Judeans or Jews

Judeans or Jews The Transition from Judeans to the Jewish Entity The Emergence of Jewish Communities Worldwide Yigal Bin-Nun The Judeans and Israelites of the Bible do not necessarily align with the perception of Jews from the Middle Ages onward. Thus, this study delves not into biblical Judeans but rather into the process of the emergence of Jewish communities outside the territory of ancient Israel. While there is a cultural link between Israelites and Judeans of the royal era and Jews after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans, they are two distinct worlds, separated both historically and culturally. It is crucial to distinguish between the era of sacrificial cults in antiquity and the world of monotheistic religions. In ancient empires, cults primarily served as a political tool to create a common denominator to consolidate the ruler's power and unify different populations through shared customs and uniform symbols. Meanwhile, popular beliefs held a more prominent place in the daily life of the people. Therefore, it is imperative to separate official priestly worship from popular beliefs. This study focuses on Jews rather than Judaism. The term "Judaism" is a modern concept that gained theological significance only in the 18th century within the study of religions. Rabbinic Judaism, in accordance with its texts, is more concerned with authorized or prohibited actions than with beliefs and opinions. This does not mean that outside of it, there haven't been developments like mystical currents such as Hasidism and Kabbalah or rationalist thinkers like Maimonides, who sought to understand Judaism from different perspectives. Indeed, the Jewish religion emerged long after the era of blood sacrifice worship in temples, but the complexity of this evolution is undeniable. The concept of religion, in the Christian sense, does not precisely apply to the definition of the Jewish entity, especially before modern times and particularly in the 19th century according to Jewish thinkers in Europe. To be precise, the notion of religion was nonexistent in the ancient world. Various categories of "Judaisms" were later born based on the intellectual currents of the time. The analysis of New Testament texts, the Talmud, and their influence on Jewish existence reveals this complexity. These two research domains, rich in often challenging interpretations, have been shaken by innovative research in recent decades. To deepen these studies, the historian is faced with the need to sift through the most relevant topics, a challenging task involving the ability to break free from outdated previous research while considering historical heritage. My study does not aim to provide a comprehensive monograph of Jews or fully trace their history. Instead, it focuses on topics highlighting disagreements with certain old research hypotheses or predominant national narratives. These interpretations could only emerge thanks to the publication of works conducted in recent decades. In contrast to the era of sacrifices in the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, Judaism is a post-biblical creation associated with a set of practices developed under the influence of the Hellenistic world and later the literature of the Sages. The Shulhan Aruk, written in the 16th century, has practically dissociated itself from biblical law codices. Moreover, even though the term "synagogue" existed before the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem, it then represented a cultural and social space rather than a place of worship. It was only later that the synagogue became a place of public prayer, replacing sacrifices and offerings on altars. Historians of Judaism often tend to view the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem in the year 70 symbolically, considering it a decisive turning point in the history of the Judeans. They downplay the impact of the disastrous revolt against the empire and its political and social consequences. They create a clear separation between the "Second Temple" period and the establishment of the "Spiritual Center of Yavne" by Yohanan ben Zakkaï, seen as an undeniable compensation for the national disaster and the prestige of the Jerusalem priesthood. This manifestly theocentric approach neglects the political and cultural realities of the Judeans in the Hellenistic world. In my opinion, a pivotal change in the history of the Judeans is rather linked to their voluntary migration to new cultural centers, especially Alexandria, Cyrene, and Antioch. This migration led to the translation of biblical literature into the Greek language and its adoption by a Hellenistic intellectual class. In 117 AD, the repression of the Diaspora Revolt by the Romans generated a new migration to West North Africa. It was after these events that a new ethnoreligious entity, now called "the Jews," began to gradually form, especially following an exile, becoming an existential symbol. Many researchers