NARTAMONGÆ
2023
Vol. XVIII
DOI: 10.46698/VNC.2024.27.27.001
Agustí Alemany
Autonomous University of Barcelona
Barcelona, Spain
REMNANTS OF ALANIC RELIGION*
The goal of this paper is to gather evidence on the religious practices of the Alans,
disregarding possible connections with Scythian or Ossetian facts and parallels unless expressly
attested for the Alans by literary or material sources.
K e y w o r d s: Alanic religion, cult of the seven gods, sword cult, rhabdomancy, ancestors
cult, idolatry, Zoroastrianism, Trifunctionalism.
Originally a heterogeneous tribal confederation which emerged around a
Sarmatian core group in the Pontic-Caspian steppes, the Alans (< OIran. *aryāna“Aryan”), whose ethnicon soon became a general designation for late North
Iranian nomads, are attested for some fifteen centuries in a variety of literary
traditions scattered throughout Eurasia, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Yellow
Sea. Nevertheless, this broad spatial and temporal spectrum should not mislead
us, since most of what we know about their lifestyle and customs is uncertain
and subject to discussion, their religion being no exception to this rule. The
reasons are the scarcity of written sources and the difficulty of properly identifying
______________
I am grateful to Zarina Albegova, Irina Arzhantseva, Richard Foltz, Tamerlan Gabuev,
Heinrich Härke and Éric Pirart, who made useful contributions and corrections and provided me
with original photos; of course, I alone am responsible for every opinion or statement. This work
was first published in Hungarian as “Az alánok pogány vallásosságának emlékei [Remnants of
Alanic pagan religion]”, in Ádám Molnár & Edina Dallos (ed.) Istenek vándorútján: Vallások,
hiedelmek a Kárpát-medencében és az eurázsiai háttér [Migration of Gods: Religions in
Carpathia and their Eurasian Background]. Budapest: Molnár Kiadó, 2022 (publ. 2023),
p. 11–30. Abbreviations: D. = Digor; I. = Iron; Oss. = Ossetian (both dialects); Av. = Avestan;
Bactr. = Bactrian; Chor. = Chorasmian; Georg. = Georgian; Med. = Median; MP = Middle
Persian; OIran. = Old Iranian; OP = Old Persian; Sogd. = Sogdian.
*
37
Alanic archaeological sites before their sedentarization north of the Caucasus, a
shortcoming which has traditionally been solved by recurring to the much better
known cultures of their ancestors and heirs; but in the same way that facts of
Alanic religion can be compared to — and explained with the help of– their
Scythian and Ossetic parallels and counterparts, in my view it would be an
oversimplification to assume that the Alans shared every practice and belief of
these peoples if not explicitly stated by any written or material source. Besides,
due to the large time span covered, this lack of information probably hides a
complex reality with several different stages and developments, from the
nomadic environment of the first centuries to their settling on the slopes of the
Caucasus, often subject to mostly failed attempts of conversion to Christianity,
Islam or even Judaism.1 These remarks are important insofar as the last decades
have seen the rise of Scythian Neo-Paganism (Oss. Уацдин, Æцæг Дин “True/
Holy Religion”) among the Ossetes, also called Assianism (Oss. Æсс Дин “As/
Alan Religion”, Russ. Ассианство), associated to the Post-Soviet Alanic revival
and seeing an unbroken chain from Scythian traditions to the Weltanschauung of
the Nart sagas.2 However, if our knowledge were not so limited, we should at
least differentiate between the beliefs of the early Alans who migrated throughout
the steppes keeping close to their ancient customs –though often interacting with
other peoples — and of those who became sedentarized and came under the
influence of both the great religions and a not negligible Caucasian substratum.
In this sense, the pagan beliefs of present-day Ossetes — whether preserved or
artificially restored — are only the last stage of a millenary history, most of
which is probably lost for ever. That is why in these lines I will restrict myself to
a selection of realia of the Alanic Pre-Christian religion, since no systematic
exposition on the subject has survived excepting Ammian’s brief ethnographic
notes, commenting besides on some broadly accepted hypotheses, often more
based on intuitive insights than on direct evidence.3
1. Alleged traces of Zoroastrianism. Darius clearly states in his Bīsutūn
inscription that the Scythians (at least, those conquered by him) were unfaithful
On the Christianization of the Alans see [arzhantSeva I., 2002; Foltz R., 2019;
Kuznecov V. A., 2020]. References to Judaism (Benjamin of Tudela, Cambridge Document;
cf. [abaev V.I., 1949, 331–2; tuallagov A.A., 2020]) or Islam (Ibn Baṭṭūṭa) among the Alans
are scanty.
2
On Scythian Neo-Paganism see [Foltz R., 2020; 2022, 103–121]. I am grateful to the
author for having provided me with the proofs of his forthcoming book.
3
In this sense, I have tried to avoid presenting materials from Ossetian tradition as Alanic
religion if there was no direct evidence in other sources; for this — otherwise legitimate —
approach see [Salbiev T. K., 2017].
