
became
known,
caused
unprecedented
disturbance
in
Ireland’s
ecology:
lakes
and
rivers
were
frozen,
potato
crops
and
grain
harvests
were
ruined,
and
livestock
and
humans
perished
from
hunger
and
disease.
This
devastation
of
the
natural
world
was
accompanied
by
upheaval
in
civic
life,
including
the
break-‐up
of
rural
communities
and
an
increase
in
crime
and
social
unrest.
Though
the
extraordinary
weather
witnessed
at
this
time
has
largely
been
forgotten,
it
calls
attention
to
the
impact
of
climatic
conditions
on
both
human
and
non-‐human
environments,
as
well
as
exploring
the
challenge
these
circumstances
presented
to
existing
human
perceptions
of
the
relationship
between
man
and
nature.
Many
of
the
poems
written
and
published
at
the
time
explore
this
unprecedented
experience,
some
drawing
on
the
conventions
of
poetic
representations
of
the
natural
world,
others
offering
innovative
expressions
of
diverse
conditions.
Using
the
work
of
well
known
figures
such
as
William
Dunkin
and
Laurence
Whyte,
as
well
as
hitherto
uncollected
texts
by
lesser-‐known
and
anonymous
writers,
this
essay
will
explore
the
poetic
mediation
of
this
important
environmental
event
and
consider
its
impact
on
our
understanding
of
the
natural
world
in
Ireland
in
this
period.
Climate
change
is
the
most
far-‐reaching
of
ecological
anxieties
and
the
most
significant
problem
for
the
twenty-‐first
century
and
beyond,
yet
its
literary
representation
presents
considerable
critical
challenges.
Though
the
weather
is
represented
frequently
throughout
the
history
of
written
literature,
it
is
rarely
a
particular
theme
or
central
concern
of
the
work.
Long
deemed
an
innocuous
conversational
topic,
talk
of
the
weather
often
specifically
expresses
avoidance
of
more
provocative
political
or
social
matters;
it
is
a
subject
of
universal
interest
that
yet
deserves
only
fleeting
attention.
Samuel
Johnson’s
wry
comment
captures
the
pointless
nature
of
this
talk
exactly:
“It
is
commonly
observed,
that
when
two
Englishmen
meet,
their
first
talk
is
of
the
weather;
they
are
in
haste
to
tell
each
other,
what
each
must
already
know,
that
it
is
hot
or
cold,
bright
or
cloudy,
windy
or
calm”
(n.p.).
In
keeping
with
its
persistent
yet
disparaged
conversational
presence,
the
weather’s
representation
in
literature
has
been
associated
with
human
action
1
Lucy
Collins,
(lucy.collins@ucd.ie)
Lucy
Collins
is
a
Lecturer
in
English
Literature
in
the
School
of
English,
Drama
and
Film
at
University
College
Dublin.
The
Frosty
Winters
of
Ireland
1
Journal
of
Ecocriticism
5(2)
July
2013
and
mood;
the
sensory
possibilities
it
offers
emphasize
localized
particularity,
rather
than
larger
philosophical
or
ethical
concerns.
It
may
be
the
experiential
dimension
of
weather
that
leads
to
its
rather
privatized
representation:
it
appears
in
the
more
immediate
forms
of
discourse—of
letters,
diaries
and
daily
reports—but
seldom
is
at
the
centre
of
significant
and
lasting
representation.1
Yet
weather
has
shaped
human
history
and
perception
in
significant
ways,
and
has
the
potential
to
draw
the
experiential
and
the
conceptual,
the
private
and
the
public,
into
complex
alignment.
The
Romantic
era
presents
a
dramatic
change
to
the
literary
representation
of
weather.
The
heightened
attention
to
interior
states
during
this
period
was
matched
by
an
increased
awareness
of
the
relationship
between
human
individuals
and
their
wider
environment.
The
representation
of
weather
was
capable
of
drawing
shared
experiences
and
private
moods
together,
and
later
novelists
would
use
its
potential
to
the
full:
the
Brontës,
Joseph
Conrad,
Charles
Dickens
and
George
Eliot
all
invoked
weather
conditions
to
intensify
the
reader’s
understanding
of
emotional
states
and
social
conditions
in
their
novels.2
In
poetry
too,
Romanticism
proved
an
important
turning
point
in
climate
representation;
from
Percy
Bysshe
Shelley’s
“Ode
to
the
West
Wind”
to
John
Keats’s
“The
Eve
of
St
Agnes,”
natural
forces
could
be
made
expressive
of
the
political
dynamics
of
the
day.
Yet
Jonathan
Bate
has
argued
convincingly
for
the
documentary
significance
of
weather
events
in
this
work,
as
well
as
its
metaphorical
power.3
This
highlights
the
importance
of
weather
as
a
subject
for
sustained
representation
in
the
poetry,
not
merely
as
a
literary
trope
or
an
expression
of
human
emotions
and
concerns.
It
marked
a
new
understanding
of
the
important
reciprocal
relationship
between
man
and
nature.
The
desire
to
free
natural
images
from
the
weight
of
classical
allusions
and
to
represent
them
directly
would
be
among
the
most
revolutionary
aspects
of
Romantic
poetry,
but
earlier
poets
also
grappled
with
these
aesthetic
possibilities.
Fluctuating
weather
was
a
feature
of
almost
all
eighteenth-‐century
topographical
poetry,4
but
for
many
of
the
most
prominent
poets,
such
as
John
Denham
(1615-‐1669)
and
James
Thomson
(1700-‐1748),
the
weather
was
not
felt
but
instead
observed.
This
would
change
as
the
eighteenth
century
wore
on,
however,
and
labouring-‐class
writers
brought
the
experiential
aspects
of
the
natural
world
to
poetic
representation.5
While
all
three
poets
under
consideration
in
this
essay
are
formally
educated,
they
register
the
emotional
power
of
extreme
weather
and
the
new
aesthetic
possibilities
that
changing
literary
tastes
can
bring.6
The
experience
of
extreme
weather
conditions,
and
their
tragic
human
consequences,
confronts
these
poets
with
the
challenge
to
represent
the
facts
directly,
while
tradition
compels
them
not
to
abandon
the
status
of
familiar
poetic
modes.
This
creative
tension,
which
can
be
traced
throughout
the
texts
explored
here,
mirrors
the
larger
ethical
challenge
of
representing
traumatic
events
in
verse.
