Proc Soc Antiq Scot, 129(1999), 161-187
An early metal assemblage from Dail na Caraidh,
Inverness-shire, and its context
John C Barrett* & Robert B Gourlayt
with contributions by A Clarke, I Cullen, the late C A Dickson,
J H Dickson, S Moore & B O'Connor
ABSTRACT
Between 1980 and 1984 a number of finds of Early Bronze Age metalwork were recovered from an
area of rough ground at the head of a small disused quarry at Dail na Caraidh, near Fort William, on
the West Highland coast. The finds were recovered by accident, by metal detector, and through
archaeological excavation. This report considers the character of the metalwork and the context in
which that material was deposited. It concludes that the entire assemblage could have resulted from
more than one period of votive deposition, and that these activities focused upon a prominent, but
natural, long mound and occurred in an area which may have been demarcated by other natural
points of reference. Publication of this report is funded by Historic Scotland.
CIRCUMSTANCES OF DISCOVERY
The metal objects described here were recovered under varied circumstances and the context is
described in more detail below. Here we simply record the sequence and means by which the
various metal finds were discovered. Numbers refer to the numbered catalogue of metal objects
which follows.
In 1980 Mr Kevin Mathers recovered a single axe-head (no 7) from the disturbed ground at
the top of a small gravel quarry on a gravel terrace overlooking the confluence of the River Lundy
and River Lochy (illus 1 & 2) (find-spots centre on NGR: NN 1292 7642). This object was drawn
and photographed but subsequently lost, probably stolen, in 1982 when in transit between
Inverness and the Fort William Museum. In 1981 a further eight finds were made (nos 1-6, 25 &
27) by Mr Cummings — another local resident — in the company of Mr Mathers. Mr Cummings
noticed some of the metalwork exposed in an erosion channel near the original find-spot and the
remaining finds were then dug from the ground in the immediate vicinity. It was this second find
which prompted the first limited archaeological excavations in February 1982 leading to the
recovery of a further six pieces of metalwork (nos 8-13). In the summer of that same year a
second more extensive excavation took place, along with a metal-detector survey, and this
* Department of Archaeology and Prehistory, University of Sheffield, Northgate House, West Street,
Sheffield S MET
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SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, 1999
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ILLUS 1 Location of the Dail na Caraidh site (Based on the Ordnance Survey map © Crown copyright)
produced two additional finds of metalwork (nos 14 & 15). In 1983 Mr Mathers returned to the
area with a metal detector and this resulted in the recovery by excavation of a further nine metal
finds from a small area to the north of the earlier finds (nos 16-24). A subsequent find (no 26)
was recovered from the spoil left by Mr Mathers. Further archaeological excavations and metaldetector surveys took the place in the summers of 1983 and 1984 producing two (nos 28 & 29)
and one (no 30) further finds respectively.
Six of the finds by Messrs Cummings and Mathers were kept together (nos 1-6) and two
dispersed, one (no 25) to Father John Morrison, then of St Anne's Church in Corpach, the other
(no 27) to the Highland Exhibition Centre, Fort William. Both finds were subsequently recovered
and the entire assemblage, together with the excavation archive, is now held by Inverness
Museum. The stolen axe-head (no 7) has never been recovered. We have no evidence that any
further material was discovered between 1980-4, or has since been found on the site, or that the
assemblages recovered by Messrs Mathers and Cummings were larger, with additional finds being
dispersed or lost without our knowledge.
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163
ILLUS 2 Location of the metal deposit and pollen core (Y) in relation to the mound and quarry
THE CONTEXT OF DEPOSITION
John Barrett
with Irene Cullen (landscape survey) and Susan Moore (palaeobotany)
LANDSCAPE
Archaeological investigation of the area in which metal objects were being recovered at Dail na
Caraidh in the early 1980s was designed to establish the physical conditions into which the objects
had been deposited and, through stratigraphic analysis, reveal something of the processes and
sequence of that deposition. In particular we were interested in whether the entire metal
assemblage represented a single deposit or whether it was the cumulative result of more than one
act of deposition. We also hoped to locate evidence for any other related activity around the site.
Under the circumstances we were only partly successful in these aims; in particular, only limited
stratigraphic information survived concerning the context of any specific item of metalwork.
The landscape setting chosen for these deposits appears to have been significant. All the
metalwork was dispersed over an area extending 10m roughly north/south (illus 4) with the first,
single find (no 7) having been made some 25 m away to the west. This entire area slopes to the
north, west and east on fluvioglacial deposits of sands, clays and gravels. These deposits form a
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SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, 1999
terrace which has been cut into a distinctive promontory by the confluence of the rivers Lundy
and Lochy. A small, disused quarry has bitten into the edge of the terrace immediately to the west
of the area where the metalwork was recovered (illus 2). Immediately to the south-east of the
metal finds the ground surface rises to a long mound which runs for over 30 m along the edge of
the terrace. In other words, the initial indications, which have been supported by all further work,
are that the metalwork was deposited in an area focusing on the front of this mound. Peat growth
now covers much of the uneven surface of the gravel terrace, and this supports birch woodland
with occasional pine and rhododendron. Off the terrace and around the confluence of the rivers
there is alder, hazel and willow, with a little ash and larch.
Elevated on the terrace immediately above the River Lundy, the long mound appears as a
prominent feature in today's landscape, at least when viewed from the west along the opposite
shore of the river. This prospect is further enhanced by the backdrop of Ben Nevis. Viewed from
the east the mound is less prominent, appearing only as a low feature on the edge of the woodland.