1
38
(OP arīkā) and Ahuramazdā was not worshipped by them.4 Even if eventual
conversions under the Achaemenid and Sasanian empires or at least a certain
influence in contact areas cannot be discarded, it seems that the religions of
Scythians, Sarmatians and Alans remained alien to Zoroastrianism.5 However, it
is worth mentioning that several passages in the Achaemenid royal inscriptions
mention the Sakā Haumavargā “Scythians laying hauma (instead of grass)
around (the sacred fire)”, the deified plant from which the Indo-Iranians produced
an intoxicating beverage (Av. Haoma-, Skt. Soma-).6 Besides, the word “sun” in
some East Iranian languages (like e.g. Khotan Saka urmaysde) is derived from
the name of the god Ahura- Mazdāh-, but this is not the case of Ossetic (cf. I.
хур, D. хор “sun” < OIran. *hwar-).7 Gershevitch supposed that “it would not be
surprising if the Alans had absorbed a few Zoroastrian notions”, like [1] the
Ossetian epithet of Christian saints Уац / Уас < OIran. *vāč- “word”, originally
in the meaning of “spirit” such as MPers. waxš,8 or [2] the name of the mythical
dreamland Курыс of Iron folklore, a meadow belonging to the dead, maybe
related to the mountain Kaoirisa- of Avestan tradition (Yt 19.6);9 however, these
conjectures were based on his assumption that the name of the Alans reflected
their connection with former inhabitants of Airiianəm Vaēǰō, the mythical
DB v 31-32 avai̯ Sakā arikā āha utā nai̯ Auramazdāšām ayadiya (cf. ed. [Schmitt R.,
1991, 48, 76]; on the meaning of OP arikā, [1991, 50] = commentary to DB i 22).
5
Thus [abaev V. I., 1990, 102].
6
DNa 25, XPh 26, A3Pb 14; restored in DSe 24; cf. Hdt. vii.64.2 Ἀμυργίους Σάκας;
cf. [Schmitt R., 2004, 63-64]: “laying hauma around” is an hypothesis by Karl Hoffmann, better
than the former “drinking hauma”.
7
[abaev V. I., 1990, 103; 1958–89, iv. 246–48 s.v. xur / xor; Bailey H. W., 1979, 40a s.v.
urmaysde].
8
[GerShevitch I., 1955; abaev V. I., 1958–89, iv.26–28 s.v. wac / wac, wacæ]; found in
names like I. Уастырджи, D. Уаскерги “St. George”, I. Уацилла (D. елиа) “St. Elias”, D. Уац
Никколæ “St. Nicholas”, I. Уас Тутыр, D. Уас Тотур “St. Theodor”, etc (but cf. the numerous
remarks of Benveniste [1959, 133–37]); maybe already in an amulet from Kuban with the Greek
legend ΘΕΩ ΟΥΑΤΑΦΑΡΝΩ “to the god Uatapharnos” (2nd-1st c. bc; cf. [miller V. F., 1891;
abaev V. I., 1958–89, iv.30-31 s.v. *Wacæfarnæ]).
9
[GerShevitch I., 1955, 486; miller V. F., 1881-87, ii. 271–2; abaev V. I., 1958–89,
i.612–13 s.v. k yrys]; in Digor its name is Бурку ([abaev V. I., 1958–89, i. 273 s.v. burku]), of
○
unknown origin; cf. MP kwdyl’s /Kōirās/, a mountain in Ērānwēz, often misread kwndl’s /
Kōndrās/ (GBd 9.3, 9.28; IBd 12.2, 12.25; ed. Anklesaria, Bombay 1908, p. 7911). Cf.
[kovaleWSkY M., 1893, 57] “a l’exemple des âmes défuntes, elles [= les âmes des vivants] sont
emportées, les unes sur des chevaux, les autres sur des bancs dans la prairie consacrée aux
trépassés et connue sous le nom de Kourisse”.
4
39
homeland of early Iranians mentioned in the Avesta.10 On the other side, fire
temples of late age (7th-9th c. ad) built according to the classical Zoroastrian
canons have been identified in Humara and Nižnyj Arhyz (Karačаevo-Čerkessija,
presumably former Western Alania) and have favoured the hypothesis that
Zoroastrianism was adopted as state religion by the Alans of that period,11 but in
my view, should their identification as fire temples be clearly proven, they would
more probably be the result of the sporadic activity of Zoroastrian (Sogdian?)
merchants in the Ciscaucasian Silk Road or émigrées fleeing from Islamic
expansion. All in all, in the present state of our knowledge no real piece of
evidence exists in favour of a Zoroastrian layer in the religion of the Alans.