The
process
of
dwelling
on
the
earth
means
that
humans
must
attempt
to
understand
their
environment
in
the
fullest
sense—not
just
the
ground
under
their
feet
but
the
air
above
them.
This
is
a
relational
understanding
that
exists
not
on
one
plane
only,
but
in
three-‐dimensional
space,
and
as
such,
offers
challenges
to
the
reach
and
attentiveness
of
the
human
mind.
Though
we
draw
sustenance
from
the
earth,
the
air
above
shapes
our
relationship
with
it;
it
is
through
this
element
that
we
move,
and
by
it
that
we
live—drawing
from
it
the
oxygen
we
need
to
survive.
Tim
Ingold
pursues
this
idea
further:
he
argues
that
“a
living,
breathing
body
is
at
once
a
body-‐on-‐the-‐ground
and
a
body-‐in-‐the-‐air.
Earth
and
sky,
then,
are
not
components
of
an
external
environment...
[t]hey
are
rather
regions
of
the
body’s
very
existence,
without
which
no
knowing
or
remembering
would
be
possible
at
all”
(Ingold:
122).
This
internalization
of
weather,
and
its
impact
on
our
intellectual
and
emotional
functions,
specifically
calls
into
question
assumptions
concerning
weather’s
peripheral
importance
in
our
lives
and
in
our
cultural
representations.
Climate
has
a
crucial
impact
on
our
temperament;
yet
weather’s
natural
volatility
expresses
the
idea
of
change
and
may
be
the
cause
of
its
marginalization
within
the
discourses
of
cultural
exploration:
Everything
that
exists
and
that
might
form
the
object
of
our
perception
is
placed
upon
this
surface
[of
the
earth],
rather
as
properties
and
scenery
might
be
set
upon
the
stage
of
a
theatre.
Beneath
the
surface
lies
the
domain
of
formless
matter,
the
physical
stuff
of
the
The
Frosty
Winters
of
Ireland
2
Journal
of
Ecocriticism
5(2)
July
2013
world.
And
above
it
lies
the
domain
of
immaterial
form,
of
pure
ideas
or
concepts
(Ingold
3).
Ingold
himself
calls
air
“an
unthinkable
medium”
and
it
is
this
challenge
to
thought
and
representation
that
I
want
to
explore
in
this
essay.
Air
is
partly
unthinkable,
I
will
argue,
because
of
the
challenges
it
presents
to
human
perception
and
representation:
the
figure
in
the
landscape
is
constrained
by
the
limits
of
human
sight
and,
though
the
creative
artist
fuses
observation
and
imagination,
his
work
will
be
expressive
of
both
these
experiential
constraints
and
the
intellectual
limitations
of
the
day.
The
weather
exceeds
the
power
of
the
human
to
control
and
order
his
existence,
and
remains
among
the
phenomena
least
subject
to
developments
in
scientific
thinking.
Climate
conditions
can
destroy
individual
human
lives
and
histories,
indeed
all
the
marks
we
leave
upon
the
earth.
This
situation
makes
artistic
traces
tentative
and
provisional,
and
all
attempts
to
represent
climate
conditions
fraught
with
difficulty—as
Richard
Mabey
writes:
“the
weather,
in
our
culture
and
our
psychology,
is
intricately
linked
with
time,
and
especially
with
time’s
familiars,
memory
and
expectation”
(Mabey
15).
Weather
reveals
the
world
to
be
always
in
formation,
so
in
returning
to
a
period
on
the
cusp
of
scientific
discovery,
I
will
explore
the
fault-‐lines
between
superstitious
belief
and
rational
observation,
between
intellectual
and
emotional
response,
acknowledging
the
complexity
of
thinking
and
writing
on
the
relationship
between
weather
and
the
human
community.
The
climate
of
the
British
Isles
during
the
eighteenth
century
was
not
dissimilar
to
today’s
climate,
though
colder
winters
meant
average
temperatures
were
perhaps
a
degree
lower
than
they
are
now
(McWilliams
116).
In
spite
of
an
acknowledged
obsession
with
the
vagaries
of
the
weather,
Ireland
had
a
climate
conducive
to
strong
agricultural
production
with
relatively
high
rainfall
and
comparatively
little
variation
in
temperature.
Though
possessing
these
elements
of
stability,
the
weather
ultimately
failed
to
yield
to
any
reliable
investigation
of
its
processes,
a
feature
that
provoked
considerable
scrutiny
and
debate.
During
this
period,
responses
to
the
weather
can
be
loosely
divided
into
two
kinds:
the
first
a
superstitious
belief
in
the
wonders
and
horrors
of
nature;
the
second
an
understanding
of
the
weather
as
a
manifestation
of
divine
pleasure
or
retribution,
as
in
the
comment
by
this
anonymous
author:
“when
Natural
Agents
act
in
a
strange,
unusual
manner…
this
is
from
the
Lord”
(Golinski
20).
Some
natural
philosophers
who
recommended
careful
observation
as
a
prelude
to
better
understanding
of
the
weather
felt
that
such
observations
did
not
preclude
the
reiteration
of
long-‐held
folk
beliefs;
others,
such
as
Robert
Boyle,
were
in
favour
of
the
separation
of
scientific
and
popular
meteorologies,
“[i]t
being
much
more
commendable
for
a
man
to
preserve
the
history
of
his
own
time.
.
.
than
to
say
‘this
is
the
hottest,
or
this
is
the
coldest’”
(Boyle
642).
Accordingly,
the
weather
was
no
longer
regarded
as
being
made
up
of
discrete
and
incomprehensible
events,
but
was
instead
seen
as
a
continuous
process,
a
web
of
meanings;
it
was
this
understanding
that
would
shape
the
earliest
developments
of
meteorological
science.
Naturalists
such
as
Gilbert
White
were
hopeful
that
their
activities
would
relegate
superstitious
thought
in
favour
of
reason:
these
records
were
judged
to
have
an
intellectual
respectability
very
different
from
their
folk
counterpart,
but
were
not
aloof
from
providential
effects.
The
process
of
gathering
observations
was
designed
to
uncover
the
laws
of
nature,
which
were
not
distinct
from
God’s
agency
but
rather
evidence
of
both
his
forethought
and
miraculous
actions.
Irishman
John
Rutty
was
particularly
critical
of
those
who
saw
the
weather
as
random
or
without
discernable
pattern.
According
to
him
“divine
Wisdom
and
Goodness”
could
be
detected
even
in
seemingly
irregular
events
(II:
280-‐1).7
In
theological
terms
it
marked
a
shift
in
emphasis
away
from
interpretation
of
the
sacred
text
and
towards
reason
as
a
pivotal
determinant
in
matters
of
theodicy
(Jankovic
57).