In an attempt to assess the extent to which the edge of the gravel terrace and the mound were
widely recognizable landscape features a field survey was undertaken covering an area of 1 km
radius around the site. Within this area all possible intersections (281 in all) of the 100 m national
grid were visited and the visibility or non-visibility of the mound then recorded. Current
vegetation cover and buildings obviously impinge directly upon the results of this work but the
general pattern holds. The mound is most visible from across the Lochy to the west (41 locations
out of an available 68) and indeed it remains clearly visible in some places for distances of up to 2
km. Immediately to the east and south visibility is masked by trees. To the north, across the
Lundy, the vegetation again cuts the view before the ground drops away and the mound is lost
behind the near horizon. From the mound itself distant views are seen over an arc running north
to west to south-east, while around the rest of the compass modern vegetation impinges on the
field of view.
Clearly, the mound has always had the potential to be a highly visible landscape feature. It
exists as such today from the open ground to the west, although the degree of visibility obviously
depended, as its still does, not only upon topography but also upon the cover of vegetation.
VEGETATION
In an attempt to gain an understanding of the vegetation history of the area a pollen core was
taken from the peat bog to the east of the mound (Moore 1984). A number of transects had been
probed through the peat and the core was extracted from the deepest point (Y on illus 2). The
bog is small, around 100 m in diameter, and it is unlikely that there is a large regional component
in the pollen samples (Jacobsen & Bradshaw 1981) with most of the pollen probably originating
within several hundred metres of the bore-hole. A peat column 3.2 m in depth was removed and
sampled at intervals of 0.1 m. Seven radiocarbon dates were obtained for peat samples along this
column, selected on the basis of the results of the pollen analysis (Table 1).
The basal peat is dated to the post-glacial period, with a date of 8390 ± 95 BP (GU-1941)
and a pollen zone characterized by small percentages of birch (Betuld) and very high values of
sedge (Cyperaceae). The greatest quantities of herb pollen found in the sequence occur here and
willow (Salix) is also present. This is followed by a rise in hazel (Corylus) dated to 8685 + 100 BP
(GU-1940) with a following rise in oak (Quercus) and alder (Alnus) accompanied by the presence
of charcoal for which zone a date of 6235 + 85 BP (GU-1939) was obtained. The next distinctive
zone begins at 2.5 m, marked by an alder rise. Percentages of alder become dominant very
quickly, the influx of alder being combined with that of oak. At 2.4 m there is a curious increase
BARRETT & GOURLAY: DAIL NA CARAIDH, INVERNESS-SHIRE
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TABLE 1
Summary of pollen analysis and calibrated radiocarbon dates (after Stuiver et al 1998)
Depth
Lab code
Years BP
Calibrated dates
Pollen
at two sigma
0.42-0.50m
GU-1935
2915+110
1400-800 BC
1.05-1.13m
GU-1936
4055 ±160
3050-2050 BC
1.50-1.60m
GU-1937
4260+155
3350-2450 BC
1.83-1.93 m
GU-1938
4735 + 85
3700-3350 BC
Above 1.55m birch begins to dominate and heather
also increases; oak, alder and hazel/bog myrtle are
also present; grass pollen is less than 10% of total
pollen.
Elm, which is negligible throughout, becomes totally absent at about 1.8m.
2.40m
Grass increases at the expense of oak.
2.50m
At 2.5 m alder becomes dominant; oak is still
present in high quantities.
2.45-2.53 m
GU-1939
2.95-3.03 m
GU-1940
GU-1941
3.2m
5400-4850 BC
Oak and alder increase; charcoal is also present.
8685 ±100
8200-7500 BC
Hazel increases.
8390 ± 95
7600-71 80 BC
6235 ± 85
Sedge is abundant; there are relatively high amounts
of herb pollen; birch and willow are also present.
in grasses (Gramineae) at the expense of oak. Even though there are negligible amounts of elm
pollen throughout, it could be postulated that the elm (Ulmus) decline phenomenon should be
identified at around 1.8 m as there is a total absence of its pollen from this part of the diagram. A
radiocarbon date of 4735 + 85 BP (GU-1938) was obtained for a peat sample at 1.83-1.93 m.
From a depth of 1.55 m upwards there are increasing values of heather (Callund). Birch
percentages fluctuate along with heather, while oak, alder and hazel/bog myrtle (Myrica Gale L)
stay relatively constant. Grass pollen values are modest, never reaching 10%, and by the top of
the sequence birch has become the dominant species. Values for heather exceed 25% for most of
this part of the sequence indicating its local presence (Huntley & Birks 1983). Three radiocarbon
dates are relevant to us here, at 1.5-1.6 m a date of 4260 + 155 BP (GU-1937), at 1.05-1.13 m a
date of 4055 + 160 BP (GU-1936), and at 0.42-0.5 m a date of 2915 + 110 BP (GU-1935).
This small peat bog clearly developed throughout the post-glacial period. The sampling span
for the palaeobotanical analysis is relatively large but an outline of the vegetation history has been
established. In the upper part of the diagram the rise in heather is much more pronounced than
that of grass and there is a fall in total tree pollen at 1.1 m. Human intervention may have been
responsible for retarding the regeneration of woodland and the increased values in heather in the
upper part of the sequence, although the area shows no evidence of intensive use and cultivation.
Indeed there is little evidence for human disturbance at any period in the sequence.