frequently use the term "pagan," initially a pejorative term attributed to the perceived uncultured peasant world. In Hebrew, the term "avodat elilim," meaning the worship of idols, is as derogatory as "pagan." I prefer to use a seemingly neutral substitute, "polytheist," although it remains intrinsically linked in our consciousness to its prestigious antithesis, "monotheist," defining Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. It's important to note that these concepts were nonexistent in antiquity. Moreover, many peoples labeled as "polytheists" are, in reality, theists, venerating a deity or a group of syncretized gods as a primary deity. Can Rabbinic Judaism and especially Christianity truly claim to be free from beliefs in multiple deities? The habit of labeling those who do not adhere to modern religions as "polytheists," "pagans," or "idol worshipers" distorts our perception of antiquity. The reason is clear: polytheism or paganism is not a religion in itself. There is no defined polytheistic religion as such. Scholars in religious studies coined the term polytheism only after defining monotheism. In reality, the true antagonism lies not between polytheism and monotheism but between the rituals of antiquity and those of the new religions. The pagans of antiquity have no connection to the modern religious concept or our modern understanding of the nature of religion. Thus, using the term "religion" to describe ancient polytheism is not appropriate, as it may bias our perception of the lifestyle of societies at that time. Polytheism cannot be qualified as a religion because it lacks hierarchical structures, beliefs, official institutions, doctrines defining its nature, or dogmatic principles that cannot be deviated from. Additionally, polytheism is not based on fundamental beliefs but rather on rituals and practices common to the entire population. Unlike monotheistic religions, founded on faith and dogma, which fight against heretics and other beliefs, there were never religious wars in antiquity. No one was compelled to practice any worship, and those who did not adopt the victor's cult were not fought against. It is also worth noting that the worship of gods only minimally or superficially occupied the consciousness of the people of antiquity, mainly manifesting during festivities, processions, and official ceremonies. Alongside official and state cults, a substrate of popular beliefs permeated the masses, immersed in mystical feelings, spells, witchcraft, and magic. The Israeli Academy maintains an administrative and conceptual separation between the Talmudic department on one hand and the history of the Greco-Roman-Byzantine world on the other. Furthermore, the study of the early Christianity cannot be understood without a connection to Hellenistic history and culture. These three distinct disciplines, due to their relative compartmentalization, hinder the understanding of the long-term cultural process embedded in world history. The barrier erected between these domains excludes similarities and differences between the world described by Flavius Josephus and that of the Talmudic Sages, as well as between them and the theological work of Paul and the Church Fathers. In reality, these worlds were intertwined. The current historical narrative gives the impression that with the completion of Josephus's work, the ancient world has faded and disappeared from our view. In truth, things reveal themselves differently. The aim of my approach is to examine certain aspects of the gradual emergence of the Jewish people, highlighting areas that remain insufficiently clarified. This is not an attempt to write a history of Jews in their countries of origin but to emphasize specific aspects related to common narratives and evaluate their authenticity in relation to the historical sources available to date. We can assume that, following the trauma caused by the Great Revolt against Rome, the upheaval of the Bar Kosba uprising, the Revolt of the Diaspora, and the disillusionment caused by a Messiah who did not come, serious repercussions occurred, notably a theological crisis similar to the one experienced by the Judeans after the Babylonians took Jerusalem. This eschatological phenomenon had a decisive impact on the lives of the Judeans and marked their history until the dissemination of the Talmud around the 12th century. The most significant visual element of this period is the impressive presence of images in places of worship, baths, coins, and epigraphic sources, clearly indicating that the Judean population of the time adopted polytheistic worship and Hellenistic customs. This includes numerous Greek deities depicted in mosaics covering the floors of synagogues. Simultaneously, many clues in the Talmud suggest that the Sages preferred to accommodate the polytheistic practices of the Jewish masses of their time, seeking to deal with them and ignoring the barriers of previous laws. The three revolts against Rome profoundly