Yet
the
ways
in
which
the
weather
was
understood
were
closely
entwined
with
the
politics
of
the
day.
Between
the
late
seventeenth
and
early
eighteenth
century
religion
lay
at
the
heart
of
British
politics
and
the
representation
of
the
Great
Storm
of
1703
demonstrated
just
how
significantly
the
interpretation
of
natural
events
was
shaped
by
these
larger
preoccupations.
The
storm—which
caused
the
death
of
up
to
9000
people
and
enormous
destruction
of
property—was
judged
by
Queen
Anne
to
be
“a
token
of
divine
displeasure”
(Jankovic
61).
Yet
even
those
who
acknowledged
a
providential
basis
for
the
crisis,
showed
interest
in
the
more
rational
approaches
of
the
early
natural
philosophers:
most
famously,
author
Daniel
Defoe
advertised
for
accounts
of
the
storm,
a
decision
that
reflected
the
ideological
tensions
of
the
time
(Jankovic
62-‐3).
This
impulse
towards
gathering
individual
descriptions
of
natural
events
was
The
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2013
significant
in
its
emphasis
on
the
experiential
aspect
of
the
weather
and
its
endorsement
of
the
value
of
personal
testimony
in
the
form
of
precise
observation.
The
process
of
record
keeping
shaped
how
the
weather
was
perceived
in
a
number
of
ways.
As
well
as
emphasizing
cyclical
patterns,
it
stressed
the
importance
of
instruments
for
reading
the
weather
accurately,
and
of
long-‐term
strategies
for
recording
and
framing
these
findings.
In
this
way
it
suggested
that
instead
of
seeing
weather
as
an
unpredictable
phenomenon,
its
potential
for
continuity
and
regularity
should
be
acknowledged
(Reed
8).
Weather
narratives
thus
became
part
of
a
larger
scholarly
endeavour,
many
of
them
being
generated
by
provincial
gentry
and
clergymen
who
already
had
strong
antiquarian
interests
(Golinski
78).
Affinity
with
place
offered
legitimacy
to
these
investigations;
they
proceeded
on
a
firm
regional
basis,
seeking
to
differentiate
between
places
rather
than
to
affirm
similarities.
The
aim
of
Robert
Plot’s
Natural
Histories,
for
example,
was
to
compile
a
register
of
each
county’s
curiosities,
thus
positioning
the
local
as
a
crucial
part
of
any
larger
analysis
(Jankovic
86).
This
kind
of
focus
saw
a
widening
gap
between
material
generated
in
the
countryside
and
the
more
remote
speculations
of
a
metropolitan
sensibility.
The
immediacy
of
local
observation
also
emphasized
the
seasonal
dimension
of
many
of
the
findings—a
feature
to
which
the
Irish
meteorologist,
Richard
Kirwan,
was
especially
attentive
(Jankovic
131).
Even
when
this
was
the
case,
the
vagaries
of
climate
might
be
seen
as
incomprehensible
to
the
observer,
as
a
manifestation
not
only
of
the
whimsical
powers
of
fate,
but
of
perceptible
change
that
marked
the
smallness
of
human
understanding.
As
Jonathan
Bate
argues,
“[t]he
weather
is
the
primary
sign
of
the
inextricability
of
culture
and
nature”
(437)
and
all
its
representations
speak
of
social
and
intellectual
contexts
as
well
as
natural
ones.
For
those
poets
bearing
witness
to
the
extraordinary
spectacle
of
Ireland’s
Great
Frost,
feelings
of
wonder
and
awe
competed
with
the
need
to
bear
witness
to
the
trauma
of
ensuring
events
and
to
give
them
shape
and
meaning
for
readers.
In
poems
written
throughout
the
sixteenth
and
seventeenth
centuries
in
Ireland,
the
impact
of
weather
on
human
experience
can
easily
be
traced.
The
temperate
character
of
the
climate
in
this
archipelago
made
both
islands
less
susceptible
to
crises
brought
on
by
climatic
events
yet,
in
spite
of
this
fact,
there
were
moments
in
Ireland’s
history
when
extreme
weather
conditions
prevailed,
and
with
them
came
significant
acts
of
witness
and
records
of
human
trauma.
The
approaches
to
representing
this
natural
disaster
are
in
themselves
interesting:
letters
and
political
pamphlets
appeared
addressing
the
ensuing
hardship,
but
other
forms
of
representation
were
notably
scarce,
especially
visual
representations
both
of
the
freezing
conditions
and
their
social
repercussions.
Artists
resisted
depicting
distress
and
shame,
in
favour
of
forms
of
engagement
that
aimed
to
prompt
reflection
and
positive
action:
the
extremities
of
experience,
it
seems,
were
most
often
turned
to
practical
account.
There
are
poems,
both
in
Irish
and
English,
that
explore
this
unprecedented
experience
in
memorable
ways,
however,
some
drawing
on
the
conventions
of
poetic
representations
of
the
natural
world,
others
offering
innovative
expressions
of
diverse
conditions.
Primarily,
these
are
poems
of
witness,
concerned
with
the
important
responsibility
of
engaging
with
the
extremity
of
nature
and
contemplating
man’s
complex
relationship
with
his
environment.
Human
hardship
is
inextricably
linked
to
challenging
weather
conditions
and
it
was
in
the
years
1739-‐1741
that
Ireland
experienced
some
of
the
most
severe
weather
conditions
ever
recorded
in
the
country.
The
Great
Frost,
as
it
later
became
known,
caused
unprecedented
disturbance
in
Ireland’s
ecology:
lakes
and
rivers
were
frozen,
potato
crops
and
grain
harvests
ruined,
and
livestock
and
humans
perished
from
hunger
and
disease.
This
devastation
of
the
natural
world
was
accompanied
by
upheaval
in
civic
life,
including
the
break-‐up
of
rural
communities
and
an
increase
in
crime
and
social
unrest.
It
was
a
combination
of
circumstances
that
would,
to
a
large
extent,
be
repeated
in
the
Great
Famine
of
1845-‐9,
though
the
longer
duration
of
this
disaster—and
its
particular
demographic
implications—would
have
more
enduring
social
and
political
effects.
The
disease
that
caused
the
widespread
destruction
of
the
potato
crop
was
born
of
certain
climate
conditions,
but
its
effects
were
more
closely
linked
to
the
political
circumstances
governing
a
great
many
of
those
in
Ireland
who
were
dependent
on
the
smallholding
for
their
livelihoods.
