AN44CH23-Moodie ARI V I E W Review in Advance first posted online on September 3, 2015. (Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print.) N I N A Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. 14:29 C E S R E 7 August 2015 D V A The Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America Jennifer L. Burrell1 and Ellen Moodie2 1 Department of Anthropology, University at Albany, State University of New York, Albany, New York 12222; email: jburrell@albany.edu 2 Department of Anthropology, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, Urbana, Illinois 61801; email: emoodie@illinois.edu Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015. 44:381–400 Keywords The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at anthro.annualreviews.org violence, security, democracy, politics, political economy This article’s doi: 10.1146/annurev-anthro-102214-014101 Abstract c 2015 by Annual Reviews. Copyright ⃝ All rights reserved This article reviews the recent and emerging post–Cold War sociocultural anthropology research on Central America, defined as the five countries that share a common colonial and postcolonial history: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. Following a consideration of the foundational literature widely engaged by scholars to theorize regional processes, three sections reflect major themes of investigation in the area: political economy, including environmental concerns and migration; political, ethnic, and religious subjectivities; and violence, democracy, and in/security, including gangs. We conclude that the well-developed anthropology of Central America has made key contributions to disciplinary analyses and debates, especially in the fields of political and economic anthropology and in terms of furthering studies of violence, migration, neoliberalism, and postconflict democracy. Anthropologists working in the region have been at the forefront of public and “engaged” anthropology, recognizing the political contexts and power relations in which knowledge is produced. 381 Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 INTRODUCTION Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. Central America returned to world headlines in 2014, when a “surge” of “unaccompanied minors,” more than 68,000 children, arrived at the Texas-Mexico border over the course of a year. Thirty years earlier, news of the region had overflowed evening airtime and morning column inches. Ronald Reagan had famously warned of a red menace that could reach the United States in as little as two days, evoking images of Sandinistas in Soviet tanks making it “as far as a shopping center in Pecos [Texas]” (Reagan 1986). In the panic that swept North America in 2014, disseminated first through social media, leaked photographs of women and children huddled on concrete floors at the border station alarmed some Californians so much that they blocked a Department of Homeland Security bus carrying undocumented migrants, mostly from Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras, from entering their community. These two scenarios, one imagined and the other all too real, have much in common. In both, people flee terror and persecution as well as economic devastation, only to find hostility, official and unofficial. The types of violence may differ: In the 1980s, people feared death squads, soldiers, and guerrillas, whereas in the past decade Central Americans increasingly dreaded gang members and crime. But, now as then, migrants at the border also encounter the solidarity of political, scholarly, and religious communities. Once again, the status of people living in the volcanic neck between Mexico and Colombia has been fiercely debated in the US Congress, their fates tied to ideological agendas. Central Americans themselves, in the isthmus and throughout the diaspora, still struggle and suffer, organize and endure. In the 1970s and 1980s, the Cold War directed scholarly and political attention to the wartorn region. The revolutionary movements and civil wars in Guatemala (1960–1996), El Salvador (1980–1992), and Nicaragua (∼1985–1990), together with their excesses spilling into Honduras and Costa Rica, shaped generations in the North and the South. The Annual Review of Anthropology issued two articles in 1987 and 1988 orienting researchers toward regional history and sorting through masses of new work (Smith & Boyer 1987, Smith et al. 1988). Here we examine knowledge production in and on Central America since 1988. We consider what social scientists once compelled by Cold War crises have moved on to, and we explore interests taken up by new generations of anthropologists. The context that drew so many to Central America has led to long-term commitments, forging “engaged” and “activist” practices of anthropology that recognize the conditions of possibility for any kind of knowledge production and the relations of power implicated in it (Hale 2006). Whereas common portrayals of Central America seem to lurch from crisis to crisis, ethnographic methods challenge one-dimensional understandings of the region and its people. Following broader academic trends, many social scientists in the past quarter century have examined uneven processes of democratization and economic liberalization in Central America, and their entanglement with precarity and insecurity. Many researchers thus probe rule of law, judicial reform, and de- and remilitarization, as well as civil society antiviolence initiatives. Anthropologists follow these trends but specifically attend to discursive details and practices of neoliberal governance, as well as the textures of everyday life. Early on they challenged once-smooth narratives of transition, long before gang violence became a dominant Central American trope, and long before the Latin American “pink tide” of new victories of the Left, at least in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras. Ethnographic interventions contest the dominant view of success promoted by pundits and policymakers, who once held up the region’s transition experience—fostered “under direct U.S. tutelage” (Robinson 2003, p. 87)—as a model for “post”-conflict Iraq. Robinson (2003) critically delineates the rise of transnational states and the transformations in global relations of production, and his work has become a key reference for Central Americanists. 382 Burrell · Moodie Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 What was happening in the 1980s and 1990s, he contends, reflects “a prolonged period of change in the social structure. . .reciprocal to and in dialectical interplay with changes at the level of the global system” (Robinson 2003, p. 57). Many anthropologists carrying out fieldwork in the isthmus study the on-the-ground expressions and practices of these global shifts and theorize the way these shifts take form, reform, and deform so often in the name of “democracy.” Robinson has called “democracy promotion” by the United States a euphemism for “national security” (Gindin 2005). Indeed, crucial for anthropologists of post–Cold War Central America has been a consideration of the multiple, layered meanings of in/security. Popular representations of the region have left behind “always already revolting subaltern subjects” (Nelson 2009, p. 136) and gluttonous coffee oligarchs (Paige 1998), but they continue to fill a “savage slot” with common images of gang members and drug cartels. The insecurity of everyday life sprawls beyond the dread of iconic enemies: Many political scientists and international studies scholars have focused on institutions, especially policing and the rule of law. Anthropologists and sociologists demonstrate how distrust of institutions, politicians, and strangers plays into social relations. “Security,” thus, has become a keyword in research in the region, embedded in themes of crime and violence as well as migration, labor, and livelihood. Security both impels and threatens the rise of social movements and political participation, as well as imaginaries of democracy; it arises from and infiltrates religious tenets, and it is shaped through structures of gender, race, sexuality, and ethnicity. We have divided this article into four sections. First, we see much post-1988 work as confronting an “after,” a “post,” or a “transition”: Thus, the next section is titled Foundations and Aftermaths. Second, we consider Political Economy and Environmental Battlegrounds. Though the agrarian lifeways documented by a previous generation of researchers are declining, most Central Americans, rural and urban, still struggle for subsistence and engage in grassroots resistance. Third, we review how Political, Ethnic/Racial, and Religious Subjectivities have transformed over the post–Cold War era, as manifested in political struggles, social movements, and religion. Fourth, we focus on Violence and In/Security. In tandem with a disciplinary interest in political and structural violence, much recent literature confronts the interlinked complexities of the state, politics, and poverty. We limit our consideration of research on Central America to the five countries that share a common colonial and postcolonial history: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, which were briefly unified after independence from Spain (1823–1838). We acknowledge the enormous amount of outstanding work on the region we have not been able to include in this article because of space limitations. Further, though we sought to include much work of Central America–based anthropologists in this review, different modes of publishing limited our bibliography. Social scientists in Central America are much more directly involved than those in the United States, for example, in drafting public policy, in consultation on development efforts, and in shaping debates around themes such as public health and education. Their work is often funded, published, and circulated by nongovernmental organizations and institutes, and not in peer-reviewed journals (see sidebar, Central American Anthropology in Central America). FOUNDATIONS AND AFTERMATHS Robinson’s (2003) work positions Central American states in larger currents of post–Cold War neoliberal capitalism, an approach developed out of the world-systems theories that girded Guatemalan Torres Rivas’s (1971) influential