2. Ardabda and the seven gods. According to the anonymous Periplus
Ponti Euxini (4th/6th c. ad), “now the city of Theodosia (present-day Feodosija) is
called Ardabda in Alanic or Tauric language, that is, having seven gods”.12 The
toponym Ardabda was explained by Abaev as from Alanic *ard “god” and *avda
“seven” (OIran. *r̥ta-hafta-),13 an etymology which recalls the seven Scythian
gods enumerated by Herodotus: Hestia ~ Tabiti, Zeus ~ Papaeus, Earth ~ Api,
Apollo ~ Goetosyrus, the Heavenly Aphrodite ~ Argimpasa, Heracles and, last
but not least, Ares, the only one for whom a cult is attested among the Alans (see
§ 3).14 A supernatural being I. æвдиу, D. æвдеу “demon, evil spirit” survives in
Ossetian, whose name has been interpreted as OIran. *hafta-dai̯ va- “seven
demons/gods”; in fact, a shrine of the seven gods (Авд Дзуары) was already
In this sense, as already pointed by Abaev [1990, 91], the Scythian-Alanic cult of the
seven gods (cf. § 2) has nothing to do with the seven Amǝṣ̌a- Spǝṇta- of Zoroastrianism. Оther
associations like those of Уастырджи ([cornillot F., 2002, 67–68]) or Сæуассæ / Сосæг
Æлдар ([guSalov V. M., 2005]) with Av. Sraoša- “Obedience” should be approched with the
greatest caution. Pirart [1995, 59 n. 5] explained the name of the Rhoxolāni “radiant Alans”
(cf. Av. raoxšna-, I. рухс, D. рохс “light”) as related to ritual practices (“ceux dont le culte est
purement diurne”); however, nothing but etymology allows to arrive at such a conclusion.
11
[KuznetSov V. A., 1996; rudnicKij R. R., 2001] (both status quaestionis). Let it be
noticed that the fire temple in Humara has also been explained as a Bulgarian temple of god
Tengri or as a sanctuary associated with agricultural cults. Besides, Zarina Albegova [personal
communication 14/12/2021] has made me note that recent research points to the fact that Humara
fortress was built after the Alans disappeared from the zone.
12
Periplus Ponti Euxini 51 (ed. [müller 1855–61, I.415]) νῦν δὲ λέγεται ἡ Θευδοσία τῇ
Ἀλανικῇ ἤτοι τῇ Ταυρικῇ διαλέκτῳ Ἀρδάβδα, τουτέστιν ἑπτάθεος; cf. [abaev V. I., 1990, 107–110].
13
[Аbaev V. I., 1949, 155–6 s.v. arta, 167–8 s.v. hapta; 1958–89, i.60-62 s.v. ard, 82–3
s.v. avd; 1990, 107–8].
14
Hdt. iv.59.1-2 Ἱστίη ~ Ταβιτί, Ζεύς ~ Παππαῖος, Γῆ ~ Ἀπί, Ἀπόλλων ~ Γοιτόσυρος,
οὐρανίη Ἀφροδίτη ~ Ἀργίμπασα, Ἡρακλέης, Ἄρης.
10
40
noticed by Miller in the Ossetian aul of Galiat and is still extant to this day.15
However, several objections can be raised against the evidence for this sevenfold
pantheon and the presumed Alanic *ard “god”:
— an eighth god Poseidon ~ Thagimasadas was offered sacrifices by the
Royal Scythians; thus maybe the number of Scythian gods was not restricted to
seven after all.16
— Oss. ард (< Old Iranian *r̥ta- “cosmic order, truth”, a principle rather
than a divinity, even if it became divinized, cf. e.g. Avestan Aṣ̌a-) does not mean
“god”, but “oath”, even if diverse semantic shifts from the original meaning are
possible (cf. the name of god Miθra-, originally meaning “contract” –a deification
of this concept).17
— æвдиу was explained in a different way as *āp-dai̯ va- “water-demon”
by Miller18 (now superseded) or, more recently, as *apa-dai̯ va- “idol, Abgott” by
Cheung, who noted that *hafta-dai̯ va- would have evolved otherwise into a
geminated form *æвддиу.19 Besides, we should ask ourselves about the difference
between ард < *r̥ta- and -диу < *dai̯ va- (not attested so far in Alanic and never
in Ossetic excepting the aforesaid æвдиу), if they both had the meaning “god”.
— I. дзуар, D. дзиуарæ “cross, angel, saint, god, sanctuary” in Авд
ǰvari “cross”;20 there are other words
Дзуары is a loanword from Georg.
for divine beings in Ossetic, namely I. зæд, D. изæд “angel” < OIran. *yazata“god”, lit. “one worthy of worship”,21 and I. дауæг, D. идауæг “angel, guardian
spirit” < OIran. *vi-tāvaka- “power”.22 Abaev translated the Digor formula
[Мiller V. F., 1881–87, ii.259] “Узi-дзўар или авд дзуар”.
Hdt. iv.59.1 οἱ δὲ καλεόμενοι βασιλήιοι Σκύθαι καὶ τῷ Ποσειδέωνι θύουσι / 2 Ποσειδέων δὲ Θαγιμασάδας.