The
Great
Famine
remains
Ireland’s
most
enduring
cultural
trauma.
By
contrast,
the
extraordinary
climatic
conditions
that
prevailed
in
Ireland
for
eighteenth
months
from
the
end
of
1739,
and
documented
in
David
Dickson’s
book
Arctic
Ireland
(1997),
have
largely
been
forgotten,
yet
these
events
call
apt
attention
to
the
impact
of
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Frosty
Winters
of
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4
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of
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July
2013
extreme
weather
on
both
human
and
non-‐human
environments,
as
well
to
the
challenge
these
circumstances
presented
to
existing
human
perceptions
of
the
relationship
between
man
and
nature.8
As
in
so
many
periods
of
complex
political
structures,
the
devastating
effect
of
the
Great
Frost
in
Ireland
was
shaped
in
no
small
measure
by
the
social
factors
exerting
influence
on
Irish
society
of
the
time.
Poverty
was
endemic
in
Ireland
with
the
control
of
its
resources
in
the
hands
of
a
small
minority;
few
of
the
country’s
major
exports—including
wool
products,
butter
and
salted
beef—were
ones
that
benefitted
the
smallholder
directly
(Dickson,
‘Famine’
22-‐3).
Ireland’s
uneven
development
economically
would
also
accentuate
the
hardship
experienced
in
some
areas
of
the
country,
especially
in
Munster
and
large
parts
of
Connaught,
to
the
extent
that
John
Post
argues
that
a
deficient
social
infrastructure,
and
the
resulting
over-‐
reliance
on
public
intervention
in
terms
of
crisis,
would
greatly
affect
the
mortality
rates
for
this
disaster
(300).
Philanthropy
relied
on
the
parish
as
the
unit
for
monitoring
and
alleviating
hardship;
in
the
cities
urban
councils
also
had
a
role
to
play
in
this
process.
Early
in
the
crisis,
though,
support
of
those
in
need
lacked
organizational
rigour
and
it
was
this
factor,
as
much
as
the
recurring
natural
disasters,
that
prolonged
the
hardship
of
so
many
communities.9
The
initial
response
of
many
to
the
freezing
temperatures
was
one
of
wonder
and
euphoria,
but
this
was
quickly
dispelled
as
the
true
human
cost
began
to
be
revealed.
The
loss
of
the
potato
crop
was
the
first
indicator
of
a
forthcoming
crisis
in
food
supply,
which
peaked
in
the
summer
of
1740
after
a
long
period
of
drought
(Dickson,
“Famine”
24).
It
was
in
late
Spring
of
this
year
that
the
first
food
riots
occurred,
reflecting
anger
at
continuing
exportation
of
grain
from
areas
of
serious
hardship
(Dickson,
Atlas
27).
With
the
onset,
as
early
as
October
1740,
of
another
winter
of
startlingly
low
temperatures,
it
became
clear
that
the
crisis
would
be
prolonged.
The
medical
effects
of
malnutrition
and
homelessness
began
to
be
felt
in
earnest
at
this
time
and
members
of
the
middle
and
upper
classes
fell
victim
to
diseases
carried
by
the
wandering
poor
(Dickson,
“Famine”
27).
Both
the
scale
and
the
longevity
of
the
crisis
were
extraordinary,
and
just
as
they
confounded
attempts
to
bring
both
social
and
medical
problems
under
control,
so
they
created
representational
challenges
for
those
who
wished
to
address
these
experiences
in
verse.
The
most
significant
texts
to
engage
with
the
events
explicitly
invoke
aesthetic
dilemmas,
as
well
as
revealing
the
artistic
reach
needed
to
confront
such
a
complex
set
of
circumstances.
In
his
own
career
William
Dunkin
(c.1709-‐1765)
exemplifies
this
complexity,
writing
“The
Frosty
Winters
of
Ireland”
(1742)
first
in
Latin
and
then
in
English.
Dunkin,
described
by
Jonathan
Swift
as
“a
Gentleman
of
much
Wit,
and
the
best
English
as
well
as
Latin
poet
in
this
Kingdom”
(Swift
V,
86)
was
educated
at
Trinity
College
Dublin,
and
the
author
of
a
range
of
original
and
witty
verse.
Though
as
a
younger
man
he
had
collaborated
in
the
production
of
scurrilous
verse
satires,
this
poem,
of
close
to
130
lines,
is
a
sombre
production.
It
represents
the
bitter
extremity
of
this
natural
disaster,
couching
it
initially
in
supernatural
terms:
instead
of
the
“Heaven”
of
fair
weather
and
“fields/A-‐float
with
golden
grain”
comes
from
Hell
the
vengeful
cold,
severe
enough
to
destroy
all
forms
of
life.
The
reason
for
this
devastation
is
debated
in
an
elegantly
wrought
but
syntactically
complex
set
of
digressions—“(whether
through
the
stroke/Of
chance,
or
fate
or
vengeful
Heaven,
(how
due/To
crimes
repeated…))”—that
unsurprisingly
lead
to
no
clear
resolution.
The
extent
to
which
these
events
exceed
human
understanding,
even
human
imagining,
is
an
important
shaping
force
on
this
lengthy
meditation,
as
though
attentive
description
itself
could
help
to
make
sense
of
these
events
for
poet
and
reader.
In
this
respect
we
may
situate
the
poem
on
the
cusp
between
wonder
and
reason,
where
the
extraordinary
spectacle
of
the
frozen
landscape
is
given
free
rein,
even
as
the
poet
speculates
as
to
its
cause.
If
much
of
the
wonder
was
removed
from
the
observation
of
the
natural
world
by
the
new
science,
there
remained
discrepancies
between
the
waning
appreciation
of
the
marvelous,
and
the
evidential
outcomes
of
scientific
investigation
(Daston
and
Park
329-‐330).
This
temporal
gap
is
even
more
pronounced
in
the
Irish
context,
where
scientific
thinking
took
longer
to
become
firmly
established.
It
is
fitting,
then,
that
this
poem
oscillates
between
a
desire
to
document
with
exactness,
and
a
willingness
to
indulge
in
speculation
as
to
the
cause
of
this
astonishing
event—a
speculation
in
which
religious
belief
maintains
a
strong
presence.
As
though
in
support
of
this
tension,
the
poem
interweaves
a
range
of
different
metaphorical
patterns
throughout
its
dense
texture.