Interpretación del desarrollo social centroamericano. Forty years later, he published Revoluciones sin cambios revolucionarios (Torres Rivas 2011): Kruijt, author of the regional retrospective Guerrillas (Kruijt 2008), calls it “a synthesis of history, www.annualreviews.org • Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print 383 AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. CENTRAL AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY IN CENTRAL AMERICA Since the (formal) end of the conflicts, many scholars in Central America have welcomed the post–Cold War aperture as an opportunity for professionalization. In the late 1980s and 1990s, isthmian anthropology, consolidated in museums, universities, and research institutes, began to expand with support from nongovernmental organizations (M. Bolaños & M.E. Bozzoli, unpublished manuscript). External funding channeled many research agendas toward development or commerce, as well as environment and gender. Recognizing their dependence on others’ agendas, Central American social scientists began to organize regionally as they sought more autonomy and to strengthen South–South ties. After a series of meetings and workshops between 1988 and 1994, La Red Centroamericana de Antropologı́a (Anthropological Network of Central America; RCA) was formalized in 1994, and biannual conferences have been organized ever since. M. Bolaños & M.E. Bozzoli (unpublished manuscript) divide Central American anthropological advances into two phases, 1985–2000 (which they dub Processes of Globalization) and 2000–2013 (called Central American Anthropology as World Anthropology). Studies of alternative development, popular culture, the informal economy, and indigeneity dominated the first phase. By the second phase, anthropologists were confronting rising social challenges: increasing violence and narco-trafficking in the region, as well as enduring poverty and migration in a time of neoliberal globalization. They were also writing more about gender and sexuality, indigenous rights, and ethnic identities, and they had begun to explore more deeply historical memory in conflictive regions. sociological explanation, and rueful looking-back at decades of tragedy, suffering, and depressing consequences” (Kruijt 2014, p. 57). Other social scientists join in “rueful looking back,” including some of the then-young anthropologists highlighted in the 1987–1988 Annual Review of Anthropology articles: Field, Hale, Edelman, and Bourgois. Field (1999) and Hale (1994) arrived in Nicaragua to work with the Sandinista socialist project, but they published their books after the 1990 electoral defeat—a moment that forced many observers and participants to reconsider the possibilities of post–Cold War revolutionary politics. Conditions in their respective fieldwork sites, with artisans in western Nicaragua and in Miskitu communities on the Atlantic Coast, urged them to challenge the lack of racial and gendered subjects in the class-based call for unity in a country that had largely imagined itself as a homogenous mestizo nation. Lancaster, after applying religious-symbolic and Gramscian analyses to liberation theology (Lancaster 1988), acknowledges in Life Is Hard (1992) how Sandinismo strained under the US-funded Contra war. The book, which contests Western sexual categories in its analysis of Nicaraguan masculinity, is today cited as foundational to queer studies in anthropology. In After Revolution, Babb (2001) analyzes the everyday effects of the renewed market economy while tracing post-1990 feminist, LGBT, and other social movements. Montoya’s (2012) historical ethnography, based on long-term research in a rural Sandinista stronghold, reveals the contradictions inherent in “gendered scenarios of revolution” in which, despite the promise of emergent gendered possibilities for “New Men” and “New Women,” patriarchal social structures continue to dominate interactions. Along with work on gender and sexuality, much post–Cold War research on Nicaragua has also figured prominently in theorizing postsocialism. Popular representations of Costa Rica, Nicaragua’s neighbor to the south, often continue to follow scripts of peaceful exceptionality. Edelman’s (1999) analysis of peasant movements shows the friction behind the pura vida (pure life) discourse. In 1981, Costa Rica was the first country in Latin America to default on its foreign debt obligation, adopting neoliberal market reforms early on. Still, not looking back as ruefully as others, Edelman finds that social movements are dynamic 384 Burrell · Moodie Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 in their political commitments and learn from experience, and the same actors may reappear in different political actions and organizations. He also believes that peasant identity remains a primary Central American way of relating to the world, something Boyer & Cardona Peñalva (2013) demonstrate in the reemergent activism of seasoned leaders of peasant unions and farmerto-farmer networks in postcoup Honduras. Such hope contrasts with others’ dire prognoses for Honduras, the country with the world’s highest murder rate. Bourgois (2001), entrenched in the rueful mode, offers a dramatic aftermath analysis. In 1981 he began fieldwork among Salvadoran peasant supporters of the Farabundo Martı́ National Liberation front (FMLN). Caught in a scorched-earth military campaign, they were soon forced to flee. He followed. Years later, they met again and he revised his neo-Fanonian view of revolutionary violence as liberatory. Seeing Salvadorans’ postwar self-blame and disillusion, as well as high rates of violence (structural, symbolic, and everyday), Bourgois decided he had sanitized his records of the original experience, unconsciously mimicking a Cold War morality (poles reversed). Bourgois’s account sparked a debate with Binford (2002). Drawing on his research in El Mozote—the site of the 1981 military massacre of more than a thousand peasants (Binford 1996)—Binford suggested that the ex-guerillas might not have interpreted the past with such recrimination had insurgency led to more justice. Instead, the “market democracy” following the 1992 peace accords reinscribed inequalities in a neoliberal mode. The country, much like Guatemala and Honduras, survives on remittances sent by migrants who continue to flee. Whereas this disillusioned mode characterizes much post–Cold War research on El Salvador, many scholars working in the country do discern emancipatory aftereffects of the organizations and social movements that emerged during wartime. They see hope, for example, among those who participated in the popular church (Peterson 1997) or in former combatants who came to awareness in the popular health system (Smith-Nonini 2010), or within diverse communities that today collaborate in reconciliation and memory projects, creating new forms of national belonging (DeLugan 2012, Velásquez Estrada 2015). Ultimately, though, social suffering haunts many researchers—whether theorizing links between wartime political violence and postwar criminal, gang, and everyday violences in the context of post–Cold War neoliberal restructuring and political corruption, or exploring deeply entrenched gendered and class inequalities. This debate over violence and its aftermaths animates much research in Guatemala. With its rich indigenous history, the country has long drawn scholarly attention. Violence and repression have characterized everyday life, especially for the Maya, through much of Guatemala’s history. The intensity of conflict pushed anthropologists to write about la violencia by the mid-1980s. Carmack’s (1988) edited volume Harvest of Violence includes before-and-after accounts by anthropologists conducting long-term fieldwork in indigenous communities. Manz (1988), too, reports on historical changes; her team of researchers conducted extensive interviews with war refugees in Guatemala and Mexico. Two recent collections consider how Guatemalans are reconstructing their lives and imagining their futures a quarter century later (Little & Smith 2009, McAllister & Nelson 2013). The genocidal nature of the civil war violence forced Guatemalans in the post–Cold War moment to confront the deep-seated racism of their society. Casaús Arzú’s (1992) work on race and lineage inaugurated a conversation acknowledging the role of the elites in perpetuating a severely discriminatory state (Adams et al. 2004a,b; Dary Fuentes 2013). One particular Guatemalan voice haunts many reflections on that era: that of anthropologist Myrna Mack, whose criticism of the government’s maltreatment of indigenous people led to her assassination by a military death squad in 1990. The state is not a shadowy or mystical presence in such lives and deaths; it is a fiercely felt reality, in Guatemala and throughout the isthmus. Today most anthropologists take as a given Smith’s (1990) insistence that ethnicity and nation cannot be understood without investigating the state. www.annualreviews.org • Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print 385 ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 What it means to live in a state of violence and fear has motivated much of the post–Cold War literature in Guatemala as well as El Salvador (and later Honduras). Green’s (1999) dialectical analysis of fear and terror in everyday life links Maya war experiences with long-term inequalities and structural violences. Sanford (2003), like Binford in El Mozote, reveals the complicated terrain of postwar forensic and other human rights investigations as well as the power (and pain) of war testimonies. This research has focused on emergent actors such as widows, human rights interlocutors, evangelical converts, Mayan cultural rights activists, and even “gringas,” the North American and European women who dedicated themselves to grassroots work at wars’ end (Adams 1998). It reflects on the meaning of postwar in particular places, and it contributes to creating a foundation for research on aftermaths. A corresponding political and theoretical vocabulary—including impunity, accountability, dignity, victimhood, fear, waiting, secrecy, and agency—informs anthropological insights on violence and postconflict periods, even as everyday experience seems to veer far from past history. Central American post–Cold War anthropology also demonstrates how shared, coherent narratives of what happened, how, and to whom are elusive. By the late 1980s, Rigoberta Menchú’s (Burgos-Debray & Menchú 1984) account of the horrors that befell her, her family, and her K’iche’ Maya community was circulating worldwide. Testimonio, a genre burdened with an aura of “authenticity” and usually defined as a first-hand account written by an eyewitness (or dictated to a transcriber/collaborator), became an important form of documenting struggles throughout Central America (Falla 1992, Montejo 1987, Tula & Stephen 1994). For several years sensational debates raged about the autobiographical versus communal nature of testimonies, and the appropriation of the genre by academics and the Left in general. The polemics (Arias 2001, Stoll 1999) demonstrate the impossibility of “fixing” history, especially in aftermaths. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ENVIRONMENTAL BATTLEGROUNDS Scholars of Central America have deepened their focus on political economy in the post–Cold War years, investigating entrenched, emergent, and shifting forms of labor and livelihood, just as predicted by Smith & Boyer (1987). Many have followed crops, especially coffee and bananas. Studies of such commodities became lenses through which regional histories and everyday relationships could be observed. In research anticipated in the Annual Review of Anthropology articles mentioned above (Smith & Boyer 1987, Smith et al. 1988), Bourgois (1989) examines the mobilization of ethnic identity in Costa Rica, plumbing the relationships among work, class, and ethnicity on a Chiquita banana plantation. Paige (1998) takes up the region’s entangled history with coffee in his wide-ranging exploration of links among coffee, politics, and finance. While wars raged and in their aftermaths, the neoliberal economic model has reached into the remotest rural corners of Central America. Markets opened, public holdings were privatized, and resource extraction quickened. Tucker (2008) and Lyon (2011), among others, have revisited coffee cultivation, considering new arrangements of production and marketing as well as community and household politics, kinship, and transnational linkages. Fresh, frozen, and otherwise processed nontraditional export crops such as snow peas, broccoli, melons, and cut flowers have produced alternative livelihood opportunities (Hamilton & Fischer 2005). Research on commodity chains offers a means to trace aspects of globalization such as the links between international producers and US consumers, and it points to the way Central Americans articulate their desire for algo más (something more) (Fischer & Benson 2006). The diversion of subsistence plots to the cultivation of export crops, the high use of pesticides and resulting environmental devastation, and the expansion of such practices as shrimp and mollusk cultivation contribute to what Stonich et al. (1994) call an 386 Burrell · Moodie Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 enduring crisis with human and environmental consequences. Debates over genetically modified crops, especially corn, echo throughout the region (Grandia 2014). In Costa Rica, organic seeds have become a linchpin for the negotiation of kinship versus intellectual property rights (Aistara 2014). Such studies offer insights into how agriculturalists and other economic actors such as market vendors reframe “risk” and “crisis” and may act contrary to expert advice and predominant market logic (Little 2013, Tucker 2013). Since the Cold War, neoliberal forces have impelled the market reorganization of land, ownership, and resources. In her study of waves of dispossession of Q’eqchi’, Grandia (2011) emphasizes how neoliberal trade and infrastructural projects financed by international development banks incite conflict between Maya and conservationists. Loker (2003) explores how Hondurans have coped with environmental changes over two decades since the construction of the El Cajón hydroelectric dam, finding increased vulnerability of poorer households. Environmental histories also drive Nading’s (2014) ethnographic attention to vulnerable urban poor in Nicaragua. He conceives of the dengue pandemic, his research focus, in terms of entanglements of interconnected bodies and environments, challenging the idea that there are borders between them. In most post–Cold War research in Central America, borders, if not challenged, are being redrawn, from the Honduras Bajo-Aguán land reform program (Edelman & León 2013) to indigenous land rights debates in Guatemala (Hale 2006). Galemba’s (2013) chance encounter with Mexican soldiers, sent to enforce border control on a normally unpatrolled strip of road crossing from Mexico to Guatemala, led her to reflect on the arbitrary ways in which activities, peoples, and places are rendered illegal. Brondo’s (2013) work among the Garifuna in Honduras points to the contradictions that arise when identity politics, tourism, and land rights claims mix in land grabs. Dispossession of communal patrimony and resources is increasing. Resource battles give rise to local organizing, rights-based initiatives, and the formation of advocacy NGOs. Water struggles are especially acute in Costa Rica, where an active anti–water privatization movement calls for transparency (Ballestero 2012), a demand echoed by the Nicaragua anti–water privatization movement (Romano 2012). Central Americans are mobilizing against mining companies in indigenous communities of Guatemala as well as in former war zones of El Salvador (Dougherty 2011, Spalding 2014). In Costa Rica, “bio-vigilante” activists monitor local fields in their opposition to transgenic seeds (Pearson 2012). As new players enter the global market, most notably China, development frameworks are shifting. DeHart’s (2012) research in Costa Rica examines how China’s presence challenges the politics of economic development, promoting South–South cooperation. The post–Cold War moment has witnessed a fundamental restructuring of the world economy. In Central America, shifts in mass migration, tourism, and export production signal a break in regional modes of accumulation and international division of labor. In Nicaragua, Bickham Mendez (2005) observes a movement that shifted its focus from the Sandinista revolution to informal labor organizing in the maquilas (assembly factories); Northern companies outsource labor needs throughout the isthmus, paying low wages for work in flimsy factories in urban and rural tax-free zones. New industrial laborers, such as women (Aguirre Hernández 2010, Pine 2008) and Mayan youth (Green 2003), are subject to draconian measures of discipline. Maquilas become both sites of resistance and the means for expanding consumption, exacerbating generational conflicts (Goldı́n 2011). Brooks (2007) shows how they are also places of transnational consumer protest campaigns connected to the labor rights movement in El Salvador. Recent work renders visible previously hidden forms of labor. Offit (2008) challenges predominant wisdom about child street labor by showing Guatemalan working youth’s economic planning and well-beyond-survival income generation. Thomas (2012) reveals the world of smallscale Mayan apparel manufacturers producing unauthorized Hollister and Abercrombie & Fitch www.annualreviews.org • Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print 387 ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 sweatshirts in concrete-block backrooms. These counterfeiters cull their normative business practices from development ideologies promoted by neoliberal policy agendas and international law. Studies by Hendrickson (1995) and Kistler (2014) show the work and worlds of Mayan women and their centrality to political constructions of identity and community. More visible are the changes affecting tourism, as countries attempt to capitalize on forests, beaches, archeological zones, and cultural traditions. Beyond picturesque villages and volcanoes, however, lie complex negotiations among individuals, communities, and states. Nicaragua’s move from revolution not just to maquilas but also to resorts illustrates the contradictory impulses of tourism and nationalism (Babb 2004). Babb (2013) in Nicaragua and Frohlick (2013) in Costa Rica explore sex, power, and the touristic encounter. In Guatemala, Antigua’s market vendors resist attempts to represent and commodify Mayan culture and act to reshape these processes to their own benefit (Little 2004). Mayan culture has also emerged as part of heritage branding in Copán Ruinas, Honduras (Mortenson 2014); meanwhile, Honduran coastal dwellers challenge multinationals in the marketing of their culture (Anderson 2013, Loperena 2012). Ecotourism is growing throughout the isthmus, especially in Costa Rica, where multiple actors shape and contest environmentalism in the cloud forests of Monte Verde (Vivanco 2006). Migration and remittances have arguably reshaped contemporary Central America more indelibly than coffee once did. Now, cash flows south to enhance national GDPs as Central Americans flock north, both to search for livelihood and to flee violence. Some places, such as La Quebrada in Honduras, have transformed so rapidly that residents struggle to cope (Reichman 2011). Regional studies chart changes in sending communities in Guatemala (Taylor et al. 2006), the reimagining in El Salvador of developmentalist politics and transnational migration (Wiltberger 2014) as well of family in the context of transnational separations (Abrego 2014), and the reshaping of kinship, care, and generational relationships in Nicaragua (Yarris 2014). Emerging transnational ethnographies explore how lives across borders are shaped and negotiated in multiple places, through theoretical lenses such as value (Pedersen 2012), morality (Foxen 2008), state imaginations (Baker-Cristales 2004), citizenship (Coutin 2007), debt (Stoll 2012), informal labor (Quesada 1999), and authenticity and belonging across polarized lines (Burrell 2013, Dyrness 2014). Anthropologists and other social scientists chart the dangerous passage north (Rivas Castillo 2011, Vogt 2013), and many of them have become migrant advocates (Lazo de Vega & Steigenga 2013). Emerging studies of South–South migration—especially of other Central Americans to Costa Rica (Hayden 2003, Sandoval-Garcia 2004)—shed new light on the dynamics of transnationality. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie POLITICAL, ETHNIC/RACIAL, AND RELIGIOUS SUBJECTIVITIES Cold War logics produced binary-political subjectivities—oppositional ideological identifications with very little room for ambiguity or compromise, as Bourgois (2001) demonstrates in his reflections on violence among Salvadoran peasant insurgents. The upshot, in Central America as elsewhere, is that after the Cold War, things got messier. Moral poles became more ambiguous even for activists and solidarity analysts, not to mention once-committed Central Americans, their lives mired in what Silber (2010, p. 10) calls “entangled aftermaths.” Neoliberalism emerged as an amorphous enemy that often elicits depoliticizing, individualistic responses—for example, shopping in malls (Rivas 2014, Way 2012) or sharing crime stories that parse violence as individual acts to be managed as everyday risk, unrelated to social relations or political conditions (Moodie 2010). The great impulse of revolutionary movements is to overcome individual orientation and produce collective, class-conscious subjects. Grandin (2004) develops the concept of “insurgent individuality” in studying the events leading up to the 1978 Panzós massacre in Guatemala: “Collective 388 Burrell · Moodie Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 action distilled for many a more potent understanding of themselves as politically consequent individuals” (Grandin 2004, p. 181). The paradigmatic example of this transformation is 1992 Nobel laureate Rigoberta Menchú. Debates stemming from her text arose in the post–Cold War context of doubts about political solidarity and emancipatory movements. As Howe’s (2013) friends in Nicaragua explained, the post–Cold War moment has produced dispersed luchas (struggles) rather than the sustained movements of the past. For anthropologists, that once-socialist country has been a potent site for research on post–Cold War political subjectivities. Howe’s study of sexual rights activism joins a vibrant conversation on the legacies of Sandinista socialism on gender, feminism, and social movements in the context of neoliberalism (Babb 2001, Montoya 2012). Anthropologists of Central America still probe memories of revolutionary-era coming to consciousness—but also postwar disillusion and post–Cold War forms of struggle. In El Salvador, Silber (2010) analyzes the disappointment of “everyday revolutionary” women with development projects and local and revolutionary politics; in the context of neoliberal governance and fatigue, many turned to nonpublic pursuits, including migration. Viterna (2013) theorizes why only some female guerrillas transformed existing gender roles and gained opportunities after the war. Women who after the war developed “progressive gender ideologies and worked to inspire cultural change” (Viterna 2013, p. 8) generally had not occupied strategically powerful positions; rather, they had key wartime connections. Posocco (2014) similarly explores the gendered dimensions of guerilla socialities and subjectivities in Guatemala. Smith-Nonini’s (2010) study of health-rights movements emerging from guerrilla medicine also seeks to salvage hope in the midst of neoliberal restructuring. Binford (2013, p. 245), asking how guerrilla organization might empower former combatants, proposes a positive “postinsurgent individuality.” Sprenkels (2014) uses terms that echo Binford’s, but his ethnographic exploration of the experience of postinsurgency shows that many former rebel leaders have worked to safeguard and deepen their own privileges even (or especially) after coming to power, actions often complicit with neoliberal restructuring in generating postwar inequalities. Montoya (2013) also demonstrates the salience of the war to contemporary Salvadoran politics (as well as to postwar violence, theorized as intrinsic to democracy), but her research on the 2009 presidential elections focuses on symbols and discourses among citizenry that reintroduced unsolved wartime frictions into public debate. This postwar democracy research joins that of DeLugan (2012) on nation building and of Peterson (2006, p. 163), who sees a sudden post-1992 rise of Salvadoran indigenous movements as an extension of “the revolutionary desire that animated the social struggles of the civil war and before.” El Salvador drew little anthropological interest before the war, possibly because of its perceived lack of indigeneity—commonly (and inaccurately) traced to the 1932 massacre of Indians and peasants in a communist-led uprising. Today, as Salvadoran indigenous identification grows, postwar commemorations of 1932 are rising (DeLugan 2013) and scholars are revisiting the event (Gould & Lauria-Santiago 2008). Gould has long been interested in hidden or disappearing indigeneity; his earlier exploration of race and ethnicity in Nicaragua (Gould 1998) expanded to El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras in the late 1990s as part of a massive four-year project (Euraque et al. 2005). Ongoing attention to indigeneity has meant that Guatemalanists have dominated anthropological literature on Central America. In the post–Cold War years, the pan-Mayan movement, pressing for multicultural, ethnically plural, and multilingual rights, has been seen by many as the most dynamic force in the country (Fischer & Brown 1996, Montejo 2005, Warren 1998). Nelson’s (1999) study of cultural politics on the occasion of the 1992 quincentennial of the European conquest examines how power is deployed within Guatemalan racial and gender relations. Many anthropologists work with these ideas, considering the state and Mayan communities in the context of regional, national, and transnational politics (Casaús Arzú 2007, Velasquez Nimatuj 2008) as well as religious practices (Adams 2009, MacKenzie 2009). www.annualreviews.org • Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print 389 ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 Critics note that Mayan organizations and leaders do not necessarily represent local indigenous communities—rather, like many civil society organizations and social movements in the post–Cold War era, they answer to NGOs and international funders (Stoll 2011). Hale (2004) describes in this context the figure of the indio permitido, the authorized Indian who collaborates in benign neoliberal multiculturalism (Ybarra 2013). Ethnographers at the local level often find Maya to be less interested in abstract, identity-based rights claims than in local politics (Municipalidad Indı́gena de Sololá & Smith 2014). Vanthuyne (2009) concludes that despite divergent perceptions of Mayan identity among NGOs, intellectuals, and rural townspeople, there is still shared ground for identity politics. Hale (2006), meanwhile, probes Ladino (nonindigenous mestizo) perceptions of Maya identities and movements in Guatemala and finds that Ladinos share little ground with indigenous activists; rather, he finds them to be ambivalent in regard to race. Studies of non-Maya indigenous Central Americans and Atlantic Coast people of African descent once used to be categorized within the field of Caribbean studies. The 1980s conflicts positioned these populations more clearly within Central America’s national power structures (Hale 1994). A new generation of Central Americanists is exploring post–Cold War Afro-Central American and Atlantic Coast indigenous subjectivities, often using a critical race studies framework. Anderson (2009) teases out the complexities of the seemingly contradictory claims of both black (cosmopolitan) and indigenous (rooted) identities among Garifuna in Honduras; Pineda (2006) investigates similar questions among Creoles and Miskitus in Nicaragua. England (2006) moves between Honduras and New York to study transnational Garifuna communities. In Nicaragua, Goett (2011) theorizes a tense postrevolutionary governmentality stigmatizing Afro-descendant peoples despite the existence of multicultural modes of participation. Just as early Sandinista neglect of racial and ethnic difference once stymied the analysis of power dynamics, Costa Rica’s self-image as a mestizo nation has limited its ability to see itself through a multicultural lens. Some of the most interesting work on post–Cold War Costa Rica points to its transformation from an apparently complacent, middle-class society to a more activist one, through the formation of a vigorous movement of patriotic committees opposing the national referendum on the Dominican Republic–Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR) in 2007. The opposition movement framed the referendum debate ideologically, presenting it on the one hand as an opposition between neoliberal globalization and national sovereignty, and on the other as a crucial test for the survival of the Costa Rican welfare state (Raventós 2013, Rayner 2014). Honduras, too, has seen dramatic changes in its political and social milieu, marked in particular by Hurricane Mitch in 1998 (Ensor 2009) and by the 2009 coup that ousted leftist president Manuel “Mel” Zelaya. Many saw the angry protests and counterprotests (and brutal state response) that ensued as new developments—as Hondurans catching up to their (once) more radical isthmian neighbors—though Boyer & Cardona Peñalva (2013) show that there is a tradition of long-term social movements in the country. In the postcoup context, they look with hope at the emergence of new organizing around sustainable agriculture. Almeida (2014) sees post–Cold War battles in Honduras and throughout Central America as expressing a common opposition to neoliberalism; he argues that these movements have replaced the revolutionary and armed struggles of the past. Before the coup, few would have predicted the Honduran protests. Pine’s (2008) study of Honduran subjectivity, seen through the lenses of everyday violence, alcoholism, and assembly plants, suggests a negative self-identity characterized by self-blame and lack of discipline. Pine suggests evangelical Christianity is one way laborers reconcile the contradictions they experience in their daily lives. If during the 1980s and early 1990s academics interested in religion were drawn to Central America to study the popular church (Lancaster 1988, Peterson 1997), Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie 390 Burrell · Moodie Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 in the precarious, post–Cold War moment, religion scholars have been fascinated with the conversion to Protestantism of formerly Catholic Central Americans (Garrard-Burnett 1998). Pentecostals, in particular, encourage the Holy Spirit to intervene directly in their lives to increase wealth (Girard 2013) or to participate in development efforts (Huff 2014). To others, evangelical churches offer the hope of redemption or refuge from gangs (Wolseth 2011). In his recent research in Guatemala City, O’Neill (2015) explores evangelical gang prevention programs, building on his previous work on how the practices of neo-Pentecostal Christian citizens are conceived of as political action in the midst of a violent city (O’Neill 2009). Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. VIOLENCE AND IN/SECURITY From revolutions and armed conflicts to the everyday suffering imposed by severe social inequalities, to the spectacular gang aggression that grabs easy media attention, Central America is a region that has prompted much debate about violence and security. These are not new preoccupations among scholars of the region. Nevertheless, since the Cold War, violence has been shaped by new configurations of politics and power. Anthropological approaches to violence have expanded in the past quarter century as well, pushed in part by Central Americanist scholars who have challenged the clear separation of political and criminal (as well as structural, symbolic, and everyday) violences. Regional studies of violence range across several broad themes, especially relative to deepening inequalities. The first of these is the reconstitution of the state. The contemporary nature of the state has prompted considerable debate. In Guatemala, some have analyzed indigenous efforts to exercise their own forms of law and justice (Sieder 2011); others have questioned the state’s capacity to include and govern indigenous populations (Hawkins & MacDonald 2013). Copeland’s research on fruit-fly eradication in northwestern Guatemala shows how Mayans living in the violence of market-driven neoliberal democracy have produced an imaginary of the “monstrous” state as “the worst enemy of all the people” (Copeland 2014, p. 315). In her study of citizenship and transparency in Guatemala’s conditional transfer program, Dotson (2014) concludes that the poor bear the brunt of the state’s limited modernization project. In El Salvador, Baker-Cristales (2008) and Coutin (2007) find an emergent regime of transnational governmentality in the tension between the exclusionary tactics taken by state actors to control transnational populations and the informal influence the latter exercise through their remittances. Another theme encompasses ongoing truth and justice efforts, including human rights, forensic investigation, and memory. Decades after the war, efforts to prosecute former general Rı́os Montt in Guatemala for genocide and crimes against humanity, the first-ever national prosecution of a former head of state, have raised new issues for ethnographers. Anthropologists and historians have been at the center of this process, serving as witnesses, documenting proceedings, and analyzing archives (Steusse et al. 2013, Weld 2014). K. Vanthuyne & R. Falla (forthcoming in the Journal of Genocide Studies) probe the ethics and politics of collecting accounts of annihilation and destruction, noting the complicated mix of symbolic acknowledgment of the death of loved ones, solidarity, and urgent material need that characterizes many Central American communities living in aftermaths. In El Salvador, Hume (2009) argues that the declaration of amnesty for all those accused of human rights abuses in the Truth Commission report ignored the accounts of the victims and promoted an official version of history that silenced the collective memory of oppression. A postwar generation of Central Americans has taken on the question of historical memory in education, museum, and oral history projects (Bellino 2014, DeLugan 2012, González-Rivera 2011, Oglesby 2007). Many embrace memory activism to build a more inclusive future through the documentation and representation of national and community histories (Alarcón Medina & Binford 2014, Billingsly www.annualreviews.org • Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print 391 ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 2014, Hernández Rivas 2011, Tully 1997). These initiatives contribute an increasingly public aspect to the discipline as anthropologists consult, give testimony, and advocate. Structural violence—the systemic ways in which individuals or groups may be kept from meeting basic needs—animates anthropologists working throughout the isthmus to give new meaning to daily struggles. These violences encompass everyday slights, gossip, and gender-biased cultural barriers suffered by women in Guatemala’s Oriente (Menjı́var 2011); the grief of young Honduran men at the commonplace deaths of their peers from gun and gang violence (Wolseth 2011); and the experience of Nicaraguan women who wonder why they should get out of bed if they cannot support their families (Nouvet 2014). Anxieties about overwhelming hardship led the Nicaraguan women Yarris (2011) works with to suffer from dolor de cerebro (brainache). Quesada (1998) in Nicaragua, Foxen (2009) in Guatemala, and Dickson-Gomez (2004) in El Salvador write of how effects of war are embodied long after the fact, especially among children. State power and neoliberal policymaking are mapped onto women’s bodies in relation to their weight (Yates-Doerr 2012) as well as their reproductive capacities and pre- and postnatal choices (Maupin 2009). These violences, structural and gendered, are doubly invisible; as Hume (2009) demonstrates, violences in gender relations comprise taken-for-granted senses of what it means to be man or woman. Such invisibility might explain the regional rise of feminicidal violence (Carey & Torres 2010). As these studies show, a multitude of violences mix with chronic insecurity. In post–Cold War Central America, “security” has been translated from the anti-communist National Security Doctrine of the 1960s into a matter of citizen security (O’Neill et al. 2011). Security is framed nationally and as a state responsibility, or transnationally, for example, in terms of zero tolerance efforts against gangs (Zilberg 2011). Security is also achieved locally, often at the margins where the state is perceived to be absent. “Popular justice” measures that include lynching and remilitarization and vigilantism (Burrell 2010, Sharp 2015) have risen to prominence. These local security initiatives, in common with state-led mano dura (commonly translated as “iron fist”) legislation, gain their legitimacy by mobilizing popular moral panic discourses about gangs (Moodie 2009), though many citizens call for social and integrative solutions to crime (Huhn 2008). Ultimately, endlessly circulating crime stories reiterate a historical sense that things are “worse than the war” (Moodie 2010, p. 2), a sentiment that resonates in everyday life throughout the region, but perhaps especially in its urban cores (Torres 2015). Burrell (2013) also shows the consequences of such discourses on the ground; in Todos Santos Cuchumatán, Guatemala, asserting generational authority has involved equating the “youth problem” with gang danger to justify repressive tactics that mimicked wartime security measures. Studies of Central American gangs often point to Los Angeles as a point of origin for the two major Central American gangs, the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and the Barrio 18, especially after the United States accelerated deportations in 1996 (Ward 2012, Zilberg 2011). Anthropologists conducting fieldwork in Central America acknowledge the transnational frame of contemporary gang logics, but their ethnographic commitments reveal deeply local cultural dynamics. Martı́nez D’Aubuisson (2013) spent a year in a San Salvador neighborhood controlled by an MS-13 clique (loosely organized local unit), documenting its control of the community economy (including extortion or “protection”), recruitment of children, and homicidal territorial battles. Rodgers’s (2007) account of becoming a broder (brother) and joining a Managua street gang in the mid1990s examines the community-based ethos of earlier groups. Returning to Nicaragua years later, Rodgers (2009) finds that the pandilleros (gang members) had morphed into something much more violent. He attributes this shift to changing urban spatial orders. Others demonstrate how state repression compelled gangs in the Northern Triangle of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras to become more violent and organized as well as vertical and secretive, responding to crime sweeps and the suspension of due process based on mano dura logic (Cruz 2011, Gutiérrez Rivera 2013). Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie 392 Burrell · Moodie Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 Levenson (2013) traces the decades-long evolution of so-called maras (gangs) in Guatemala City, which she describes as a shift from being gangs of life to gangs of death. Gutiérrez Rivera (2013) and Carter (2014) have researched mareros (gang members) in Honduras both in and out of prison, where emergency laws quickly filled precariously constructed and overcrowded penitentiaries with thousands of young men. Many regional specialists might recall the prison fires that frequently broke out in the wings housing gang members. Death, indeed, has been the only way out of gangs for Central American gang members. One exception seems to be conversion to evangelical Christianity (Brenneman 2012). Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. CONCLUSION In the last brutal years of the Cold War, North American anthropology discovered Central America—at least according to the two Annual Review of Anthropology articles published in 1987 and 1988 (Smith & Boyer 1987, Smith et al. 1988). Smith & Boyer (1987, p. 197) proposed that vibrant revolutionary movements in the isthmus made social scientists “take serious notice of social currents in Central America for the first time.” Of course, anthropologists had been working in the region throughout the twentieth century, especially in Guatemala. But it is true that a new energy emerged in work on the region at that moment. In this review we have tried to trace that energy, following its paths into the present. Especially in the fields of war aftermaths, violence, and the formation of political subjectivities, anthropologists of Central America have elaborated innovative trajectories for the discipline as a whole. The regional scholarship’s historical strengths in political economy, indigenous studies, and social movement research continue to flourish. Work in this region pushes the boundaries of how we understand people’s relationships to the natural resources still abundant in the area’s rich volcanic soils and waters. The complex idioms of multiculturalism and identity politics have taken particular forms in Central America that are foundational for the theorizing of anthropologists elsewhere. Ultimately, though, the vast majority of Central Americans live in precarious, violent conditions, ever more so under neoliberal governance. Insecurity and social suffering have become hallmarks of anthropological research on Central America. Central America is only intermittently in the news now. When it does come to worldwide attention, it is often in relation to migration, “natural” disasters, and gang violence. As this review demonstrates, anthropologists of Central America, and those building anthropologies within Central America, insist on accounting for the historically deep and geopolitically wide links that have culminated in the present crises. They refuse visions of power vacuums, state failures, and amorphous violences rising from nowhere. Instead, they show how Central Americans, many of them dwelling in complex transnational worlds, continue to struggle to shape their own lives and livelihoods. DISCLOSURE STATEMENT The authors are not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thanks go to research assistants David Aristazábal, Mounia El Kotni, and Joel Lennen, as well as Helen Faller, Ann-Britt Ohlsen, and James Shuford. We are grateful for generous financial support from SFB 700 Governance in Areas of Limited Statehood at the Freie Universität, Berlin, www.annualreviews.org • Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print 393 AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 especially to Marianne Braig, Markus-Michael Müller, and Markus Hochmuller of the Institute for Latin American Studies, and to DesiguALdades, the Gerda Henkel Foundation, Re:Work at the Humboldt University, Berlin, UUP Albany Professional Development Program, and the Campus Research Board of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. We thank our many Central American and Central Americanist colleagues who generously shared work and ideas, responded to calls for literature, and offered enthusiasm during the writing of the article. We would especially like to thank Susan Coutin, Marc Edelman, Carol Hendrickson, and David Stoll for thoughtful commentaries on the literature, Jon Carter and Jeremy Rayner for last-minute heroics, and Tim Smith for culling useful data. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. LITERATURE CITED Abrego LJ. 2014. Sacrificing Families: Navigating Laws, Labor, and Love across Borders. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford Univ. Press Adams AE. 1998. Gringas, ghouls and Guatemala: the 1994 attacks on North American women accused of body organ trafficking. J. Lat. Am. Caribb. Anthropol. 4(1):112–33 Adams AE. 2009. Reviving our spirits: revelation, re-encuentro, and retroceso in post–peace accords Verapaz. In Mayas in Postwar Guatemala: Harvest of Violence Revisited, ed. WE Little, TJ Smith, pp. 30–41. Tuscaloosa: Univ. Ala. Press Adams R, Bastos S, Taracena A. 2004a. Estado, etnicidad y nación en Guatemala, 1808–1944 y 1944–1985. Antigua, Guatem.: CIRMA Adams R, Bastos S, Taracena A, eds. 2004b. Las relaciones étnicas en Guatemala, 1944–2000: una sı́ntesis. Antigua, Guatem.: CIRMA Aguirre Hernández L. 2010. Capacidad de mercado y la (in)tolerancia hacia la desigualdad social: los casos de trabajadoras de maquila y pequeños empresarios del sector turı́stico en El Salvador. In “. . .Te das hasta donde aguantes.” Desigualdades de excedente en Centroamérica: Tolerancia y ciudadanı́a social. El caso El Salvador, ed. JB Pérez Sainz, pp. 117–64. San Pedro, Costa Rica: FLACSO Aistara G. 2014. Actually existing tomatoes: politics of memory, variety, and empire in Latvian struggles over seeds. Focaal J. Glob. Hist. Anthropol. 69:12–27 Alarcón Medina R, Binford L. 2014. Revisiting the El Mozote massacre: memory and politics in postwar El Salvador. J. Genocide Res. 16(4):513–33 Almeida PD. 2014. Mobilizing Democracy: Globalization and Citizen Protest. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press Anderson M. 2009. Black and Indigenous: Garifuna Activism and Consumer Culture in Honduras. Minneapolis: Univ. Minn. Press Anderson M. 2013. Notes on tourism, ethnicity, and the politics of cultural value in Honduras. See Burrell & Moodie 2013, pp. 276–92 Arias A, ed. 2001. The Rigoberta Menchú Controversy. Minneapolis: Univ. Minn. Press Babb FE. 2001. After Revolution: Mapping Gender and Cultural Politics in Neoliberal Nicaragua. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press Babb FE. 2004. Recycled sandalistas: from revolution to resorts in the new Nicaragua. Am. Anthropol. 106(3):541–55 Babb FE. 2013. Intimate encounters: sex and power in Nicaraguan tourism. See Burrell & Moodie 2013, pp. 261–75 Baker-Cristales B. 2004. Salvadoran Migration to Southern California: Redefining El Hermano Lejano. Gainesville: Univ. Press Fla. Baker-Cristales B. 2008. Magical pursuits: legitimacy and representation in a transnational political field. Am. Anthropol. 110(3):349–59 Ballestero A. 2012. Transparency short-circuited: laughter and numbers in Costa Rican water politics. PoLAR: Polit. Leg. Anthropol. Rev. 35(2):223–41 394 Burrell · Moodie Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 Bellino M. 2014. Whose past, whose present? Historical memory among the “postwar” generation in Guatemala. In (Re)constructing Memory: School Textbooks and the Imagination of the Nation, ed. JH Williams, pp. 131–52. Rotterdam, Neth.: Sense Bickham Mendez J. 2005. From the Revolution to the Maquiladoras: Gender, Labor, and Globalization in Nicaragua. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Billingsly DM. 2014. “So that all shall know”: memory activism and epistemic authority in Guatemala. PhD Thesis, Wash. Univ., St. Louis Binford L. 1996. The El Mozote Massacre: Anthropology and Human Rights. Tucson: Univ. Ariz. Press Binford L. 2002. Violence in El Salvador: a rejoinder to Philippe Bourgois’s “The power of violence in war and peace: post-war lessons from El Salvador.” Ethnography 3(1):177–95 Binford L. 2013. Migration, tourism, and post-insurgent individuality in Northern Morazán, El Salvador. See Burrell & Moodie 2013, pp. 245–60 Bourgois P. 1989. Ethnicity at Work: Divided Labor on a Central American Banana Plantation. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press Bourgois P. 2001. The power of violence in war and peace: post-war lessons from El Salvador. Ethnography 2(1):5–34 Boyer J, Cardona Peñalva W. 2013. Daring to hope in the midst of despair: the agrarian question within the anti-coup resistance movement in Honduras. See Burrell & Moodie 2013, pp. 64–79 Brenneman R. 2012. Homies and Hermanos: God and Gangs in Central America. New York/Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press Brondo K. 2013. Land Grab: Green Neoliberalism, Gender, and Garifuna Resistance in Honduras. Tucson: Univ. Ariz. Press Brooks EC. 2007. Unraveling the Garment Industry: Transnational Organizing and Women’s Work. Minneapolis: Univ. Minn. Press Burgos-Debray E, Menchú R. 1984. I, Rigoberta Menchú: An Indian Woman in Guatemala. New York: Verso Burrell JL. 2010. In and out of rights: security, migration and human rights talk in postwar Guatemala. J. Lat. Am. Caribb. Anthropol. 15(1):90–115 Burrell JL. 2013. Maya After War: Conflict, Power and Politics. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press Burrell JL, Moodie E, ed. 2013. Central America in the New Millennium: Living Transition and Reimagining Democracy. New York/Oxford: Berghahn Carey D Jr., Torres GM. 2010. Precursors to femicide: Guatemalan women in a vortex of violence. Lat. Am. Res. Rev. 45(3):142–64 Carmack R, ed. 1988. Harvest of Violence: The Maya Indians and the Guatemalan Crisis. Norman: Univ. Okla. Press Carter J. 2014. Gothic sovereignty: gangs and criminal community in a Honduran prison. S. Atl. Q. 113(3):475– 502 Casaús Arzú M. 1992. Racismo y linaje. San José, Costa Rica: FLACSO Casaús Arzú M. 2007. Reformulating the Guatemalan state: the role of Maya intellectuals and civil society discourse. Soc. Anal. 51(2):148–66 Copeland N. 2014. Mayan imaginaries of democracy: interactive sovereignties and political affect in postrevolutionary Guatemala. Am. Ethnol. 41(2):305–19 Coutin S. 2007. Nations of Emigrants: Shifting Boundaries of Citizenship in El Salvador and the United States. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press Cruz JM. 2011. Government responses and the dark side of gang suppression. In Maras: Gang Violence and Security in Central America, ed. T Bruneau, L Dammert, E Skinner, pp. 137–58. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press Dary Fuentes C. 2013. Acknowledging racism and state transformation in postwar Guatemalan society. See Burrell & Moodie 2013, pp. 131–45 DeHart M. 2012. Remodeling the global development landscape: the China model and south–south cooperation in Latin America. Third World Q. 33(7):1359–75 DeLugan RM. 2012. Reimagining National Belonging: Post-Civil War El Salvador in a Global Context. Tucson: Univ. Ariz. Press DeLugan RM. 2013. Commemorating from the margins of the nation: El Salvador 1932, indigeneity, and transnational belonging. Anthropol. Q. 86(4):956–94 www.annualreviews.org • Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print 395 ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 Dickson-Gomez J. 2004. “One who doesn’t know war, doesn’t know anything”: the problem of comprehending suffering in postwar El Salvador. Anthropol. Humanism 29(2):145–58 Dotson R. 2014. Citizen–auditors and visible subjects: Mi Familia Progresa and transparency politics in Guatemala. PoLAR: Polit. Leg. Anthropol. Rev. 37(2):350–70 Dougherty ML. 2011. The global gold mining industry, junior firms, and civil society resistance in Guatemala. Bull. Lat. Am. Res. 30(4):403–18 Dyrness A. 2014. National divisions, transnational ties: constructing social and civic identities in postwar El Salvador. J. Lat. Am. Caribb. Anthropol. 