17
The term appears in the name of the famous magister utriusque militiae of AlanicGothic descent Flavius Ardabur (Ἀρδαβούριος) Aspar and of both his father and son, as well as
in Greek inscriptions of the Roman period from the Northern Black Sea; cf. [Zgusta L., 1955,
§ 55 Αρδαγδακος (225), § 56 Αρδαρος, Αρδαρακος, Αρδαρισκος (2nd–3rd c.), § 314 Οδιαρδος
(3rd c.)] — all dates ad.
18
[miller V. F., 1881–87, iii.157; 1903, 6 s.v. Ἀβ-νώζος], giving it as aw-deu “Wassergeist”.
19
[cheunG J., 2002, 165–6 s.v. ævdiw / ævdew]; cf. however the scepticism of Benveniste
[1959, 130–31] “à propos d’une étymologie avestique”.
20
[abaev V. I., 1958–89, i.401–2 s.v. ʒwar / ʒiwaræ; cf. thordarSon F., 2000, 219].
21
[abaev V. I., 1958–89, iv.290–1 s.v. zæd / izæd]; benveniSte [1959, 132], however,
considered it a loanword from Persian because the root yaz- is not attested in Ossetic.
22
[abaev V. I., 1958–89, i.348–9 s.v. dawæg / idawæg]; but otherwise [GerShevitch I.,
1955, 484]: a popular mutilation of Middle Ossetic *ærdauæg (derived from *r̥ta-, cf. our § 2);
[benveniSte É., 1959, 132–33] *vi-dāvaka- “qui détourne, qui écarte (la maladie / le malheur)”;
cf. [cheunG J., 2002, 178].
15
16
41
изæдтæ æмæ идaугутæ as “gods and powers”, considering it “an heritage of the
pre-Christian religion of the Alans”, but this is highly conjectural.23
— thanks to the recent discovery of some marginal notes in a Greek
liturgical manuscript, дзуар is the only one of these three words attested so far in
Alanic τζουβάρ “cross”, whereas the (Christian) Ossetic word for “god” (I. хуыцау,
D. хуцау < OIran. *hva-tāv(y)a- “autocrator”)24 is preserved in Alanic χουτζάου
πάν “day of god, Sunday” (cf. D. хуцаубон id.).25
3. Sword cult. As stated by Ammian, “among the Alans no temple nor
sanctuary is to be seen, not even a straw-roofed hut is visible anywhere; but
according to a Barbarian custom, a naked sword is fixed in the ground and they
respectfully worship it as god of war (Martem) and protector of the regions
through which they travel”.26 The passage is reminiscent of Herodotus when
the latter tells that on a sacred precinct, consisting of a pile of bundles of sticks
with a square flat surface on the top, an ancient scimitar (ἀκινάκης) of iron –an
image of Ares– was set for each Scythian district;27 but in the case of the Alans
Ammian says nothing about sacrifices of cattle, horses or captured enemies, as
Herodotus does for the Scythians. Hicesius’ only fragment, preserved by
Clement of Alexandria, states that the Sauromatians worshipped an akinákēs
as well.28 This practice was compared by Dumézil with Priscus’ episode on the
sword of Attila, a sacred relic of the Scythian kings believed to give superiority
[abaev V. I., 1990, 105] “наследие дохристианской религии алан”.
[abaev 1958–89, iv.255-6 s.v. x○ycaw / xucaw] rejected this etymology because of
xuc‛esi (< *xuc‛i) “old man, priest”, but the
phonetic problems and preferred Georg.
Ossetian word is very similar to Sogd. xwt’w /xutāw/, Chor. xwθ’w /xuθāw/ “god” (cf. MP
xwadāy, Bactr. χοαδηο “lord”) and the shift *t > c could be explained as a contamination with
I. хицау, D. хецау “chief”. Besides, maybe the formula Хуыцæутты Хуыцау “god of gods” was
“the name of the chief deity of the pagan religion”, cf. [thordarSon F., 2000, 219].
25
[lubotSkY A., 2015, 24–25] χουτζάου πάν, 30-31 τζουβάρ, 46.
26
Amm. xxxi.2.23 nec templum apud eos visitur aut delubrum, ne tugurium quidem
culmo tectum cerni usquam potest, sed gladius barbarico ritu humi figitur nudus eumque ut
Martem regionum, quas circumcircant, praesulem verecundius colunt.
27
Hdt. iv.62.2 ἐπὶ τούτου δὴ τοῦ σηκοῦ ἀκινάκης σιδήρεος ἵδρυται ἀρχαῖος ἑκάστοισι
[sc. νομοῖσι], καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ τοῦ Ἄρεος τὸ ἄγαλμα; cf. iv.59.2 ἀγάλματα δὲ καὶ βωμοὺς καὶ νηοὺς
οὐ νομίζουσι ποιέειν πλὴν Ἄρεϊ “it is not customary for the Scythians to make images and altars
and shrines for any god but Ares”.