altered the structure of the Judean population, blurring the identity of political groups and ideological currents that characterized previous life. The Zealots, Sicarii, and the Yahad sect known through the Dead Sea Scrolls disappeared without a trace, but some left behind written works. The economic power of the Temple priests was certainly affected, but they retained the esteem of the masses, including that of the rabbis. After the shock of the repression of the revolts, one can schematically observe the parallel existence of three distinct Jewish communities: the Hellenistic Jews, the Messianic Jews who became Christians, and the Rabbinic Jews. Hellenistic-influenced Judaism is also referred to as "priestly Judaism" or "synagogal Judaism," a term alluding to the figures of deities represented in synagogue mosaics. Despite losing their functions in the Temple priesthood, the priests were still considered the social elite, holding official positions with the imperial power and enjoying eminent prestige within communities. This form of Judaism proved to be the most dominant among the three, relegating the group of Talmudic Sages to a marginal state within the Jewish population. When one evokes the Talmudic Sages, the common image often depicts them as bearded haredim, similar to contemporary Orthodox Jews. The reality in the post-priestly era presents a different picture: the beard was perceived as a symbol of paganism rather than an expression of devotion to religious life. It is challenging to imagine the 2,400 Sages mentioned in the Talmud, along with the heroes of their legends, entering a synagogue in Tiberias, Hamat Gader, Beth Alpha, or Tsipori, and contemplating with indifference or even devotion representations of naked men and women on the floors or walls, or gazing at a statue of Zeus in the form of a swan violating Leda. Can one also imagine Yohanan ben Zakka'i, Yehuda Hanassi, Rabbi Akiva, and the heroes of Talmudic legends strolling on mosaics depicting Greek deities Jupiter, Helios, or Dionysus, or entering a bath in Acre and observing sculptures of Aphrodite, Astarte, or Lycotheia, worshipped in the region? It is commonly accepted that, from the Maccabean revolt to the Great Revolt, the Judeans remained faithful to the laws of the Torah. Nevertheless, after the catastrophe, the foundations of this loyalty completely collapsed; most adopted a lifestyle in line with Hellenistic worship. The Sages of the Mishna and the Talmud constituted a negligible minority, with little influence on the Jewish population. According to their writings, after the Great Revolt, Jerusalem was not in ruins but rather a prosperous city where Jews embraced Hellenistic culture and customs. In this sense, Bar Kosba's revolt likely targeted this population. However, the marginalization of the Talmudic Sages and the polytheistic lifestyle adopted by the majority of Jews after the fall of Jerusalem remain concealed in contemporary historical narratives. Jews can be defined primarily as a religious minority evolving within different nations in the world. Starting in the 19th century, with the emergence of territorial nation-states, historians began to characterize Jews as a "people" or a "nation," terms that are obviously inappropriate in the context of a minority in exile. Therefore, the anachronistic use of these terms can lead to confusion and hinder the understanding of the time. Jews can also be defined as a result of a transition from a territorial Judean population, with a common language and culture, to a religious minority living among nations. This minority not only lacks territory but also national-state structures, economic institutions, and even legal structures. To be more precise, the shift from a territorial nation to an ethnic minority did not begin with the capture of Jerusalem by Titus. This process started well before, following Alexander's conquests and the foundation of Alexandria in 331 BCE. This date is of great importance, marking the beginning of the formation of a Judean community in the world, which continued to grow into a new society imbued with Hebrew sources and Hellenistic culture. It was a voluntary migration to a global cultural center, not far from Judea. Due to its cultural level, it became a particular attraction at that time, thanks to the richness of its literature and historical past. A considerable number of Hellenized Greeks adopted the customs of the Judeans, their festivals, and especially their rich library with diverse genres, considered very ancient and therefore prestigious. This population is at the center of the early chapters of this study, describing the genesis of the formation of Judean communities in the Hellenistic and Roman worlds, up to the repression of the Diaspora Revolt. To reconstruct the process of the dispersion of the Judean people throughout the world, it is necessary to analyze the numerous sources at our disposal and trace the movement of this population in the eastern and