19(1):63–83 Edelman M. 1999. Peasants Against Globalization: Rural Social Movements in Costa Rica. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford Univ. Press Edelman M, Léon A. 2013. Cycles of land grabbing in Central America: an argument for history and a case study in the Bajo Aguán, Honduras. Third World Q. 34(9):1697–722 England S. 2006. Afro-Central Americans in New York City: Garifuna Tales of Transnational Movements in Racialized Space. Gainesville: Univ. Fla. Press Ensor MO. 2009. The Legacy of Hurricane Mitch: Lessons from Post-Disaster Reconstruction in Honduras. Tucson: Univ. Ariz. Press Euraque DA, Gould JL, Hale CR. 2005. Memorias de mestizaje: Cultura politica en Centroamérica de 1920 al presente. Miami: Cent. Investig. Reg. Mesoam. Falla R. 1992. Masacres de la selva: Ixcán, Guatemala, 1975–1982. Guatemala City, Guatem.: Editor. Univ. Field L. 1999. The Grimace of Macho Raton: Artisans, Identity, and Nation in Late-Twentieth-Century Western Nicaragua. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Fischer EF, Benson P. 2006. Broccoli and Desire: Global Connections and Maya Struggles in Postwar Guatemala. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford Univ. Press Fischer EF, Brown RM. 1996. Maya Cultural Activism in Guatemala. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press Foxen P. 2008. In Search of Providence: Transnational Mayan Identities. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt Univ. Press Foxen P. 2009. Local narratives of distress and resilience: lessons in psychosocial wellbeing among the K’iche Maya in postwar Guatemala. J. Lat. Am. Caribb. Anthropol. 15(1):66–89 Frohlick S. 2013. Sexuality, Women, and Tourism: Cross-Border Desires Through Contemporary Travel. London: Routledge Galemba R. 2013. Illegality and invisibility at margins and borders. PoLAR: Polit. Leg. Anthropol. Rev. 36(2):274– 85 Garrard-Burnett V. 1998. Protestantism in Guatemala: Living in the New Jerusalem. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press Gindin J. 2005. The battle for global society. Venezuelanalysis.com. http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/ 1186 Girard W. 2013. The outpouring of development: place, prosperity, and the Holy Spirit in Zion Ministries. Religion 43(3):385–402 Goett J. 2011. Citizens or anticitizens? Afro-descendants and counternarcotics policing in multicultural Nicaragua. J. Lat. Am. Caribb. Anthropol. 16(2):354–79 Goldı́n L. 2011. Labor turnover among maquila workers of highland Guatemala: resistance and semiproletarianization in global capitalism. Lat. Am. Res. Rev. 46(3):133–56 González-Rivera V. 2011. Before the Revolution: Women’s Rights and Right-Wing Politics in Nicaragua, 1821– 1979. University Park: Pa. State Univ. Press Gould JL. 1998. To Die in This Way: Nicaraguan Indians and the Myth of Mestizaje, 1880–1965. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Gould JL, Lauria-Santiago AA. 2008. To Rise in Darkness: Revolution, Repression, and Memory in El Salvador, 1920–1932. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Grandia L. 2011. Enclosed: Conservation, Cattle, and Commerce Among the Q’eqchi’ Maya Lowlanders. Seattle: Univ. Wash. Press Grandia L. 2014. Modified landscapes: vulnerabilities to genetically modified corn in northern Guatemala. J. Peasant Stud. 41(1):79–105 Grandin G. 2004. The Last Colonial Massacre: Latin America in the Cold War. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press Green L. 1999. Fear as a Way of Life: Mayan Widows in Rural Guatemala. New York: Columbia Univ. Press Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie 396 Burrell · Moodie Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 Green L. 2003. Notes on Mayan youth and rural industrialization in Guatemala. Crit. Anthropol. 23(1):51–73 Gutiérrez Rivera L. 2013. Territories of Violence: State, Marginal Youth, and Public Security in Honduras. New York: Palgrave Macmillan Hale CR. 1994. Resistance and Contradiction: Miskitu Indians and the Nicaraguan State, 1894–1987. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford Univ. Press Hale CR. 2004. Rethinking indigenous politics in the era of the “Indio Permitido.” NACLA Rep. Am. 38(2):16– 21 Hale CR. 2006. Activist research v. cultural critique: indigenous land rights and the contradictions of politically engaged anthropology. Cult. Anthropol. 21(1):96–120 Hamilton S, Fischer E. 2005. Maya farmers and export agriculture in highland Guatemala: implications for development and labor relations. Lat. Am. Perspect. 32(5):33–58 Hawkins J, MacDonald J. 2013. Crisis of Governance in Maya Guatemala: Indigenous Responses to a Failing State. Norman: Univ. Okla. Press Hayden B. 2003. Salvadorans in Costa Rica: Displaced Lives. Tucson: Univ. Ariz. Press Hendrickson C. 1995. Weaving Identities: Construction of Dress and Self in a Highland Guatemala Town. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press Hernández Rivas G. 2011. Conservación y gestión de la memoria del conflicto armado salvadoreño. In Conflicto, memoria y pasados traumáticos: El Salvador contemporáneo, ed. E Rey Tristán, P Cagiao Vila, pp. 241–54. Santiago, Spain: Univ. Santiago de Compostela Howe C. 2013. Intimate Activism: The Struggle for Sexual Rights in Postrevolutionary Nicaragua. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Huff JG Jr. 2014. Pentecostalized development and novel social imaginaries in rural El Salvador. J. Lat. Am. Caribb. Anthropol. 19(1):22–40 Huhn S. 2008. La percepción de la inseguridad en Costa Rica, El Salvador, y Nicaragua. Rev. Cienc. Soc. Univ. Costa Rica 122:149–65 Hume M. 2009. The Politics of Violence: Gender, Conflict and Community in El Salvador. Chichester, UK: WileyBlackwell Kistler A. 2014. Maya Market Women: Power and Tradition in San Juan Chamelco, Guatemala. Champaign: Univ. Ill. Press Kruijt D. 2008. Guerrillas: War and Peace in Central America. London: Zed Books Kruijt D. 2014. The significance of Edelberto Torres-Rivas in Central America: a review of his academic life and work. CROLAR: Crit. Rev. Lat. Am. Res. 3(1):55–58. http://www.crolar.org/index.php/crolar/ article/view/137/html_63 Lancaster R. 1988. Thanks to God and the Revolution: Popular Religion and Class Consciousness in the New Nicaragua. New York: Columbia Univ. Press Lancaster R. 1992. Life is Hard: Machismo, Danger, and the Intimacy of Power in Nicaragua. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press Lazo de Vega S, Steigenga T. 2013. Against the Tide: Immigrants, Day Laborers, and Community in Jupiter, Florida. Madison: Univ. Wisc. Press Levenson DT. 2013. Adios Niño: The Gangs of Guatemala City and the Politics of Death. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Little WE. 2004. Mayas in the Marketplace: Tourism, Globalization, and Cultural Identity. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press Little WE. 2013. Maya handicraft vendors’ CAFTA-DR discourse: “Free trade is not for everyone in Guatemala.” See Burrell & Moodie 2013, pp. 181–95 Little WE, Smith T, ed. 2009. Mayas in Postwar Guatemala: Harvest of Violence Revisited. Tuscaloosa: Univ. Ala. Press Loker WD. 2003. Dam impacts in a time of globalization: using multiple methods to document social and environmental change in rural Honduras. Curr. Anthropol. 44:S112–21 Loperena CA. 2012. A fragmented paradise: the politics of development and land use on the Caribbean coast of Honduras. PhD Thesis, Univ. Tex., Austin Lyon S. 2011. Coffee and Community: Maya Farmers and Fair-Trade Markets. Boulder: Univ. Colo. Press www.annualreviews.org • Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print 397 ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 MacKenzie CJ. 2009. Judas off the noose: sacerdotes Mayas, costumbristas, and the politics of purity in the tradition of San Simón in Guatemala. J. Lat. Am. Caribb. Anthropol. 14(2):355–81 Manz B. 1988. Refugees of a Hidden War: The Aftermath of Counterinsurgency in Guatemala. Albany: SUNY Press Martı́nez D’Aubuisson JJ. 2013. Ver, oı́r, callar: En las profundidades de una pandilla salvadoreña. San Salvador, El Salv.: AURA Maupin J. 2009. “Fruit of the accords”: healthcare reform and civil participation in highland Guatemala. Soc. Sci. Med. 68(8):1456–63 McAllister C, Nelson DM, ed. 2013. War by Other Means: Aftermath in Post-Genocide Guatemala. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Menjı́var C. 2011. Enduring Violence: Ladina Women’s Lives in Guatemala. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press Montejo V. 1987. Testimony: Death of a Guatemalan Village. Evanston, IL: Curbstone Books Montejo V. 2005. Maya Intellectual Renaissance: Identity, Representation, and Leadership. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press Montoya A. 2013. The violence of cold war polarities and the fostering of hope: the 2009 elections in postwar El Salvador. See Burrell & Moodie 2013, pp. 49–63 Montoya R. 2012. Gendered Scenarios of Revolution: Making New Men and Women in Nicaragua, 1975–2000. Tucson: Univ. Ariz. Press Moodie E. 2009. Seventeen years, seventeen murders: the production of post–Cold War knowledge in El Salvador. Soc. Text 99:77–103 Moodie E. 2010. El Salvador in the Aftermath of Peace: Crime, Uncertainty and the Transition to Democracy. Philadelphia: Univ. Pa. Press Mortensen L. 2014. Branding Copán: valuing cultural distinction in an archaeological tourism destination. J. Tourism Cult. Change 12(3):237–52 Municipalidad Indı́gena de Sololá, Smith TJ, eds. 2014. Runuk’ulen ri Q’atb’äl Tzij chi Tz’olöj Ya’/Autoridad y gobierno kaqchikel de Sololá. Antigua, Guatem.: Editorial Junajpu’ Nading A. 2014. Mosquito Trails: Ecology, Health, and the Politics of Entanglement. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press Nelson DM. 1999. A Finger in the Wound: Body Politics in Quincentennial Guatemala. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press Nelson DM. 2009. Reckoning: The Ends of War in Guatemala. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Nouvet E. 2014. Some carry on, some stay in bed: (in)convenient affects and agency in neoliberal Nicaragua. Cult. Anthropol. 29(1):80–102 Offit TA. 2008. Conquistadores de la Calle: Child Street Labor in Guatemala City. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press Oglesby E. 2007. Educating citizens in postwar Guatemala: historical memory, genocide and the culture of peace. Rad. Hist. Rev. 97:77–98 O’Neill KL. 2009. City of God: Christian Citizenship in Postwar Guatemala. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press O’Neill KL. 2015. Secure the Soul: Christian Piety and Gang Prevention in Guatemala. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press O’Neill KL, Thomas K, Offit TA. 2011. Securing the City: Neoliberalism, Space, and Insecurity in Postwar Guatemala. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Paige J. 1998. Coffee and Power: Revolution and the Rise of Democracy in Central America. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press Pearson T. 2012. Transgenic-free territories in Costa Rica: networks, place, and the politics of life. Am. Ethnol. 39(1):90–105 Pedersen D. 2012. American Value: Migrants, Money, and Meaning in El Salvador and the United States. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press Peterson AL. 1997. Martyrdom and the Politics of Religion: Progressive Catholicism in El Salvador’s Civil War. Albany: SUNY Press Peterson B. 2006. Consuming histories: the return of the Indian in neoliberal El Salvador. Cult. Dyn. 18(2):163– 88 Pine A. 2008. Working Hard, Drinking Hard: On Violence and Survival in Honduras. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press Pineda B. 2006. Shipwrecked Identities: Navigating Race on Nicaragua’s Mosquito Coast. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univ. Press Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie 398 Burrell · Moodie Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 Posocco S. 2014. Secrecy and Insurgency: Socialities and Knowledge Practices in Guatemala. Tuscaloosa: Univ. Ala. Press Quesada J. 1998. Suffering child: an embodiment of war and its aftermath in post-Sandinista Nicaragua. Med. Anthropol. Q. 12(1):51–73 Quesada J. 1999. From Central American warriors to San Francisco Latino day laborers: suffering and exhaustion in a transnational context. Trans. Anthropol. 8(1–2):162–85 Raventós C. 2013. “My heart says NO”: political experiences of the struggle against CAFTA-DR in Costa Rica. See Burrell & Moodie 2013, pp. 80–95 Rayner J. 2014. A new way of doing politics: the movement against CAFTA in Costa Rica. PhD Thesis, City Univ. N.Y. Reagan R. 1986. Remarks at a campaign fundraiser for William Clements. Dallas, Texas, July 23. http://www. reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1986/072386a.htm Reichman D. 2011. The Broken Village: Coffee, Migration, and Globalization in Honduras. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press Rivas CM. 2014. Salvadoran Imaginaries: Mediated Identities and Cultures of Consumption. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univ. Press Rivas Castillo J. 2011. Vı́ctimas nada más? Migrantes centroamericanos en el Sotonusco, Chiapas. Nueva Antropol. XXIV(74):9–38 Robinson W. 2003. Transnational Conflicts: Central America, Social Change, and Globalization. New York: Verso Rodgers D. 2007. Joining the gang and becoming a broder: the violence of ethnography in contemporary Nicaragua. Bull. Lat. Am. Res. 26(4):444–61 Rodgers D. 2009. Slum wars of the 21st century: gangs, Mano Dura and the new urban geography of conflict in Central America. Devel. Change 40(5):949–76 Romano S. 2012. From protest to proposal: the contentious politics of the Nicaraguan anti-water privatisation social movement. Bull. Lat. Am. Res. 31(4):499–514 Sandoval-Garcia C. 2004. Threatening Others: Nicaraguans and the Formation of National Identities in Costa Rica. Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press Sanford V. 2003. Buried Secrets: Truth and Human Rights in Guatemala. New York: Palgrave Macmillan Sharp E. 2015. Vigilantes, gangsters, and alcohol: clashing citizenship regimes in postwar Guatemala. J. Citizsh. Stud. 19:200–13 Sieder R. 2011. Contested sovereignties: indigenous law, violence and state effects in postwar Guatemala. Crit. Anthropol. 31(3):161–84 Silber IC. 2010. Everyday Revolutionaries: Gender, Violence and Disillusionment in Postwar El Salvador. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univ. Press Smith CA, ed. 1990. Guatemalan Indians and the State: 1540 to 1988. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press Smith CA, Boyer J. 1987. Central America since 1979: part 1. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 16:197–221 Smith CA, Boyer J, Diskin M. 1988. Central America since 1979, part II. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 17:331–64 Smith-Nonini S. 2010. Healing the Body Politic: El Salvador’s Struggle for Health Rights—From Civil War to Neoliberal Peace. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univ. Press Spalding RJ. 2014. El Salvador: horizontalism and the anti-mining movement. In Rethinking Latin American Social Movements: Radical Action from Below, ed. R Stahler-Sholk, HE Vanden, M Becker, pp. 311–33. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Sprenkels R. 2014. Revolution and accommodation: post-insurgency in El Salvador. PhD Thesis, Utrecht Univ. Steusse A, Manz B, Oglesby E, Olson K, Sanford V, et al. 2013. Sı́ hubo genocidio: anthropologists and the genocide trial of Guatemala’s Rı́os Montt. Am. Anthropol. 115(4):658–63 Stoll D. 1999. Rigoberta Menchú and the Story of All Poor Guatemalans. Boulder, CO: Westview Press Stoll D. 2011. The obligatory Indian. Dialect. Anthropol. 35:135–46 Stoll D. 2012. El Norte or Bust! How Migration Fever and Microcredit Produced a Financial Crash in a Latin American Town. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Stonich S, Murray DL, Rossett PM. 1994. Enduring crises: the human and environmental consequences of nontraditional export growth in Central America. Res. Econ. Anthropol. 15:239–74 Taylor M, Moran-Taylor MJ, Rodman Ruı́z D. 2006. Land, ethnic, and gender change: transnational migration and its effects on Guatemalan lives and landscapes. Geoforum 37:41–61 www.annualreviews.org • Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print 399 ARI 7 August 2015 14:29 Thomas K. 2012. Intellectual property law and the ethics of imitation in Guatemala. Anthropol. Q. 85(3):785– 814 Torres MG. 2015. In the shadow of the razor wire: class and insecurity in Guatemala’s urban core. Antropologica 57(1):127–37 Torres Rivas E. 1971. Interpretación del desarrollo social centroamericano. San José, Costa Rica: EDUCA Torres Rivas E. 2011. Revoluciones sin cambios revolucionarios: Ensayos sobre la crisis en Centroamérica. Guatemala City, Guatem.: F&G Editores Tucker C. 2008. Changing Forests: Collective Action, Common Property and Coffee in Honduras. New York: Springer Academic Tucker C. 2013. Honduras’s smallholder coffee farmers, the coffee crisis, and neoliberal policy: disjunctures in knowledge and conundrums for development. See Burrell & Moodie 2013, pp. 163–80 Tula MT, Stephen L. 1994. Hear My Testimony: Marı́a Teresa Tula, Human Rights Activist of El Salvador. Boston: South End Press Tully SR. 1997. Nicaraguan memories of sacrifice: visual representations and contested histories. Visual Anthropol. 9:301–23 Vanthuyne K. 2009. Becoming Maya? The politics and pragmatics of “being indigenous” in postgenocide Guatemala. PoLAR: Polit. Leg. Anthropol. Rev. 32(2):195–217 Velásquez Estrada RE. 2015. Grassroots peacemaking: the paradox of reconciliation in El Salvador. Soc. Justice 41(3):69–86 Velasquez Nimatuj IA. 2008. Pueblos indı́genas, estado y lucha por tierra en Guatemala: estrategias de sobrevivencia y negociación ante la desigualdad globalizada. PhD Thesis, Univ. Tex., Austin Viterna J. 2013. Women in War: The Micro-Processes of Mobilization in El Salvador. Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press Vivanco L. 2006. Green Encounters: Shaping and Contesting Environmentalism in Rural Costa Rica. New York: Berghahn Vogt W. 2013. Crossing Mexico: structural violence and the commodification of undocumented Central American migrants. Am. Ethnol. 40(4):764–80 Ward TW. 2012. Gangsters Without Borders: An Ethnography of a Salvadoran Street Gang. New York/Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press Warren K. 1998. Indigenous Movements and Their Critics: Pan-Maya Activism in Guatemala. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press Way JT. 2012. The Mayan in the Mall: Globalization, Development, and the Making of Modern Guatemala. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Weld K. 2014. Paper Cadavers: The Archives of Dictatorship in Guatemala. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Wiltberger J. 2014. Beyond remittances: contesting El Salvador’s developmentalist migration politics. J. Lat. Am. Caribb. Anthropol. 19(1):41–62 Wolseth J. 2011. Jesus and the Gang: Youth Violence and Christianity in Urban Honduras. Tucson: Univ. Ariz. Press Yarris K. 2011. The pain of “thinking too much”: dolor de cerebro and the embodiment of social hardship among Nicaraguan women. Ethos 39(2):226–48 Yarris K. 2014. “Quiero ir y no quiero ir” (I want to go and I don’t want to go): Nicaraguan children’s ambivalent experiences of transnational family life. J. Lat. Am. Caribb. Anthropol. 19(2):284–309 Yates-Doerr E. 2012. The weight of the self: care and compassion in Guatemalan dietary choices. Med. Anthropol. Q. 26(1):126–58 Ybarra M. 2013. “You cannot measure a Tzuultaq’a”: cultural politics at the limits of liberal legibility. Antipode 45(3):584–601 Zilberg E. 2011. Space of Detention: The Making of a Transnational Gang Crisis Between Los Angeles and San Salvador. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign on 10/10/15. For personal use only. AN44CH23-Moodie 400 Burrell · Moodie Changes may still occur before final publication online and in print