Imagery
of
disease
gives
way
to
that
of
war:
precipitation
is
akin
to
enemy
fire,
but
with
greater
range
and
consequence.
Next
the
shock
The
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of
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5
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experienced
by
the
“frighted
globe”
is
linked
to
the
terrible
fact
of
original
sin
itself.
The
fate
of
the
entire
earth,
it
seems,
is
decided
by
these
inexplicable
events.
The
female
figure
as
bearer
of
tragedy
includes
the
“baneful
fury”
of
the
opening
stanza
and
now
Eve,
through
whom
sin
entered
the
world.
Some
of
the
most
memorable
description
in
this
poem
is
of
a
purely
sensory
kind,
as
the
poet
bears
witness
to
the
stilling
of
natural
energy,
the
power
sufficient
to
arrest
rivers
mid-‐flow:
“Beneath
the
glassy
gulph/Fishes
benumb’d,
and
lazy
sea-‐calves
freeze/In
crystal
coalition
with
the
deep”
(ll.
30-‐32).
The
beauty
of
this
description
does
not
lessen
the
horror
for
the
human
observer,
but
it
does
reinforce
the
interdependence
of
all
living
things.
Without
explicitly
naming
it,
Dunkin
explores
here
the
notion
of
the
ecosystem,
within
which
a
sudden
imbalance
can
have
stark
consequences.
Yet
he
also
recounts
with
accuracy
the
sequence
of
disasters
with
which
communities
were
confronted,
even
in
the
first
six
months
of
the
crisis:
first
the
frozen
rivers,
then
the
food
shortages,
later
the
death
of
horses
and
cattle
due
to
depleted
stocks
of
fodder
(Dickson,
Arctic
11-‐22).
“The
Frosty
Winters
of
Ireland”
enacts
the
importance
of
both
spatial
and
temporal
interconnection
as
it
describes
the
different
life
forms
affected
by
the
freezing
conditions,
beginning
with
water—the
first
element
to
suffer
radically
from
the
change
in
temperature—then
moving
to
the
earth.
Winter’s
“frigid
womb”
brings
forth
not
life,
but
the
deathliness
of
unproductive
seed;
even
brambles
and
briars
decay.
Vertumnus,
the
Roman
god
of
the
seasons,
of
change
and
of
plant
growth
is
confounded
by
the
destruction
of
trees,
flowering
shrubs
and
fruit.
The
age-‐old
understanding
of
natural
process
is
changed
irrevocably,
and
with
it
the
larger
philosophical
approaches
to
the
passage
of
time.
The
deathliness
of
this
extreme
cold
expresses
a
universe
resistant
to
man’s
attempts
at
order,
and
runs
counter
to
the
implementation
of
early
scientific
thinking.
This
is
a
poem
of
awe
and
horror,
rather
than
understanding
and
mastery,
and
its
lengthy
sentences
with
their
complex
clauses
show
language
at
full
stretch
to
accommodate
the
act
of
appalling
witness.
After
the
death
of
growing
things,
comes
that
of
birds,
a
feature
recorded
by
others
at
the
time,
including
this
anonymous
poet
in
Faulkner’s
Dublin
Journal—“No
lark
is
left
to
wake
the
morn,/Or
rouse
the
youth
with
early
horn;/The
blackbird’s
melody
is
o’er”
(Dickson,
Arctic
22).
Dunkin’s
treatment
of
this
makes
use
of
the
poetic
potential
of
the
bird
to
suggest
transcendence:
Those,
upward-‐soaring,
leave
Their
frozen
lives
beneath
the
stars:
but
these
With
eager
eyes
devour
the
luring
bait,
That
shines
beneath
the
icy
mirror
barr’d,
And
mocks
with
pure
deceit
their
empty
beaks
(ll.
65-‐9)
The
loss
of
their
beautiful
song
from
the
woodland
reinforces
the
aesthetic
response
to
these
conditions.
This
music
is
replaced
with
“loud-‐rending
storms”
that
bring
down
trees
and
wreck
ships
at
sea.
The
waves
become
“fluid
mountains”
and
the
stiffening
brine
and
continuous
snow
turns
land
and
sea
into
“one
vast,
hoar,
interminable
waste”.
Both
in
terms
of
space
and
time,
this
freezing
state
is
never-‐ending,
since
the
differentiation
possible
during
clement
weather
is
at
an
end.
It
is
a
condition
that
confounds
scientific
attentiveness
to
seasonal
change
and
rejects
with
it
the
easy
sense
of
hope
that
cyclical
duration
can
suggest.
The
poem
comes
full
circle;
the
swain
who
appeared
at
its
opening
dies,
as
his
wife
and
child
sit
in
freezing
silence:
the
woman
“[s]ooths
with
her
hand,
close
pressing
to
her
breast/The
tender
pledge
of
love,
her
infant
babe;/When
stupid,
motionless,
as
figur’d
stone,/She
stares:
the
faultring
accents,
on
her
tongue/Stiff,
into
silence
everlasting
freeze”
(ll.
125-‐129).
This
final
tableau
evokes
the
powerlessness
of
man
against
these
elements,
and
the
silencing
of
human
reason
and
explanation
in
the
face
of
such
terrible
The
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6
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power.
It
combines
the
emotional
impact
of
the
crafted
line—the
sibilance
of
“sooths…pressing…
breast…”
fading
into
“…silence”
—with
the
resonance
of
eyewitness
statement.10
That
the
poem
itself
should
move
towards
silence
after
its
attentive
act
of
witness
represents
a
significant
act
of
creative
yielding
in
the
face
of
the
unknown.
The
crisis
of
representation
that
William
Dunkin
faces
here
is
addressed
in
a
very
different
way
by
Thomas
Hallie
Delamayne
(1718-‐1773)
in
his
poem
“To
Francis
Bindon
Esq”.
Like
Dunkin,
Delamayne
was
educated
at
Trinity
College;
he
worked
for
some
years
as
a
barrister
in
Dublin,
before
moving
to
London.
This
text
was
inspired
by
the
portrait
Bindon
had
painted
of
Hugh
Boulter,
archbishop
of
Armagh,
a
work
that
depicted
him
dispensing
charity
to
the
needy.11
In
addressing
an
artist,
and
instructing
him
on
what
to
include
in
his
painting
(“O’er
the
froz’d
North,
I’d
stretch
a
sheet
of
snow”),
Delamayne
draws
attention
both
to
the
power
and
responsibility
of
representation,
and
claims
the
space
of
the
poem
as
one
in
which
detailed
events,
and
comments
on
their
political
and
social
circumstances,
can
find
expression.