The overall impression around the period in which metalwork was being deposited, at the
end of the third millennium BC, is one of heather moorland supporting the growth of birch along
with some oak, alder and hazel. It was in this environment that the metalwork was deposited in
front of a prominent mound standing above the River Lochy. Potentially the mound may have
been visible for some distance and, viewed from the east, the distant skyline was, as always,
dominated by the mass of Ben Nevis.
THE PLACE
Initially excavation focused upon the area of the original find of eight objects with the excavations
of 1981 and 1982 clearing an area immediately around the find spot. Excavations in 1983 and
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SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, 1999
ILLUS 3 The mound and excavated areas
1984 (illus 3) (Trenches A-G) extended the investigation, moving further beyond the mound
northwards in one direction and southwards up onto the top of the mound in the other. At the
same time a section was cut into the mound (Trench B) and another (Trench C) located at its
southern terminal.
Despite its very distinctive profile the mound proved to be part of the fluvio-glacial deposit
which made up the rest of the terrace. Trench B revealed a complex mixed composition of gravels,
sands and clays which also contained a number of large, rolled boulders. The very uneven surface
BARRETT & GOURLAY: DAIL NA CARAIDH, INVERNESS-SHIRE
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ILLUS 4 Trenches A & D, showing the three clusters of metal objects and associated features
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SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, 1999
of the glacial terrace is today blanketed by varying depths of peat growth which has the effect of
levelling the ground surface and thus enhancing the prominence of the mound. As we have
already indicated, it is likely that the mound has always been a distinctive feature and a visual
point of reference when viewed from the wider landscape.
On the basis of the excavations, all the evidence for human activity in the vicinity of the
mound comes from the area at the north (ie Trenches A & D). The excavation strategy here was
to remove the turf and peat down to a surface of thin peaty soils, sands and gravels which was
then cleaned. All peat and spoil was checked with a metal detector as was the surface prior to,
and during, cleaning. Materials from three quite distinct periods were recovered: an early
assemblage of chipped stone, the Bronze Age metal objects, and fragments of worked wood of
broadly early Iron Age date.
EARLIER ACTIVITY: LITHICS (NOT ILLUS)
Ann Clarke
The palaeobotanical evidence indicates little human activity in the vicinity of the site. Its location,
however, on a promontory above the confluence of two rivers, may have been significant for the
small game and fish available here, and this is the likely context in which we must place the small
scatter of lithic material which was recovered. The lithics were found across the area of Trench D,
on the flatter ground to the north of the mound. This area was covered by peat and the lithic
material was either recovered from the lower levels of the peat (38%) or from the buried soil
surface beneath it (55%).
The lithic assemblage numbers 173 pieces: 63% is of quartz, 36% of flint and there is one
chunk of agate. The quartz assemblage is composed of flaked pebbles, scalar cores and flakes
while that of flint is composed entirely of flakes and a few small chips, and includes two blades
and two retouched pieces. There was a tendency for more flint than quartz to occur in the peat
deposits.
The quartz is white in colour, with no visible inclusions, and varies in texture from a fine to
a coarse grain. Just under one-third of the assemblage exhibits rolled cortical surfaces (including
five flaked pebbles), indicative of the use of a pebble source. The flint is also from a pebble source
with one-fifth of the flakes retaining some cortex. Local gravels and/or beach deposits are the
most likely sources for both materials.
About one-quarter of the flint is burnt and a surface patination is present on most of the
rest of the flakes. The quartz appears to be much fresher than the flint, although it should be
noted that the alteration of this material through weathering and chemical or heat action is less
easily recognized than on flint.
The presence of flaked pebbles and scalar cores in the quartz assemblage indicate that the
major reduction strategy was that of bipolar working. With this method a nodule is placed on an
anvil and the upper end struck repeatedly with a hammer, often causing flakes to be detached
from both ends simultaneously. The nodule may be reversed as necessary (Callahan 1987). In the
early stages of reduction, flat platforms may be used but the cores rapidly develop the
characteristic crushed (scalar) platforms which resemble chisel edges and the flakes detached in
this way often have crushed (scalar) platforms. The flaked quartz pebbles from the site range
in length from 26 mm to 56 mm and are often just simple split pebbles. The scalar cores have a
length range of 24 mm to 49 mm and vary in type from pebbles in the initial stage of bipolar
reduction to heavily reduced cores with double scalar platforms.
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The majority of the quartz flakes have scalar platforms and they range in length from
12 mm to 50 mm although most are shorter than 30 mm. The presence offtakes with flat platforms
is not unusual in an assemblage that has been formed through bipolar working and those from
the excavation have a similar size range to the scalar flakes. Other characteristics of bipolar
working such as crushed distal ends and longitudinal breakage are present on some flakes.
There are no cores present in the flint assemblage and, although scalar platforms are present
on a few flakes, the predominant reduction method appears to have been that of prepared
platform working as indicated by the presence of flat platforms on many of the flakes. The flint
flakes are smaller in length than those of quartz and range in length from 7 mm to 35 mm with
the majority being shorter than 20 mm. One-quarter of the flakes have hinge fractures present on
the dorsal end which may indicate either an uncontrolled knapping technique or the poor quality
of the raw material. There is one narrow blade of a translucent grey flint and the proximal end of
a snapped blade.
Retouch is present on only two of the flint flakes and in both cases the flaking is irregular
and is located on only part of one edge. One piece (cat no 129) may be an attempt to form a
scraper edge while the other (cat no 141) exhibits a fine nibbling retouch.