southern parts of the Mediterranean basin. It is primarily in this region that cultural Hellenism developed most extensively. This book explores the political events preceding the Great Revolt and the destruction of Jerusalem, focusing mainly on the cultural and intellectual context of the time. During this period, a post-biblical literature of various genres emerged, much of which remained hidden from our knowledge for many centuries until the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls from 1948 onwards. This era is also characterized by abundant sources of historical and social information from Judean and GrecoRoman sources, allowing us to accurately trace the transition of the Judean population to a Jewish diaspora. A new era, radically different in Jewish history, begins following the Bar Kokhba revolt and extends to the time of Saadia Gaon and Sherira Gaon in the 10th century, and even up to the First Crusade (1096-1099). This period is marked by profound transformations that shaped the gradual emergence of a Jewish identity. However, it is necessary to emphasize a crucial lack of archives documenting historical events over a period of more than a thousand years and a lack of data on the lives of most Jews worldwide. This gap has often been overlooked or misinterpreted in research. Sparse mentions in the writings of the Church Fathers and in ArabMuslim literature in the Byzantine Empire and North Africa sometimes allude to intercommunal relations but cannot provide a coherent eventful picture of the Jewish world for over a millennium. This is particularly crucial regarding the origin of Jewish communities in Northern and Eastern Europe, where our knowledge is practically nonexistent. Faced with this lack of sources, research has unfortunately taken a misguided path. Due to the absence of historical references, the study of Jewish history has deviated towards Talmudic literature. Therefore, my main objective is to analyze the historiography of the monumental rabbinic literature, especially its dating problems. This work, according to my findings, was written around the 10th century and has been extrapolated by scholars to interpret earlier periods. Many historians have artificially created the notion of the "Mishna and Talmud era," suggesting that the history of this period, from the Great Revolt to Saadia Gaon, was exclusively characterized by the marginal group of Talmudic Sages. This trend clearly goes against current research. To compensate for the lack of historical sources, researchers felt the need to fill this void with the myths and legends of the Talmud. However, it is crucial to note that despite its importance in various respects, rabbinic literature virtually contains no consistent historical information about the lives of Jews worldwide. Faced with this reality, researchers have simply taken liberties by considering these legends as substantial events. The Talmudic legends and their heroes have thus served as a convenient substitute for reconstructing a period spanning over a millennium. Such hypotheses undermine the trust that can be placed in research in this field. Science has the advantage of acknowledging the limits of its knowledge and must sometimes admit that certain periods of history remain enigmatic or entirely imperceptible to our eyes. The temptation to artificially fill these gaps by transforming myths into historical facts to compensate for a lack goes against scientific rigor. The privilege of research also lies in recognizing situations where our knowledge is lacking. However, the human tendency to fill the void at any cost is undeniable. The history of this millennium has been filled with unfounded speculations, some of which have already been discredited as lacking seriousness. In world history, these intermediate centuries have been labeled as the "Dark Ages," not only due to the absence of a clear historical representation but also as a depreciative assessment of the culture of the time. Thus, it seems crucial to refute the erroneous use of the "Mishna and Talmud era." The historiographical domain is one of the main themes of this study. I deemed it necessary to reexamine three fundamental literary corpora and analyze their impact on the formation of religions and the Jewish people in particular. These are, obviously, the New Testament, the Quran, and rabbinic literature. These works influenced the culture and beliefs of a large part of the known world at the time, while the third created what would later be called "the Jewish people." The abundance of written testimonies that characterized the history of the Judeans in the Greco-Roman era ends after the composition of the works of Flavius Josephus. This Judean historian provided detailed historical information and did not hesitate to inform us about legends and myths prevalent in his time. As is often the case in ancient works, there is sometimes a certain exaggeration. Thanks to our knowledge of Greco-Roman culture and ancient