28
Clem. Alex. Prot. v.64 (= Hicesius fr. 1, ed. [Müller 1841-73, iv.429]) Σκυθῶν δὲ οἱ
Σαυρομάται, ὥς φησιν Ἱκέσιος ἐν τῷ περὶ μυστηρίων, ἀκινάκην σέβουσιν. Hicesius’ passage
also recalls this practice among the Scythians, quoting Eudoxus of Cnidus (fr. 303 ed. [laSSerre
1966, 111, 257]).
23
24
42
in war,29 and with the Ossetian Nart epic cycle of Batraz, a hero who was unable
to die until his sword was thrown into the sea.30 The similarities of this episode
with the theme of Excalibur (Geoffrey of Monmouth Caliburnus gladius) being
thrown to the lake has led several scholars to look for the origin of the motif
among Alans settled in Armorica in the 5th c. ad or the Iazygian auxilia stationed
close to Hadrian’s Wall with the Legio VI Victrix –a suggestive hypothesis in the
best of cases which, however, has become very popular in the last decades.31
4. Rhabdomancy. Besides, Ammian tells that the Alans “divine the future
in a surprising way; for they gather very straight osier twigs and separate them
while casting certain secret magic spells at an appointed time, and so they can
find out what is to be”.32 In a similar way, Herodotus records that “among the
Scythians there are many diviners, who divine by means of many willow
wands in the following way: after bringing large bundles of wands, they lay
and unfasten them on the ground and, as they lay the wands down one by one,
they foretell the fate; and while they speak, they pile up the wands once more
and place them together again one by one. This manner of divination is
hereditary among them”.33 Bachrach explained such oracular practices as a
result of contacts of the Alans with Chinese civilization and, more specifically,
with traditions such as those contained in the “Book of Changes” (Yì Jīng
),
34
a mere conjecture without further foundation. In fact, various kinds of
rhabdomancy are well attested among several ancient peoples, like Medes,
Jord. Get. xxxv.183 (= Priscus fr. 12.2, ed. [blocKley 1981–83, 280–83]) gladius
Martis ... sacer apud Scytharum reges semper habitus; cf. dumézil 1978: 78–83 “Attila et l’epée
de Mars”.
30
[dumézil G., 1978, 21-49, esp. 30–32] “Batraz, l’épée et le bûcher”. The Scythian
name of Ares is unknown.
31
Thus [bachrach B. S., 1973, 110–116; littleton C.S.–malcor L. A., 2000, 61–71].
Otherwise, griSWard [1969, 476] suggested a Scythian influence on Eastern Celts.
32
Amm. xxxi.2.24 futura miro praesagiunt modo. nam rectiores virgas vimineas
colligentes easque cum incantamentis quibusdam secretis praestituto tempore discernentes
aperte, quid portenditur, norunt
33
Hdt. iv.67.1 μάντιες δὲ Σκυθέων εἰσὶ πολλοί, οἳ μαντεύονται ῥάβδοισι ἰτεΐνῃσι πολλῇσι
ὧδε· ἐπεὰν φακέλους ῥάβδων μεγάλους ἐνείκωνται, θέντες χαμαὶ διεξελίσσουσι αὐτούς, καὶ ἐπὶ
μίαν ἑκάστην ῥάβδον τιθέντες θεσπίζουσι, ἅμα τε λέγοντες ταῦτα συνειλέουσι τὰς ῥάβδους
ὀπίσω καὶ αὖτις κατὰ μίαν συντιθεῖσι. αὕτη μέν σφι ἡ μαντικὴ πατρωίη ἐστί. On the problems
presented by this text cf. [corcella a.–medaGlia S.m.–FraSchetti A., 1993, 287]; on its
religious context [minnS E.H., 1913, 86–7]; source study in [alemany A., 2014, 445–49].
34
[bachrach B.S., 1973, 22–23, n. 53] “it is known that some Alan groups had contact
with the Chinese before moving west”; better [SulimirSki T., 1970, 35–36].
29
43
Germans and Baltic Slavs.35 Giving the testimony of Boris Gatiev, in 1882
Vsevolod Miller still described a similar practice among the Ossetes where a
healer or witch doctor (Russ. знахарь) attending a patient made use of wands to
prescribe a propitious sacrifice.36
5. Cult of the ancestors & burial rites. A passage from the Alethia by
Claudius Marius Victor (early 5th c. ad) dealing with the cult of the dead states
that “at once all peoples embraced this endless iniquity, making funeral offerings
to the spirits of the deceased, as now the Alans give testimony to, and each of
them venerated their ancestors instead of their own gods”,37 maybe an eyewitness
account, since such a practice is not mentioned anywehere else and the author
was a contemporary of Alan bands marauding in Southern Gaul. Possible
parallels are the description of Scythian burial rites for both kings and commoners
given by Herodotus and the burdensome funeral ceremonies carried out by 19th
century Ossetes, which could cause the ruin of a family.38 The Ossetian ritual of
the “consecrator of the horse” (I. бæхфæлдисæг, D. бæхфæлдeсæг), an old man
giving a speech at a funeral to supply the deceased with a horse in the afterworld,
recalls the sacrifice of horses to the Scythian kings.39 Even if no source mentions
similar practices among the Alans, Late Sarmatian and Alanic burials (mostly
catacombs) occasionally contain horse skin depositions, horse harness items and —
in the case of elite plots — sacrificial depositions of entire horses.40
Cf. Dinon of Colophon fr. 3 ed. Jacoby FGrH 690 = Schol. in Nic. Ther. 613 (Medes);
Tac. Germ. 10 (Germans); Saxo Gramm. Hist. Dan. xiv ed. [holder 1886, 567] (Slavic Rugiani).