His
solution
emphasizes
the
extremity
of
the
conditions
through
sound
and
visual
image—full
rhyme
in
couplets
together
with
assonance
and
alliteration
highlight
through
opposition
the
existential
emptiness
of
the
following
lines:
“No
native
green
should
chear,
no
berry
blow;/Depending
clouds
and
fogs
condens’d
should
lie/O’er
the
white
surface,
and
obscure
the
sky.”
The
starkness
of
the
scene
is
suggestive
too
of
the
impossibility
of
interpretation,
of
the
blank
canvas
and
whiteness
of
the
unprinted
page.
This
crisis
of
experience,
which
is
also
one
of
representation,
obliquely
addresses
the
trauma
of
these
years,
not
only
for
the
subjects
who
bore
the
greatest
suffering,
but
also
for
those
struggling
to
represent
these
events.
The
sensory
attentiveness
of
Delamayne’s
description
confirms
the
power
of
language
to
probe
the
crisis,
as
he
goes
on
to
depict
the
frozen
loughs
as
capable
of
bearing
the
weight
of
wagons
that
signal
attempts
to
continue
the
practices
of
trade
in
this
impossible
situation.
The
contained
couplet
offers
a
resonant
means
to
evoke
the
hopeless
immobility
of
the
populace
and
its
future
impact
on
economic
and
social
conditions:
“The
fountain-‐springs
now
stop’d,
which
us’d
to
fill/The
current
veins,
the
wheel
of
life
stands
still.”
Amidst
the
precision
of
this
verbal
depiction,
there
is
room
too
for
feeling;
metaphors
of
deathly
stillness
are
more
than
poetic
devices—they
become
direct
representations
of
the
finality
of
death
itself:
Lost
in
a
sleeting
mist,
the
Trav’ler’s
sense,
Mock’d
of
his
way,
should
stand
in
dead
suspence;
Bent
to
the
whirlwind’s
drift,
the
Hors’d-‐man
fast
So-‐journey
on,
life’s
stage
already
past.
The
woolly
Flock
plunge
in
the
treach’rous
snow;
The
bellowing
Ox
for
food
his
pastures
blow;
And
Man,
athirst,
scarce
lift
the
ax
to
cleave
A
moist
subsistence
from
the
hardened
wave.
Or
force
with
prongs
of
steel
the
marbled
ground,
In
search
of
roots,
and
ev’n
those
roots
unsound.
(ll.
31-‐40)
The
Frosty
Winters
of
Ireland
7
Journal
of
Ecocriticism
5(2)
July
2013
Seamlessly,
the
poem
moves
towards
famine—the
inevitable
outcome
of
this
crisis
of
hardship.
Both
Dunkin
and
Delamayne
personify
Famine
and
Disease
to
dramatize
their
gradual
and
shocking
effects
on
the
populace,
culminating
in
the
image
of
the
starving
infant,
for
whom
the
milk
of
the
sick
mother
becomes
a
kind
of
poison.
The
greater
social
implications
of
the
epidemic
begin
to
be
felt
in
the
poems
as
crowds
of
beggars
die
and
must
remain
unburied
because
the
ground
is
frozen
too
hard
to
admit
their
coffins.
These
images
are
suggestive
of
fundamental
social
breakdown
as
those
who
previously
took
responsibility
for
the
poor
are
now
themselves
reduced
by
circumstance.
It
is
a
situation
lamented
in
an
Irish
poem
from
the
time
by
Seán
Ó
Conaire:
“My
great
sorrow
is
that
the
nobles
of
the
Gael/Are
now
in
great
distress,/Because
all
their
means
of
livelihood/Have
been
destroyed
by
the
frost”
(McKay
43).12
The
trauma
in
Delamayne’s
poem
is
shaped
not
only
by
the
severity
of
experience
but
of
the
failure
of
social
structures
to
compensate
for
such
experience.
Depicting
the
burning
down
of
Richard
Wellesley’s
Dangan
Castle,
due
to
the
fact
there
was
no
water
to
quench
the
flames,
the
poet
again
uses
verifiable
facts
with
a
strong
metaphorical
power
for
the
reader:
where
even
the
greatest
citizens
are
defeated
by
nature
there
can
be
little
hope
of
order
and
prosperity.
In
ironic
juxtaposition,
Delamayne
follows
a
depiction
of
boats
marooned
in
a
frozen
sea
with
an
account
of
the
floods
that
overwhelmed
parts
of
Ireland
in
December
1740.
Water
inundates
the
poem—the
word
‘flood’
itself
appearing
in
three
consecutive
lines—while
animals
are
drowned
and
property
further
damaged
by
these
conditions.
Though
the
relationship
between
lengthy
frost
and
the
waters
caused
by
a
sudden
thaw
are
explicable,
the
impression
of
unending
crisis
is
hard
to
dispel
either
from
the
poem
or
from
commentators
at
the
time.
Laurence
Whyte
(c.1683-‐c.1753),
a
prolific
poet
of
the
early
18th
century,
was
concerned
with
the
effects
that
the
drastic
economic
changes
of
the
time
had
on
ordinary
people.
Two
of
his
poems
mark
an
important
intervention
in
the
debates
during
the
early
1740s
about
the
effects
of
Ireland’s
Great
Frost—
“Famine”
and
“Plenty”
—
“a
poem
on
the
sudden
fall
of
Corn
in
Dublin,
July
1741;
by
the
vast
importation
of
all
kinds
of
Foreign
Grain,
and
the
great
Prospect
of
a
plentiful
Harvest”.
“Famine:
A
Poem”
is
“inscrib’d
to
the
Right
Hon.
Samuel
Cook”
who
was
Lord
Mayor
of
Dublin
between
1740
and
1741.
Like
a
number
of
pamphlets
and
poems
of
the
time
it
addresses
the
scarcity
of
bread,
and
the
political
implications
of
this,
during
the
years
immediately
following
the
Great
Frost.
The
poem
begins
daringly,
by
addressing
the
question
of
poetic
intervention
itself:
in
contrast
to
the
visual
emphasis
of
Delamayne’s
poem,
here
it
is
the
rhetorical
accomplishment
that
first
strikes
the
reader:
How
many
bards
of
old
have
wrote
for
Bread?
When
pinch’d
with
Hunger,
what
fine
Things
they
said?