cultures of the Near East, we can critically examine the literature of the time. The historiographical critique of these three literary corpora has not been conducted in-depth so far, as it has been done for the Bible or other works of antiquity. This research primarily aims to place these texts in their historical and cultural context, to ask relevant questions regarding their dating, and to propose plausible answers using a reexamination and critical research tools. Nevertheless, the gap in our history remains evident. Despite their significance, the three literary corpora, unfortunately, cannot fill the void. ... What do we know about the historical Jesus? Did he truly exist? Did the Gospel authors possess concrete knowledge about his life? What is the real character of Jesus? Was he a Messiah, a prophet, an intellectual, or perhaps a rebel, an enchanter, or a simple fisherman? These potential figures fail to outline coherently the definition of a single person. The Gospels, whether canonical or not, only intensify the misunderstandings about the true figure of Jesus. How should we interpret the diversity of his figures? Is Judas a truthful figure? Was a traitor needed to dramatize Jesus's life? Is Paul the author of the epistles attributed to him? Was he Judean or Greek? During which period were the various writings of the New Testament composed? What was the reaction of Jesus's small circle after his crucifixion? Is there an intrinsic connection between Jesus of Galilee and Christianity? Some chapters of this research emphasize the importance of the lack of indications about the historical figure of Jesus, offering pathways to resolve certain unresolved questions. It is evident that Christianity did not originate during Jesus's lifetime or even with the writing of the New Testament. Until the early 6th century, and despite Emperor Constantine's decision, the distinction between Jesus's disciples and other Jews remained unclear. In the eschatological context characterizing Roman rule in Judea, Jesus did not markedly differ from other selfproclaimed Messiahs. The main question dividing Jesus's disciples from other Jews primarily revolved around the arrival of the Messiah. Had he already come as a suffering Messiah to atone for the sins of the people, or was he still awaited? Contrary to common beliefs, Christianity did not emerge from Judaism but had formed before it. Both religions depend on a common cultural reservoir, that of the biblical library. In many aspects, most narratives of the New Testament do not differ from the world discovered in the manuscripts of the Judean desert or even the legends of the Talmudic Sages, which were recorded much later. In the 1980s, researchers made a major turn by placing Jesus back into his Judean world and the cultural and geographical context of Judea. This significant change was possible thanks to the publication of works on the manuscripts found in the Qumran caves, which undeniably reflect the context of Jesus's life and his followers. After his crucifixion, the authors of the Gospels were still rooted in this world of Hebrew, Aramaic, and Hellenistic culture. This prompted Jesus's biographers to delve into the ideological and political currents among Hellenized Jews, in order to decipher more accurately the stages of the formation of what became Christianity. The biblical library, with its richness and the diversity of its literary genres, sparked great interest in the Hellenistic intellectual class. In the eyes of these intellectuals, this Hebrew literary treasure held even more importance than the cultures of ancient Egypt and Mesopotamian empires. Fate dictated that its dissemination throughout the world was carried out not by Jews but by early Christians, who spread this literature in the Hellenic world. This diffusion is a unique phenomenon, often overlooked in world history. It surprises with its extent, and its influences are evident in many areas of daily life. This cognitive revolution is almost absent from school curricula. Some chapters of this study propose an innovative reading of the New Testament writings, relying on the progress of critical research in this field. The question of terminology is crucial for understanding life in ancient times, especially compared to modern forms of thought that can mislead us. The transition from ancient worship to the world of religions raises methodological issues, requiring a reassessment of the terms and concepts we use. In the present research, during the Hellenistic-Roman period, it would be more appropriate to refer to the population living on these lands as "Yehoudaim," Judeans, rather than "Yehudim," Jews. This distinction aims to dissociate the people from a state, as opposed to a religious minority in a state of exile. The population of a kingdom or state has its own language and culture, leading an autonomous life, even if influenced by the overall culture of the dominant empire. In contrast, the term "Jew" is undoubtedly