The use of bipolar reduction technique for quartz is common throughout prehistory
(Broadbent 1979; Clarke 1986; Callahan 1987; Knutsson 1988) and shows no specific chronological or cultural affiliations, being often the most efficient knapping strategy for such a brittle
material. The similar working of flint is also common to Scottish sites (Wickham-Jones 1990)
particularly where small pebbles are used. Although at Dail na Caraidh there is some evidence for
the bipolar working of flint, it is probable that flat platform working was also used. However, the
lack of flint cores means that the reduction strategy for this material cannot be fully determined.
Any assessment of the function of the flint and quartz industries is problematic as both
assemblages differ in several respects. Patination, burning and breakage are common on the flint
while the quartz shows little such alteration, although as has been noted above, the recognition
and comparison of such physical alteration between different raw materials is difficult. The
artefact types also differ between the two materials: those of quartz include flaked pebbles and
cores as well as some quite large flakes while those of flint are all flakes and are smaller in size.
There are two possible reasons for these differences between the two material assemblages.
The first is that the flaked quartz is in situ (although plotting of the artefacts gives no coherent
pattern indicative of a knapping floor) while the flint is part of a larger assemblage derived from
elsewhere. The redeposition of the flint assemblage may be postulated particularly as there was
no evidence for burning from the excavation while the small size and fragmentary nature of the
artefacts suggests that they may have been subject to a high degree of sorting which had separated
the smaller pieces from the rest of the knapping component. If the quartz is not in situ, and this
may be so given the amount of material recovered from the peat, then it does not appear to have
been subject to the same degree of sorting as that of the flint. Alternatively, both collections may
represent the original structure of the assemblages and this implies that the quartz was knapped
locally to the site while the flint was knapped elsewhere and brought to the site as flakes.
The flaked lithics recovered include both flint and quartz and the evidence suggests that
bipolar working was used on the quartz while for the flint there was some use of prepared
platform working. Neither knapping strategies are diagnostic of particular periods and the
dominance of quartz over flint is common to many prehistoric assemblages from the west coast
of Scotland (Wickham-Jones 1986). The two retouched pieces show no evidence for formal type
and are undiagnostic of period.
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SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, 1999
The comparison of artefact types between the two materials and the contrasts in survival of
both suggest that the formation of both the assemblages may have differed although whether this
was through post-depositional processes or is a reflection of the on-site activities is not clear.
DEPOSITION OF METAL OBJECTS
The distribution of metal finds appears to fall into three clusters, all in Trench A (illus 4), with an
additional single find (no 7) recovered some distance from these (by the quarry edge to the west).
We will consider these three clusters in turn, beginning with the original group of objects (the first
cluster) which was also that found closest to the mound.
The first cluster was comprised of eight objects (nos 1-6, 25 & 27) recovered from an active
erosion scar running westwards off the front of the mound and a further eight objects (nos 8-15)
recovered immediately downslope from this (no 14 was recovered from the clearing of topsoil and
its position is not recorded on illus 4). All this material appears to come from the base of the
topsoil. There is no evidence that any of the material was in a cut feature, although a slight
truncated hollow was recorded upslope from the entire group. One explanation for this material
is that it is a single hoard of axes or axe fragments which had eroded downslope from the original
point of deposition.
The second cluster consists entirely of the material recovered by Mr Mathers using a metal
detector and spade, including one object (no 26, a possible blade fragment) which was found later
among the upcast spoil from this work. The initial metal detector reading resulted in the recovery
of a single axe (no 18) which appears to have been high in the peat. Further digging below this
produced two more axes (nos 16 & 17) and six dagger or knife blades (nos 19-24). In all, Mr
Mathers' excavation was about 0.7 m square. It was sunk centrally into a shallow hollow in the
underlying gravel surface (A003), immediately adjacent to a boulder which was sitting on that
surface (A004) (illus 4). Clearly, the composition of this cluster, with dagger or knife blades
outnumbering axes, is very different from that of the first cluster. This, along with the close
distribution of the objects and the slight hollow immediately below the area where the finds were
recovered, might indicate that this second cluster of objects represents a single buried hoard.
However, attractive as this idea is, there are problems. Not only was one axe high in the peat, but
a fragment of granite which had been drilled and split (a relatively modern quarrying technique —
see below) lay between this and the remaining finds. Under subsequent controlled excavation,
little infilling material was found to remain in the hollow and it is difficult to tell if this had ever
been a deliberately cut and backfilled feature. The close distribution of the material certainly
implies that most of this cluster of material could derive from a single deposit (nos 16, 17, 19—24
and possibly 26), if the remaining axe (no 18) also belongs here then the deposit had clearly been
disturbed prior to its discovery. If this is a single hoard then it may have been deposited in a
shallow scoop dug into the top of the gravel.
The third cluster is the smallest and appeared more dispersed than the other two. It
comprises two fragments of knife or dagger blade and one axe fragment (nos 28-30). All three
finds came from the base of the peat and were at the most northerly point in the distribution of
metal finds (illus 4). There is no evidence that any of this material was originally buried in a cut
feature or, indeed, that the three finds represent a single deposit.
Finally we must mention again the single axe recovered near the top of the quarry face (no
7). This, the most westerly find in the distribution of the material, may have lain between 18 m
and 25 m downslope from the first of the clusters described above.
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ILLUS 5 Granite boulder A007 with the erosion hollow of a former inclusion in the shape of an axe-head (scale length
300 mm)
The fluvioglacial deposits were covered by traces of a thin, peaty soil and overlying peats.