36
[miller V. F., 1882, 201]; other relevant reports in [dumézil G., 1978, 212 n. 3].
Fortune-telling by using divination sticks still seems to be a current practice in Ossetia; cf.
[dzadzity a. b.–dzuccaty X. V.–x’’aratY S.M., 1994, 163 s.v. фæрсæн фат].
37
Mar. Vict. Aleth. iii.190-92 (ed. [hovinGh 1955, 173]) nam protinus omnes / amplexae
gentes scelus hoc sine fine litantes / manibus inferias, uti nunc testantur Alani / pro dis quaeque
suis caros habuere parentes. On mourning 13th century Crimean Alans, cf. William of Rubruck
xi.1 (ed. [WynGaert 1929, 192]) detulerunt nobis carnes coctas, rogantes ut comederemus de
cibo eorum et oraremus pro quodam defuncto eorum “and they brought us cooked meat, begging
us to eat of their food and to pray for one of them who had died” ([kovaleWSkY M., 1893, 52]
“repas funèbres”?).
38
Cf. Hdt. iv.71-73; [bachrach B.S., 1973, 22 n. 52; dumézil G., 1978, 249–61]; also
[kovaleWSkY M., 1893, 49–63, esp. 59] “dans quelques contrées de l’Ossétie, celui des parents
morts qui a été le plus connu par ses actes de piété devient l’objet d’un culte spécial”.
39
[kaloev B. A., 1964; dzadzitY A. B.–dzuccaty X. V.–x”aratY S.M. 1994, 38-39 s.v.
бæхфæлдисæг, бæх фæлдисын]; cf. Hdt. iv.71–72.
40
[KouznetSov v.–lebedynSKy I., 2005, 80-86]; cf. e.g. härke [2018] for the case of Klin
Yar, an archaeological site near Kislovodsk in Stavropol’skij Kraj. Alan catacombs contain other
35
44
6. Idolatry. Eochar, a king of the Alans sent by Aetius to deal with the
Armorican Bacaudae ca. 447/8, is characterized as an idol worshipper (idolorum
ministro) by Constantius of Lyons in his life of Saint Germanus of Auxerre.41
Although this hagiographic source must be approached with caution, later reports
from different traditions insist in the same idea. Thus Ibn Rusta informs us that
“the king of the Alans is Christian at heart, but all the people who inhabit his
kingdom are heathens worshipping idols (kuffār ya‛budūna al-aṣnām)”.42
According to the Persian anonymous geography Ḥudūd al-‛ālam, “their king is
a Christian ... but among them there are both Christians and idol worshippers
(but parast)”,43 a statement similar to that given by Gardīzī, who nevertheless
keeps closer to Ibn Rusta when asserting that “all the people of his kingdom are
heathens and idol worshippers”.44 Curiously enough, in the report left by bishop
Theodore of his journey to the metropolitan see of Alania (ca. 1222/40) it is said
that “they do not postrate themselves before carved images, but before some
demons in high places. The Alans are only Christians in name”.45 The Greek
term γλυπτός has often the meaning “idol” in the Septuaginta,46 but here it
probably refers to Byzantine icons, given the Orthodox aversion to statuary,
since the context suggests that the “demons” (δαιμόνια) are an alternative to
objects like metal artefacts, pottery vessels or –exceptionally– iron long swords, probably
indicating elite status.
41
Const. Lugd. Vita S. Germ. 28 (ed. [KruSch-leviSon 1920, 271–2]) Gochari ferocissimo
Alanorum regi ... idolorum ministro.
42
Ibn Rusta Kitāb al-A‛lāq al-nafīsa (ed. [de goeJe 1892, 148])
wa-malik al-Lān fī nafsa naṣrānī wa-ʿāmmat ahl mamlukathu kuffār yaʿbudūna alaṣnām.
43
Ḥudūd al-‛ālam (ed. [Sotūde 1340/1962, 191])
va-malikišān tarsāst ... va-andar miyān-i īšān mardumānī and tarsā va-mardumānī but
parastand.
44
Gardīzī Zayn al-aḫbār (ed. Ḥabībī 1347/1968, 595]).
malik-i al-Lān tarsāst va-hama-yi ahl-i mamlukat-i ū kāfirand, but parastand.