linked to a religion and a synagogue liturgical practice devoid of sacrifices. Religion, in the modern sense, emerged only after the gradual decline of ancient worship and the adoption of the idea of a universal god ruling the universe. Confusing these two terms may lead to anachronisms. The terminology used in the study of the New Testament can also bias our understanding without us being aware of it. This mainly concerns anachronistic terms such as "Christians" and "Christianity," which obviously did not exist during Jesus's life or even when the New Testament was written. Similarly, terms like "christianos" to describe followers of the Messiah can be misleading when applied to Jesus's circle. These terms began to be in use only from the second half of the 2nd century. The term "ecclesia," which originally referred to a small community of Jesus's disciples in various localities where Paul preached, is now used to denote a church building. Was Jesus Judean, or did he belong to a rival religion? Therefore, it is preferable to avoid using the vocabulary and terminology of Christian theology from the time of the Church Fathers or the Middle Ages in the study of the New Testament. The terminology employed in the examination of the New Testament can inadvertently skew our comprehension. This is particularly relevant when utilizing anachronistic terms such as "Christians" and "Christianity," which obviously did not exist during the lifetime of Jesus or even when the New Testament was authored. Similarly, the use of terms like "christianos" to characterize followers of the Messiah can be misleading when applied to the circle around Jesus. These designations only gained prominence in the latter half of the 2nd century. The term "ecclesia," originally denoting a small community of Jesus's disciples in various localities where Paul preached, is now commonly associated with a church building. The question arises: was Jesus a Judean, or did he align with a rival religious faction? Consequently, it is advisable to eschew the vocabulary and terminology of Christian theology from the era of the Church Fathers or the Middle Ages when delving into the study of the New Testament. The Mishna, the Talmud, and the writings of the Sages raise numerous questions and hold a central place in this research. The iconic figure of Yohanan ben Zakkaï represents a major turning point in the national narrative of Jewish history. More than any other figure, he symbolizes the transition from the Hebrew-Hellenistic culture to the world of the academies of Yavneh and its rabbis. His role in the national narrative as a key figure who bridged two completely different eras has caused a disruption, separating the world of Greek thought from that of rabbinic exegesis. It is challenging to reconcile the thought and science of the Hellenic world with the halakhic debates of the Talmudic schools. In our minds, these are two worlds with no tangible connection. Beyond this antagonism, a clear opposition is observed on a visual level. Anyone steeped in the world of halakhah and the legends of the Mishna and the Talmud will be surprised to discover many synagogues in Galilee and Judea with floors adorned with mosaics depicting surprising images. They provide information about a cultural lifestyle diametrically opposed to that of the Talmud. The nature of the figures leaves no doubt about the vast gap between the localities where these mosaics were created and the academies of the rabbis. In principle, the world of the student in a Sage's academy appears as an antithesis to the world of body worship and sports practice in the Greek world. Such a gap exists within Greek culture itself between the world of sports and baths and that of the philosophers. This study aims to address, among other things, the historiography of the Talmud and raises the question of whether the literature of the Sages can instruct us about historical events in the Jewish world. What do we know about the rabbinic academies in Judea and Babylonia? What kind of Jewish world existed within these academies? Can the legends of the Talmud offer eventful details about Jewish life at that time? What lessons can we derive from these legends? Furthermore, what was the opinion of the Sages of the Talmud about the legends they themselves created? Should we question the historical existence of the legendary figures of the Talmud? To answer these questions, it is imperative to explore the crucial subject often avoided by academic research. This is the fundamental question of when the compilation of the texts of the Mishna, the Talmud, and the literature of the Sages took place. Did the oral Torah remain exclusively oral, or was it rather written down? If there was a written record, when did it happen? Who were the authors and editors of these writings? And what can we know about these authors through their writings? The term "oral Torah" is, in fact, inappropriate because we only have written texts before us, which