The sands, gravels and clays of these deposits contained a number of boulders while others lay on
the surface. The deposits were obviously complex and proved confusing to excavate. It was clear
that no major structural features were associated with the metal deposits; as we have seen it was
even difficult to trace any possible pits into which the material had been placed. The most notable
feature was a distinct gully extending down from the face of the mound, its base comprised of
compacted water-rolled pebbles (A005). This feature extended for some 10m before it petered
out on more level ground to north-west. Any boulders on the line of this gully were deeply
embedded in the gravels while on either side three boulders stood either on the ground surface or
in shallow eroded scoops (eg A004 & A007). The first two clusters of finds were recovered
immediately to the west of this gully. Initially it was thought that the gully might represent a path
running up towards the northern terminal of the mound but the more likely interpretation is that
it formed as a post-glacial erosion channel.
The ambiguous nature of these deposits is fully illustrated by one small granite boulder
which lay on the gravel surface (A007). At first sight this appeared to be like other such boulders
which had eroded from glacial deposits and rolled into place on the clay and gravel surface,
particularly those around the eastern and western edges of the mound. However, this example
appeared to rest on a thin soil and was propped in place by a number of smaller stones placed
beneath it. It presented a flattened curving face towards the mound, and from this face an
inclusion in the granite had eroded. Viewed from the mound, and in the afternoon sunlight, the
void appeared to represent an axe-head (illus 5).
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SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, 1999
METAL ASSEMBLAGE
Brendan O'Connor
The Bail na Caraidh find contains 21 pieces which certainly or probably represent flat axes.
Eleven are complete or nearly complete axes: nos 1, 6-10, 12-13 & 16-18. Two more are blades,
nos 2 and 3, and one is a butt, no 4. Two other fragments, nos 11 and 30, retain both faces. Four
fragments retain only one face: nos 5, 14, 15 and 25. The last fragment, no 27, does not appear to
retain any original surface. The 11 axes and two blades give a minimum total of 13 axes and no 11
is almost certainly from another separate axe. Of the complete and nearly complete axes, all
except nos 9 and 12 appear to belong to the Migdale type as defined by Schmidt & Burgess (1981,
35-6) in their corpus of axes from Scotland and northern England.
The tin-rich surface appearance described for some of this material (below) was confirmed
as such by metallurgical analysis by E A Slater of a selection of five objects (nos 2, 5, 8, 28 & 29).
Catalogue (illus 6-10)
\
Flat axe The original surface remains on most of one face and on the upper part of the other face; it is
completely eroded from the cutting edge and from one side of the axe. The surface which remains in the
centre of the other side shows a triple facet. The butt is slightly damaged. No edge bevel survives.
Length 161 mm; butt 33 mm; blade 92 mm; maximum thickness 11 mm; weight 510.7 g.
2
Flat axe blade, broken from the butt. The surface survives on most of one face and on the lower part of
the other; it is almost completely absent from the sides. The bevel on the cutting edge survives, with
sharpening striations, on both faces. The better preserved face bears loose rain-pattern ornament,
irregular lines of drop-shaped marks 1 mm by 3 mm to 5 mm in size. Length 105 mm; blade 80 mm;
maximum thickness 9 mm; weight 357.0 g.
3
Axe blade Both faces retain some original surface and the bevel on the cutting edge, with sharpening
striations. Although eroded, the line of one side can probably be distinguished. Length 69 mm; blade
69 mm; maximum thickness 7.5 mm; weight 137.0 g.
4
Axe butt The original surface survives on one face only. The sides are eroded, but the outline can be
distinguished. Length 52 mm; width 42 mm; maximum thickness 7 mm; weight 75.2 g.
5
Axe blade fragment, probably close to the blade tip. One face is smooth, but unlike the shiny original
surface preserved on the other pieces, and bears hammer marks. Maximum dimensions 57 mm by 47
mm; weight 69.3 g.
6
Flat axe, complete but for edge and one corner of the blade. The original surface is pitted, but survives
on one face and on the other to within 20 mm of the edge. On one side there is a double facet, swinging
from one face to the other; there is also a double facet on the other side, but less well defined. Slightly
waisted body: asymmetrical cross-section. The butt is eroded. The blade is heavily eroded. Length 106
mm; butt 29 mm; blade 40 mm; maximum thickness 9.5 mm; weight 168.6 g.
7
Flat axe Found earlier than the rest of the hoard. Formerly in Fort William Museum, now lost.
Outline almost complete, except for one blade tip and butt corners. Length 137 mm; butt 33 mm; blade
71 mm; maximum thickness 10.5 mm; weight 427.8 g.
8
Flat axe The original surface survives on most of one face and on parts of the other. The butt is
damaged and this damage extends down one side of the axe and round part of the edge, which is almost
intact close to the left tip. This has the remains of the spur of a recurved blade. There is a double facet
BARRETT & GOURLAY: DAIL NA CARAIDH, INVERNESS-SHIRE
ffl
100mm
_J
ILLUS 6 Metal finds: nos 1-6 and 8
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SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, 1999
ILLUS 7 Metal find no 7, the lost axe (scale bar 100 mm)
on the surviving side. High polish shows sharpening of the edge on both faces; cracks in the surface.
Length 117 mm; butt 22 mm; blade 52 mm; maximum thickness 9 mm; weight 213.2 g.
9 Flat axe The pitted original surface survives over one face and on parts of the other. There are
fragmentary remains of the surface on both sides with faint triple facets and slightly raised sides on all
four angles. The butt is little eroded with a fragment of patina on top and tin-coloured faces. The blade
is badly damaged and the cutting edge does not survive. In comparison with the other axes in the hoard
the sides are markedly concave and the blade broad in proportion to the size of the axe. Length 115
mm; butt 31 mm; blade 72 mm; maximum thickness 8 mm; weight 275.0 g.