Whether
they
wrote
in
Parlour,
or
in
Garret,
Or
quench’d
their
Thirst
with
Water,
Ale
or
Claret,
Or
by
their
Stars
left
for
themselves
to
shift,
They
were
sometimes
caress’d
like
POPE,
or
SWIFT.
How
comes
it
now,
that
in
this
Year
of
Want,
When
Famine
reigns,
and
Bread
so
very
scant,
That
Wit,
and
Humour
rather
sink
than
rise,
And
seem
to
tally
with
the
Baker’s
Size.
(ll.
1-‐10)
The
Frosty
Winters
of
Ireland
8
Journal
of
Ecocriticism
5(2)
July
2013
This
reduction
in
the
size
of
the
loaf
was
a
common
preoccupation
at
the
time,
but
it
is
a
trope
pursued
by
Whyte
throughout
the
poem:
the
smaller
loaf,
the
watered-‐down
beer,
all
indicate
how
commerce
attempts
to
revive
itself
by
punishing
for
a
second
time
the
very
sector
of
society
most
depleted
by
famine
and
disease.
Yet
is
also
suggestive
of
a
mode
of
discourse
limited
in
its
powers
of
affect—one
that
cannot
‘rise’
to
the
occasion.
Adulterated
alcohol
lacks
the
capacity
to
lift
the
mood
of
the
drinker;
here
it
becomes
not
only
a
feature
of
difficult
economic
circumstances,
but
evidence
of
a
demoralised
people:
“No
Joke,
or
Fun,
no
Song
or
merry
Tale,/Goes
down
as
usual,
over
Irish
Ale;/While
Shoals
of
Beggars
crou’d
at
ev’ry
Door,/Who
cou’d
some
Months
before
relieve
the
Poor”.
Again
the
role
of
writing
in
social
commentary
is
contemplated,
and
those
poets
who
have
engaged
in
such
debates
directly
named:
Jonathan
Swift,
William
Dunkin
and
James
Sterling.
For
Whyte,
it
is
the
social
and
economic
effects
of
the
Great
Frost
that
are
the
chief
focus
of
the
poem;
only
later
does
he
turn
to
a
description
of
the
weather
itself.
In
this
he
reiterates
some
of
the
main
observations
of
other
poets—the
rarity
of
this
extreme
weather,
the
frozen
rivers
and
lakes
–
but
he
couches
this
frigidity
in
classical
terms:
The
Earth
lock’d
up
her
Treasures
under
Ground,
And
Dearth
began
to
spread
itself
around:
The
Horn
of
Plenty
flew
up
from
the
Earth,
And
left
behind
it
Poverty
and
Dearth,
With
Evils
equal
to
Pandora’s
Box,
Contagion,
Famine,
Death,
and
deadly
Shocks.
(ll.
49-‐54)
Yet
Whyte’s
concern—both
here
and
in
his
poem
‘Plenty’
from
the
same
year—remains
with
the
politics
of
surfeit
and
need.
In
ironic
mode
‘Plenty’
uses
similar
imagery
to
its
companion
poem:
“The
Earth
drives
up
her
Crops
of
Grass
and
Grain,/Bles’d
with
alternate
Sun-‐Shine,
and
with
Rain”,
going
on
to
use
Biblical,
rather
than
Classical,
references
to
ground
his
argument
more
securely
in
a
framework
of
moral
judgment.
These
poems
of
pronounced
political
engagement
affirm
the
importance
of
the
weather
to
the
present
and
future
of
all
human
beings,
regardless
of
nationality
or
station.
In
the
Irish
context,
where
agriculture
has
played
such
a
role
in
both
the
economy
and
social
development
of
the
country,
climate
is
an
especially
pivotal
dimension.
As
an
island
nation
Ireland’s
weather
is
subject
to
continuous
fluctuation,
though
rarely
to
climate
crisis,
yet
it
has
also
played
a
role
in
the
country’s
experience
of
war,
of
conquest
and
of
civil
unrest.
Constantly
changing
weather
is
a
marker
of
vulnerability
that
the
passage
to
modernity
cannot
quite
overcome.
Centuries
after
these
powerful
poems
were
written,
the
close
connections
between
the
weather
and
human
behaviour
continue
to
challenge
and
engage
us.
Endnotes
1.
The
most
famous
of
such
records
is
Gilbert
White’s
Natural
History
and
Antiquities
of
Selbourne,
first
published
in
1789.
For
discussion
of
an
earlier
weather
diary,
from
the
year
1703,
see
Jan
Golinski,
“‘Exquisite
Atmography:
Theories
of
the
World
and
Experiences
of
the
Weather
in
a
Diary
of
1703”,
The
British
Journal
for
the
History
of
The
Frosty
Winters
of
Ireland
9
Journal
of
Ecocriticism
5(2)
July
2013
Science,
34.2
(June
2001):
149-‐171.
John
Rutty’s
summary
of
the
weather
from
1716
to
1766
is
the
most
significant
Irish
record.
2.
The
differing
contexts
of
these
works
are
significant
in
shaping
the
representation
of
weather:
the
opening
pages
of
Bleak
House
exemplify
Dickens’s
use
of
weather
as
a
means
to
connect
particular
experiences
with
larger
human
states,
while
Conrad’s
maritime
fiction
highlights
the
variability
of
the
weather
as
a
key
determinant
of
narrative
development.
See
also
Anny
Sadrin,
“Time,
Tense,
Weather
in
Three
‘Flood
Novels’:
Bleak
House,
The
Mill
on
the
Floss,
To
the
Lighthouse”
The
Yearbook
of
English
Studies,
30
(2000):
96-‐105.
3.
See
Jonathan
Bate,
“Living
with
the
Weather.”
Studies
in
Romanticism.
Vol.
35
(Fall
1996):
431-‐447.
Visual
artists
in
the
Romantic
Period
also
engaged
in
the
representation
of
the
real—what
Constable
called
“the
natural
history...of
the
skies”.
See
Gillen
D’Arcy
Wood,
“Constable,
Clouds,
Climate
Change”
The
Wordsworth
Circle
38.1-‐2
(2007):
25-‐34.
4.
The
Gentleman’s
Magazine
was
founded
in
London
in
1731
and
ran
uninterrupted
for
almost
200
years.
The
introduction
to
its
database
of
poems
notes
the
following:
“One
has
only
to
notice
the
frequency
and
predictable
recurrence
of
poignant
seasonal
verses
to
realize
how
powerful
and
intimate
was
the
influence
of
weather
on
the
GM’s
contributors,
especially
those
who
lived
in
country
villages,
where
they
were
at
the
mercy
of
snow
and
sleet,
rain
and
cold.”