originally may have included partially oral categories before being recorded in writing. Therefore, it is appropriate to consider them as such. The historiography of the "oral Torah" has been of little concern to Talmudic researchers. They have not really addressed the question of whether the texts of the Mishna and the Talmud belong to a written literature or if they are partly the result of oral transmission. They have not explicitly specified which elements were originally written and which were transmitted orally to their redactors. The current printed text inevitably testifies that at some point, the Talmud transitioned from a hypothetically oral state to a written document on parchment or in the form of a codex on paper. In principle, an ancient text can enlighten us about the era it is supposed to reflect. It is important to determine if such a literary monument was written at different times and what the identity and opinions of its authors were. Unfortunately, most Talmudic researchers often avoid the terms "writing" or "composition," preferring "editing" or "finalization," even when indicating that they refer to an oral rather than written text. The indecision to choose between oral tradition and written composition remains a common feature among many Talmudic researchers. These scholars often find themselves at an impasse, wavering between two perspectives: the first suggests that the Talmud has always been, and remains, an oral tradition, both in the legendary realm and in legal debates, until its transition to writing can be discerned. The second hypothesis suggests that, although the Talmud is defined as an oral Torah, the Sages constantly recorded texts over generations, organizing these writings practically arbitrarily at certain stages. Other assumptions particularly concern legends, which can easily evolve from orality without undergoing major changes. In contrast, legal debates and controversies naturally fade into oblivion if not recorded, raising new questions. As for the realm of legends, the Talmudic authors themselves expressly warned their readers not to take the legends literally. To dispel doubts about the legends, storytellers often used exaggerations and supernatural elements to make their audience understand that these were only fictional narratives. They strive to make their stories devoid of logic so that the reader understands that the purpose is to stimulate attention and imagination. In their audacity, the tellers of these legends did not hesitate to surpass the limits of absurdity, exaggeration, and lack of coherence. At this stage of the research, should we unquestioningly accept the traditional Talmudic chronology? The widely accepted view asserts without objection that Yehuda Hanassi "edited" the Mishna, while Rav Ashi and Rabina "edited" the Talmud orally. What significance can be attributed to the term "edit"? Is it possible to edit a non-written text? Does it make sense to speak of editing in the realm of oral transmission? Sherira Gaon's proposed chronology of the Mishna and Talmud in the 10th century remains, a priori, unanimously accepted. However, on what reliable sources are his claims based? Can these letters inform us about the identity of the authors of the Talmud? Current research does not provide answers to these questions; instead, it raises inquiries that "Talmudic criticism" avoids addressing. Most Talmudic scholars are generally reluctant to tackle these questions and confront the absurdities that arise. They prefer to maintain a certain ambiguity around the subject to avoid challenging ancestral traditions. Sometimes, they go as far as claiming that the era of Talmudic composition is irrelevant. It is my opinion that such an approach is opposed to any scientific research. Some scholars believe that the Sages of the Talmud were indifferent to their history and were only concerned with legislative issues of their time. These researchers often feel compelled to create alternatives to historical events by transforming Mishna and Talmud legends into unquestioned facts. Anyone searching for "Talmudic criticism" on a search engine will not find a single article under that name. On the other hand, a search with the terms "Biblical criticism" will yield hundreds of articles in Hebrew and various languages. In my research, I've focused on establishing methodological and epistemological distinctions that are sometimes overlooked by certain researchers. Specifically, I'm addressing historians who neglect the theory of literary genres and attempt to date the origin of narratives or legends solely from the perspective of ancient authors. Frequently, there's a lack of awareness regarding the concept of historical time, with some researchers failing to acknowledge that these authors couldn't have anticipated the course of history as understood by modern scholars. Can we assume, as a given, that the Sages of the Talmud had access to the entire biblical library? Were they familiar with even a