10 Flat axe One face is heavily eroded and the erosion extends all round the perimeter except for the
lower part of one side, where the pitted original surface survives, showing body angle, an asymmetrical
double facet, and tin colour. The pitted surface also remains on one face. The cutting edge does not
survive. Length 106 mm; butt 22 mm; blade 53 mm; maximum thickness 9 mm; weight 209.25 g.
11
Flat blade, probably an axe. The pitted original surface survives on both faces. The section tapers
towards the broad end, suggesting that this was the blade of a very small axe. Although comparatively
thin, the blade appears to be too thick for a flat knife or dagger. However, no original edge survives, so
identification is uncertain. Length 73 mm; width 28 mm; maximum thickness 4 mm; weight 27.3 g.
12 Flat axe Damaged around the butt, one side and heavily at the blade. The pitted original surface
survives on both faces, with tin-coloured patches, and on the undamaged side, which is flat. One face
bears slight furrows, which follow the outline of the sides. Length 86 mm; butt 17 mm; blade 33 mm;
maximum thickness 4.5 mm; weight 60.7 g.
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12
14
15
100mm
ILLUS 8 Metal finds: nos 9-15
13 Flat axe Heavily eroded on both faces and damaged along the sides and the butt. The line of one side
is preserved on one of its angles. Part of the bevel on the edge survives on both faces. Length 119 mm;
butt 25 mm; blade 58 mm; maximum thickness 55 mm; weight 189.3 g.
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14 Undiagnostic fragment, retaining the original surface, heavily pitted, on one face. Maximum dimensions
41 mm by 17 mm; weight 10.1 g.
15 Fragment, probably from a small axe, retaining the pitted original surface on one face. Maximum
dimensions 75 mm by 30 mm; weight 26.3 g.
16 Flat axe The original surface remains on one face, slightly pitted; fragments remain on the central
part of the other face, the rest of which is heavily eroded. The sides, edge and butt are all eroded. Length
142 mm; blade 78 mm; maximum thickness 11 mm.
17
Flat axe The original surface remains on one face (with tin-coloured patches), parts of the sides and
the centre of the butt; it is almost completely eroded from the other face. The cutting edge is eroded,
but the bevel remains. Well-defined body angles. A narrow facet survives on the left angle, a broader
facet on the right. The butt is rounded in section. Length 136 mm; butt 34 mm; blade 75 mm; maximum
thickness 9 mm.
18 Flat axe The original surface survives over most of one face and on the central part of the other, also
along parts of the left side where traces of a double facet survive. The surface patina is silvery-grey
unlike the green patina of the other axes. The other side, edge and butt are completely eroded. Length
125 mm; blade 65 mm; maximum thickness 10 mm.
19 Dagger blade fragment The original surface remains over most of both faces. One edge survives with
broad bevels, narrowing towards the haft end. About half the diameter of a rivet-hole survives. There
are striations on the surface, especially prominent along the line of the edge. The section is flat, tapering
slightly towards the edge bevels. Length 69 mm; maximum width 29 mm; maximum thickness 1 mm;
diameter of rivet-hole 3 mm.
20 Flat blade fragment The original surface survives over most of both faces. There are possible traces of
an edge bevel on the lower left side, but no original edge survives. Flat section. Maximum dimensions
93 mm by 40 mm; maximum thickness 1 mm.
21 Dagger blade fragment The original surface survives over part of both faces. One edge, with broad
bevel, can be distinguished. Part of the diameter of a rivet-hole survives. The section is flat. Length 45
mm; maximum width 31 mm; maximum thickness 2 mm; diameter of rivet-hole 3 mm.
22 Flat blade fragment The original surface, which bears longitudinal striations, survives over most of
both faces. Broad bevels allow the line of an edge to be distinguished. Flat section. Maximum
dimensions 39 mm by 24 mm; maximum thickness 2 mm.
23 Fragment, probably from a flat blade. The original surface, which bears longitudinal striations, survives
over part of one face and a little of the other. The remaining surface is heavily eroded and no edges
survive. Maximum dimensions 42 mm by 24 mm; maximum thickness 2 mm.
24 Dagger blade fragment The original surface survives over parts of both faces. Traces of a bevel allow
the line of the edge to be distinguished. The section is flat. Maximum dimensions 25 mm by 22 mm;
maximum thickness 1 mm.
25 Axe blade fragment The original surface survives on one face, but all the other surfaces are eroded.
Maximum dimensions 70 mm by 55 mm; maximum thickness 9 mm.
26 Flat blade fragment Traces of the original surface survive and there may be remains of an edge at the
bottom left. Maximum dimensions 18 mm by 10 mm; maximum thickness 1 mm.
27 Undiagnostic fragment, perhaps part of an axe blade. No original surface appears to survive. Maximum
dimensions 39 mm by 33 mm; maximum thickness 6 mm.
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17
25
28
20
100mm
ILLUS 9 Metal finds: nos 16-18,20, 25,27, 28 and 30
28 Flat blade fragment The original surface survives over most of one face and part of the other. Remains
of an edge bevel can be distinguished on the centre left. Lenticular section. Maximum dimensions
65 mm by 41 mm; maximum thickness 2 mm.
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21
24
26
50 mm
ILLUS 10 Metal finds: nos 19, 21-24, 26 and 29
29 Fragment, probably from a flat blade, bent across the centre. The original surface survives over both
faces. An edge bevel, emphasized by longitudinal striations, can be distinguished at the bottom left.