See
www.gmpoetrydatabase.org.
5.
Bridget
Keegan,
in
her
essay
“Snowstorms,
Shipwrecks,
and
Scorching
Heat:
The
Climates
of
Eighteenth-‐Century
Laboring-‐Class
Locodescriptive
Poetry”
argues
that
for
English
poets
such
as
John
Clare,
Mary
Collier,
Stephen
Duck
and
Mary
Leapor
the
weather
was
felt,
rather
than
observed,
highlighting
human
vulnerability
in
nature.
6.
The
poems
included
here,
together
with
the
biographical
details
of
their
authors,
are
printed
in
full
in
Andrew
Carpenter
and
Lucy
Collins
eds,
The
Irish
Poet
and
the
Natural
World:
An
Anthology
of
Verse
in
English
from
the
Tudors
to
the
Romantics,
due
for
publication
by
Cork
University
Press
in
2014.
7.
John
Rutty
(1697–1775)
was
a
physician
and
naturalist
who
spent
most
of
his
adult
life
serving
the
poor.
A
Dublin
Quaker,
he
was
the
author
of
numerous
texts
including
A
Methodical
Synopsis
of
the
Mineral
Waters
of
Ireland
(1757)
and
An
Essay
towards
the
Natural
History
of
the
County
of
Dublin
(1772).
8.
I
am
indebted
to
the
work
of
David
Dickson
both
for
its
delineation
of
the
various
stages
of
this
crisis,
and
for
its
exemplary
engagement
with
a
range
of
literary
resources.
9.
James
Kelly’s
recent
article,
“Coping
with
Crisis:
The
Response
to
the
Famine
of
1740-‐41”
explores
the
organizational
basis
for
dealing
with
this
disaster.
10.
The
observations
made
here
are
similar
to
those
published
in
pamphlet
form
in
1741:
“I
have
seen
the
aged
father
eating
grass
like
a
beast…
the
hungry
infant
sucking
at
the
breast
of
the
already
expired
parent”.
“Publicola.”
A
letter
from
a
country
gentleman
in
the
province
of
Munster
to
His
Grace
the
Lord
Primate
of
All
Ireland,
quoted
in
Drake
(103-‐4).
11.
Hugh
Boulter
(1672-‐1742)
was
the
most
prominent
churchman
to
become
involved
in
famine
relief
during
this
period.
Born
in
London,
he
was
controversially
offered
the
primacy
of
the
Church
of
Ireland
in
1724.
12.
Cormac
Ó
Gráda
and
Diarmaid
Ó
Muirithe
have
noted
the
scarcity
of
texts
in
Irish
relating
to
this
event,
even
though
this
was
the
language
of
most
of
the
victims.
They
published
five
Irish
language
poems
on
the
famine
of
1740-‐
41,
together
with
translations
and
commentary,
in
Eire-‐Ireland
45.3/4
(Fall/Winter
2010):
1-‐22.
Works
Cited
Bate,
Jonathan.
“Living
with
the
Weather.”
Studies
in
Romanticism.
Vol.
35
(Fall
1996):
431-‐447.
Print.
Boyle,
Robert.
“A
General
History
of
the
Air.”
The
Works
of
Robert
Boyle.
Vol.
12.
642.
Print.
D’Arcy
Wood,
Gillen.
“Constable,
Clouds,
Climate
Change”
The
Wordsworth
Circle
38.1-‐2
(2007):
25-‐34.
Daston,
Lorraine
and
Katharine
Park.
Wonders
and
the
Order
of
Nature
1150-‐1750.
New
York:
Zone
Books,
2001.
Print.
Delamayne,
Thomas
Hallie.
To
Francis
Bindon
Esq.,
on
a
picture
of
His
Grace
Dr
Hugh
Boulter,
Lord
Arch-‐Bishop
of
Armagh,
set
up
in
the
Work-‐house,
near
Dublin,
in
Commemoration
of
his
Charities
in
the
Years
1739-‐40
and
1740-‐
41.
London,
1747.
Print.
Dickson,
David.
Arctic
Ireland.
Belfast:
White
Row
Press,
1997.
Print.
-‐-‐-‐
.
“1740-‐41
Famine.”
The
Atlas
of
the
Great
Irish
Famine.
Cork:
Cork
University
Press,
2012.
23-‐27.
Print.
Drake,
Michael.
“The
Irish
Demographic
Crisis
of
1740-‐41.”
Historical
Studies
6
(1968).
Print.
Dunkin,
William.
“The
Frosty
Winters
of
Ireland
in
the
years
1739/40.”
Select
Poetical
Works.
2
vols.
Dublin,
1769-‐70.
Print.
Golinski,
Jan.
“‘Exquisite
Atmography:
Theories
of
the
World
and
Experiences
of
the
Weather
in
a
Diary
of
1703”,
The
British
Journal
for
the
History
of
Science,
34.2
(June
2001):
149-‐171.
-‐-‐-‐.
“Time,
Talk,
and
the
Weather
in
Eighteenth-‐Century
Britain.”
Weather,
Climate,
Culture.
Eds
Sarah
Strauss
and
Benjamin
S.
Orlove.
Oxford:
Berg
Publishers,
2003.
17-‐38.
Print.
Ingold,
Tim.
“Footprints
through
the
weather-‐world:
walking,
breathing,
knowing.”
Journal
of
the
Royal
Anthropological
Institute
(2010):
121-‐139.
Web.
21
Sept.
2012.
The
Frosty
Winters
of
Ireland
10
Journal
of
Ecocriticism
5(2)
July
2013
Jankovic,
Vladimir.
Reading
the
Skies:
A
Cultural
History
of
English
Weather
1650-‐1820.
Chicago:
University
of
Chicago
Press,
2001.
Print.
Johnson,
Samuel.
“Discourses
on
the
Weather.”
The
Idler.
No.
11
(June
24,
1758).
Web
12
Oct.
2012.
Keegan,
Bridget.
“Snowstorms,
Shipwrecks,
and
Scorching
Heat:
The
Climates
of
Eighteenth-‐Century
Laboring-‐Class
Locodescriptive
Poetry.”
Interdisciplinary
Studies
in
Literature
and
Environment,
10.1
(Winter
2003):
75-‐96.
Kelly,
James.
“Coping
with
Crisis:
The
Response
to
the
Famine
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