fraction of the "apocryphal" books discovered in the Judean desert? From an epistemological standpoint, I found it crucial to underscore the significance of preserving and transmitting written sources versus those passed down orally. Without recognizing these distinctions, there's a risk of distorting the reality of the time in question. For convenience, I use the conventional term "Sages of the Talmud." In general, I do not refer to characters whose existence is uncertain but rather to the authors who put in writing the Mishna and Talmud. As is customary in research, I have attempted to distinguish between the Sages as literary figures and the authors of the Talmud. I have divided this work into four parts: Judeans in the Hellenistic world, Jews in their communities at the beginning of the Arab conquest, and, between these two parts, three historiographical chapters on the New Testament, the Quran, and rabbinic literature. The goal of these chapters is to examine what happened over a millennium in the emergence of Jewish communities worldwide. This study traces the Judeans after the suppression of the Diaspora Revolt and the fall of the Greek and Roman empires. Simultaneously, it explores the history of North Africa and the transition from a global center of Hellenistic culture through the establishment of Christianity to the golden age of the Arabic language and Islam. Surprisingly, the Arab conquests occurred without major battles, city sieges, and practically no apparent resistance. We have almost no testimony of opposition to this new religion even in the empires' influence zones. A question arises: how did the prestigious advantages of Hellenistic and Christian culture disappear in favor of a conqueror from the empire's margins? How did the scientific power of empires succumb to soldiers from desert regions? Some of these questions already find answers in new research in this field. The last chapters of this book address myths related to the origin of Jews in Roman Ifriqiya and the era of Arab-Muslim roots in the region. This period persisted until the Middle Ages, under the Amazigh dynasties of the Almoravids and Almohads. I refer to the historiography of these periods, the opinions of Arab historians on the origin of Jews, and challenge some common legends about them. The question of the Jewish identity of Al Kahina, the heroine of the Amazigh revolt against Arab-Muslim conquest, is a significant topic in this debate. In this research, Europe is absent, and this observation is not accidental. It is clear that we have no certainty about the beginning of the presence of Jews in Europe in communities such as Spire, Worms, and Mainz until the time of the Crusades. Outside the major Judean centers in North Africa, such as Alexandria, Cyrene, and Carthage under Roman rule, Judeans settled in Hellenic cities along the Syrian coast, mainly in Asia Minor and Cyprus. When one knows nothing about the history of Jews outside West Asia and North Africa, one turns to legends as a lifebuoy. However, the legend of the conversion of the inhabitants of the Khazar kingdom, already resolved, will not be addressed in this research. Humanity does not appreciate blank pages in its history. Historians fear breaks in the description of the past. The thirst for knowledge is such that they do not hesitate to propose sourceless hypotheses to fill gaps in the thread of history. This is how, in my opinion, the unknown authors of the Gospels acted after the death of Jesus. Knowing nothing certain about his life, except for his crucifixion, they invented characters to fill the biography of their hero, reflecting not his life but rather its impact on their own communities and the rivalries among them. The Sages of the Talmud adopted a similar approach. Knowing nothing about the generations that preceded them, they had no choice but to create prodigious figures to populate their past and thus satisfy their thirst for knowledge about their history. This book deals with the history of a transitional period that profoundly changed the appearance of the world, and that of the Jews in particular. Its major interest lies in the historiography of the sources of the three so-called monotheistic religions: the Talmud, which separated Judaism from the ritual sacrifice of the royal era, thereby adapting the lives of the Jews to the reality of their time; the New Testament and the Christian literature of the Church Fathers, which completely transformed the Hellenistic-Roman world; and the significant historiographical gap between the text of the Quran and the theology of Islam. The cultural class worldwide continues to be interested, study, and interpret the literary treasure produced in the tiny territory of Israel between Dan and Beersheba. This interest persists to this day, and it is challenging to imagine world culture without biblical narratives and the Jewish contribution to Christian and Quranic culture, thereby constituting a determining element of world culture.