Maximum dimensions 41 mm by 19 mm; maximum thickness 1 mm.
30 Axe blade fragment The original surface survives over most of one face, covering part of the single
remaining side, and over part of the other face. There are distinct body angles; the side bears two facets.
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This fragment is probably from the upper part of a flat axe, just below the butt; its proportions are
similar to those of no 17. Length 64 mm; maximum width 22 mm; maximum thickness 5 mm; weight
30.6 g.
Discussion
As described above, most of the complete or nearly complete axes (except nos 9 & 12) are of the
Migdale type, as defined by Schmidt & Burgess (1981, 35-6). The Migdale type comprises 'all
those simple thin-butt flat bronze axes with more or less evenly curved sides and relatively wide
cutting edge, which do not turn out abruptly from the sides'. 'Simple' here means that Migdale
axes lack the typologically advanced features of median bevel and raised edges and retain an
evenly curved outline, compared with more developed axes, which have bodies with straighter,
more nearly parallel sides and distinct, expanded or recurved, cutting edges. Decoration is
common on British axes of this developed form, but rare on Migdale axes. Migdale axes are
distinguished from the Irish Killaha type, which has a broader edge and a more triangular outline.
Killaha axes have a length-to-width ratio of less than 1.5:1, while Migdale axes have a ratio of
more than 1.5:1 (ibid, 33, fig 3). Dail na Caraidh axe no 9 is close in form to the Killaha type.
Schmidt & Burgess were unsuccessful in trying to detect subdivisions within their Migdale
type. Migdale axes vary in form and proportions; while most have rounded sides, longitudinal
facets occur. In all, 122 Migdale axes are listed from Scotland and northern England (ibid,
36-44). Migdale axes with embellished faces are distinguished as a decorated variant, of which
there are 20 examples (ibid, 44-6). There are two further variants, both of which may bear
decoration. Axes of the Biggar variant have a relatively narrow butt and upper body; there are 27
examples (ibid, 46-8). The Nairn variant consists of outsize axes between 194 mm and 338 mm
long (ibid, 48-9).
Dail na Caraidh axes resemble the following Migdale axes in the collection of the National
Museums of Scotland (I am grateful to Trevor Cowie for allowing me access to the collection).
Axe no 1 may be compared to these examples, although most have more expanded blades:
Berwickshire (ibid, 36, no 68), Brockhillstone, Dunscore, Dumfriesshire (ibid, 37, no 82), Abdie,
Fife (ibid, 38, no 94), Mountskip, Borthwick, Midlothian (ibid, no 98), Newseat of Ardo,
Methlick, Aberdeenshire (ibid, 39, no 107), Airds, New Abbey, Kirkcudbrightshire (ibid, 40, no
130), Culbin Sands hoard, Moray (ibid, no 135), and Rhynie hoard, Aberdeenshire (ibid, 41, no
137). Axe no 8 resembles another axe from the Rhynie hoard (ibid 36, no 67).
The silvery-grey patina of axe no 18 is characteristic of the tinned surfaces on a group of
Scottish axes (Coles 1969, 34, 102, app D) (see below). These occur in the following hoards:
Rhynie; Mill of Lathers, Aberdeenshire; Fortrie of Balnoon; Camptown; Ravelston, Edinburgh;
Sluie, Moray; Migdale, Sutherland; and the possible hoard from Abdie. Most of these axes are
assigned to the Migdale type by Schmidt & Burgess (1981, nos 67, 92, 93, 95, 97, 137, 154, 156,
157); the axes from Mill of Laithers and Fortrie of Balnoon are unclassified (ibid, nos 280 & 293)
and the Camptown axe is assigned to the Dunnottar type (ibid, no 54). Coles also identified
tinning on two single finds from Glenforsa, Isle of Mull, and Inverness; both these axes are
assigned to the Migdale type (ibid, nos 86 & 100). Two further Dunnottar axes are described by
Schmidt & Burgess as 'tinned' (ibid, nos 47 & 50) and four or five Migdale axes (ibid, nos 87, 96,
116,7117, 134); all these are Scottish finds. Needham & Kinnes (1981) identify 17 of 132 Migdale/
Killaha axes as tinned.
The surface coatings of axes from Fortrie of Balnoon, Ravelston and Sluie were analysed
during the 19th century and shown to have high tin content (Smith & MacAdam 1872); more
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recent analyses have identified tin-rich surfaces on some of the other axes listed by Coles (CloseBrooks & Coles 1980). A flat axe of form similar to the Migdale type from Barton Stacey,
Hampshire, has a separate surface layer of high-tin bronze (Kinnes et al 1979). It has been
suggested that tin-plating reflects a high status which may have been accorded to the earliest
bronze axes (ibid, 143) and this may be supported by the apparent preference for selecting tinned
axes for deposition in hoards (Close-Brooks & Coles 1980, 229).
Axe no 9, with expanded blade and concave sides, may be compared to the Migdale axe
from Glen Drynoch, Skye (ibid, 38, no 88). However, the length-to-width ratio of this Dail na
Caraidh axe on its surviving dimensions, at 115:72, is little more than the ratio of 1.5:1 used to
separate the Killaha and Migdale types. It seems likely that in its original form this axe would
have qualified for the Killaha type and its shape is certainly distinctive within the Dail na Caraidh
group. Axe no 9, with raised sides, is typologically advanced; so is axe no 30, with its pronounced
body angle.