45
Theod. Alan. 24 (ed. PG 140, c. 409) καὶ προσκυνοῦσι μὲν οὐ γλυπτοῖς, δαιμονίοις δέ
τισιν ἐν τοῖς ὑψηλοῖς. χριστιανοὶ δὲ μόνον ὀνόματι Ἀλανοί; cf. William of Rubruck xi.1 (ed.
[WynGaert 1929, 192] cf. n. 36]) omnia ignorabant que spectant ad ritum christianum, solo
nomine Christi excepto “they were ignorant of all things concerning Christian worship, with the
sole exception of Christ’s name”.
46
Ex 34.13, Deut 7.5 τὰ γλυπτὰ τῶν θεῶν; Deut 4.16 γλυπτὸν ὁμοίωμα; cf. Lev 26.1; Iud
17.3; Sap 14.16.
45
Christian cult. This worship of idols recalls the numerous amulets found at the
Mokraja Balka burial ground near Kislovodsk (5th-8th c. ad), representing solar
wheels, men or different animals.47
7. Some religious terms. These three Ossetian sacred concepts have often
been related to the Alans in one way or another:
— I. фарн, D. фарнæ “blessing, prosperity, luck”, Med. *farnah“royal glory”, Av. xvarǝnah- “fortune”,48 a complex notion turned into a
widespread Iranian institution, is often attested in the Greek inscriptions of
the Northern Black Sea colonies during the Roman imperial period in
compound names containing a φαρν- element, though never in the few Alanic
names known so far.49
— I. кувын, D. ковун “to pray”, of uncertain etymology,50 lies in the origin
of I. куывд, D. кувд “prayer, offering meal, banquet”, I. кувæггаг “first drink
offered by the eldest to the youngest at table after making a toast” and I. кувæндон
“sanctuary”, a religious vocabulary related to Ossetian communal banquets,
characterized by ritual toasting to [1] the God of Gods (I. Хуыцæутты Хуыцау)
and [2] St. George (I. Уастырджи), which reminds me of Theodore’s complaining
about the fake bishop who ordained priests among the Alans “at table, while
masticating and holding a cup in his hand”.51
[aFanaS’ev G. E., 1976]; cf. [KouznetSov V.-lebedynSKy I., 2005, 176-177] for
similars amulets –including horsemen– from Zilgi, Zmejskaja (North Ossetia) and Čegem
(Kabardino-Balkarija). As remarked by Heinrich Härke [personal communication 8/12/2021]
the identification of such objects as ‘amulets’ remains purely conjectural.
48
[abaev V. I., 1958–89, i.421-22 s.v. farn : farnæ; benveniSte É., 1959, 127; cheunG J.,
2002, 182]. Lubotsky [1998] considered *farnah- a term of Scythian origin, cognate with Ved.
párīṇas- “fullness, abundance”; besides, abaev [1949, 258] and lubotSkY [2015, 58–9] have
tried to recognize the Ossetic word in Alan. τὸ φάρνετζ ~ Gr. οὐκ αἰσχύνεσαι; “aren’t you
ashamed?” in the epilogue of Tzetzes’ Theogonia, but the element -ετζ still poses problems
(Lubotsky D. dæw farnæ (j)es “yours is the farn” does not correspond to the Greek).
49
Cf. [abaev V. I., 1949, 163–4; zguSta L., 1955, § 141 Μαιφαρνος (2nd/3rd c.), § 184 Π/
Φιτ(ο)φαρνακης (100/250), § 237 Φαρναρνος (200/250), § 238 Φαρνης (4th c.?), § 239 Φαρνοξαρθος (220/240), § 259 Χοφαρνος (100/279), etc] –all dates ad–, as well as the theonym Ουαταφαρνος in our n. 6. The widely attested name Φαρνακης and its variants [zguSta L., 1955, §
236], however, could be due to Persian or Pontic (under Mithridates VI Eupator) influence.
50
Monographic study in [chriStol A., 1998], who explains it from OIran. *gaub- “to
speak, proclaim, praise”; other solutions in [abaev V. I., 1958–89, I.603–4 s.v. kūvyn : k○yvd /
kovun : kuvd; benveniSte É., 1959, 12–13; thordarSon F., 2000, 220–21].
51
Theod. Alan. 16 (ed. PG 140, c. 404) διαμασσώμενος ἐπὶ τραπέζης, καὶ τῇ χειρὶ
κυλικοφορῶν.
47
46
— I. сыгьдæг, D. сугьдæг “pure, holy” < OIran. *suxta-ka- “burnt” has
been adduced to explain Σουγδαΐα, the Greek name of the Crimean town of
Sudak, often regarded as an Alan foundation of the 3rd c. ad without any other
proof than this etymology.52
8. Trifunctionalism. The French scholar Georges Dumézil deserves
acknowledgement for having championed the study of Ossetian mythology,
folklore and language in the West, but lack of sufficient evidence prevented him
from applying the trifunctional pattern to Alan religion, the only exception being
maybe the Scythian and Alanic sword cult associated with the Nart hero Batraz
(cf. § 3). The real problem lies in the validity of the Three Functions Theory —
not universally accepted — and in the presumed Ossetian (Alanic) origin of the
Caucasian Nart sagas, a hypothesis which is closely related to their trifunctional
analysis — an issue exceeding the limits of the present study.53 Dumézil’s disciple
Georges Charachidzé suggested that the Caucasian Svans had borrowed from
the Alans a variant of the Indo-European trifunctional system similar to that
attested in the ‘Prayer of the Ossetian Women’ and preserved in the hierarchy of
toasts to the gods in Svan communal feasts: [1] the supreme god Xoša γermet /
γērbät, regarded as the Lord of the skies (upal deceš) and his vizier Taringzel /
Targlezer “Archangel”,54 [2] the moon god Ǯgǝræg “St. George”, protector of
men, and [3] Lamaria “St. Mary”, goddess associated to fertility, cereals and the
hearth.55 However, until further evidence becomes available nothing other than
the absence of a better candidate allows an association of the Alans to the origins
of this Svan pantheon.
[abaev V. I., 1958–89, iii.188–9 s.v. syğdæg : suğdæg; thordarSon F. 2000, 220];
nevertheless, the Alanic etymology is as inconclusive as the Sogdian one; cf. my treatment of the
problem in [alemany A., 2019].
53
According to [dumézil G., 1968–73, i.453], “c’est chez les Ossètes, et sans doute déjà
en partie chez leurs lointains ancêtres, que le noyau de l’épopée [narte], ses principaux
personnages, se sont formés ... Elle a été adoptée chez plusieurs peuples voisins, transformée de
différentes manières”.
54
Cf. Oss. Тарангелоз < Georg.
mt‛avar-angelozi “Archangel”
[abaev V. I., 1958–89, iii.231–2 s.v. Taranǵeloz].
55
[charachidzé G., 1987, 83–91, 121–27]; the ‘Prayer of the Ossetian Women’ (I. Устыты куывд, cf. dzadzity a.b.–dzuccaty X.V.–x’’aratY S.M., 1994, 156-7), transcribed by
Gatiev [1876, 41–43], was analysed by dumézil [1983, 114–119]; on the Svan traditional cults
cf. [chiriKba V., 2015, 176–78].
52
47
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50
Fig. 1. Aerial view of the eastern section of Humara hillfort (Хумаринское городище),
Karačаevo-Čerkessija; below, remains of the square stone building often identified as
a fire temple. Photo: M.O. Zhukovskij / U.Ju. Kochkarov.
→ 1. Alleged traces of Zoroastrianism
51
Fig. 2. Silver missorium of Flavius Ardabur Aspar (434 ad), bearing
on the outer edge the inscription Fl(avius) Ardabur Aspar Vir Inlustris
Com(es) et Mag(ister) Militum et Consul Ordinarius; above left,
his father Ardabur; center right, his son Ardabur Iunior Pretor.
Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Firenze. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
→ 2. Ardabda and the seven gods (note 17)
Fig. 3. Iron long sword, Alanic ‘princely grave’ 360,
Klin-Yar (mid 7th cent. ad). Photo: H. Härke.
→ 3. Sword cult
52
Fig. 4. Complete horse deposition in the dromos of Alanic ‘princely grave’ 360,
Klin-Yar (mid 7th cent. ad). Photo: H. Härke.
→ 5. Cult of the ancestors & burial rites
Fig. 5. Three presumed Alanic ‘amulets’, ring-shaped or in the form of horsemen,
Terek oblast’, Vladikavkaz okrug (different dates, 6th-8th cent. ad). Photos: T. Gabuev.
→ 6. Idolatry
53
Fig. 6. The person name Φαρνοξαρθος –framed in white– in a Greek inscription
from Tanais (CIRB 1245, 15; Bosporan Era 517 = 220 ad). Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
→ 7. Some religious terms (note 49)
54
Received on 1.11.2023
Accepted on 4.12.2023
Agustí Alemany
Dr., Department of Antiquity and Middle Age
Studies, Autonomous University of Barcelona
Edifici B
08193 Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vallès)
Barcelona, Spain
E-mail: Agusti.Alemany@uab.cat
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5215-9481
алемань, агусти
Доктор исторических наук, кафедра античности и исследований средневековья,
Автономный университет Барселоны
Здание Б, 08193 Беллатерра (Серданьоладель-Вальес)
Барселона, Испания
E-mail: Agusti.Alemany@uab.cat
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5215-9481
агусти алемань
Автономный университет Барселоны
Барселона, Испания
переЖитки аЛаНской реЛигии
Целью данной статьи является сбор свидетельств о религиозных практиках алан,
не принимая во внимание возможные связи со скифскими или осетинскими фактами и
параллелями, если только это прямо не засвидетельствовано для алан литературными
или материальными источниками.
К л ю ч е в ы е с л о в а: аланская религия, культ семи богов, культ меча, рабдомантия, культ предков, идолопоклонство, зороастризм, трифункционализм.
Рукопись поступила в редакцию 1.11.2023
Рукопись принята к печати 4.12.2023