The small axe, no 12, is similar to the small axes in the Maidens hoard, Kirkoswald,
Ayrshire (ibid, 51, nos 287-8; Piggott & Stewart 1958, GB 31, 1, 3), which also includes three
Migdale axes (Schmidt & Burgess 1981, nos 64, 112, 141).
Dail na Caraidh blade no 2, with rain-pattern ornament, should belong to the Migdale
decorated variant. The form of axe no 6, with its comparatively narrow upper body, suggests
similarity with the Biggar variant, but this identification is not certain.
Two other Scottish hoards combine plain and decorated Migdale axes. The Colleonard
hoard, Banff, contains one Migdale axe with five axes of the decorated variant and one developed
flat axe of the Scrabo Hill type (ibid, 37, no 74). The hoard from Barevan Kirk, Cawdor,
Nairnshire, combines one Migdale axe with one decorated variant (ibid, 43, no 169). Axes of the
Biggar variant have not hitherto been found associated with other Migdale axes. According to
Schmidt & Burgess, the Low Glenstockdale hoard, Stranraer, Wigtownshire, combines a plain
Biggar axe with a decorated flat axe of the developed Glenalla type (ibid, 48, no 239: their fig 4
does not accurately reflect the text for these three associations). However, Needham (nd [1979],
285, fig 11, 1) suggests that the plain axe should also be assigned to the developed group; in the
Schmidt & Burgess classification it might be a plain example of the Glenalla type. Apart from the
uncertain association with the Dunnottar axe at Camptown, Haddington, East Lothian (Schmidt
& Burgess 1981, 32, no 54), the remaining associations between the Migdale type and other axes
in Scotland and northern England are with the Killaha type. Schmidt & Burgess identify one
Killaha axe and one Migdale axe in the hoard from Durris, Kincardineshire, with four lost axes,
although the two surviving axes are very close to one another in form and proportions (ibid, 34,
no 58). The Newbiggin hoard, Northumberland, contains a Killaha axe, a Migdale axe and one,
two or three flat axes are lost (ibid, 34, no 59, fig 4 is defective again; Britton 1963, 312, no 4).
Hitherto, the largest surviving hoard of Migdale axes has been from Hill of Finglenny,
Rhynie, Aberdeenshire, with seven axes according to Schmidt & Burgess (ibid, 36, no 67, pi 132c)
and the original publication (Stevenson 1948, 292), eight according to Coles (1969, 102, fig 50).
Five Migdale axes were found at Ladyhill, Avoch, in the Black Isle, Ross & Cromarty (Schmidt
& Burgess 1981, 39, no 113). Perhaps the largest finds of flat axes recorded in Scotland have been
from Dunino, Fife, where one Migdale axe survives from a group of seven or eight axes (ibid, 42,
no 163), and Hill of Fortrie of Balnoon, Inverkeithny, Banffshire, where one broken flat axe
survives from a find of seven or eight (ibid, 50, no 280; Coles 1969, 33, app D).
Thus, the Dail na Caraidh find appears to be the largest group of bronze flat axes recovered
in Scotland, even allowing for doubt about the total number of axes which it contains. (Some of
the smaller fragments, however, might not have been recovered except under modern conditions
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of detection and excavation.) The fragmentary and eroded condition of some of the pieces hinders
detailed typological analysis. However, a large association composed mainly of Migdale axes is
consistent with other finds.
Migdale and Killaha axes are characteristic of Stage III in the scheme proposed by Burgess
(1974, 192-3) and used by Schmidt & Burgess (1981, 58, pi 153), but Stage IV in Burgess' later
scheme (1980, 75-6, fig 2.14; Butler 1981, 351). Migdale axes belong among class 3 in the
typology of Needham (1987, 151) for southern Britain; while Killaha axes characterize sub-class
3B (Needham et al 1985, 6-7, no 1). Both types recur in hoards of Needham's metalwork
assemblage III, which is roughly equivalent to Stage IV of Burgess (ibid, iii, 8; Needham 1996,
%1).
It is noteworthy that a broken blade, no 2, should be present at Dail na Caraidh, for broken
axes are characteristic of Scottish Early Bronze Age axe hoards. There are broken axes in the
Migdale hoards from Rhynie, Colleonard, Abdie, Dunino (see above) and Auchnacree (Piggott
& Stewart 1958, GB 27; Schmidt & Burgess 1981, 37, no 76) and the surviving axe from Fortrie of
Balnoon (see above) is also broken. The characteristic stepped outline of the stump of the Dail na
Caraidh blade suggests that the axe was deliberately broken in antiquity, because the fractures in
the partly broken axe from Abdie (ibid, 38, no 93) and on one of the broken blades in the Rhynie
hoard (ibid, no 96) have similar outlines. Although these axes could have been broken simply for
scrap, the fact that they clearly remained in a usable condition has provoked suggestions that
their breaking had some ritual function (Coles 1969, 33; Schmidt 1979, 319; Connolly 1998).
The distribution of Migdale axes in Scotland is predominately eastern. The main
concentration is in the area from the Black Isle, through Nairn, Moray, Banff and Buchan and
south to the River Dee (Schmidt & Burgess 1981, pi 115). Most of the westerly finds are from
south-west Scotland and the pair of axes found just outside Caerlaverock Castle, Dumfriesshire
(Yates 1979), can be added to the distribution. Early Bronze Age metalwork is scarce around
Fort William. There are axes of Dunnottar type from Lianachan, south of Spean Bridge (Schmidt
& Burgess 1981, 32, no 55), about 9 km north-east of Dail na Caraidh, and of Migdale type from
Ardgour House (ibid, 40, no 119), about 19 km to the south-west. There is also a halberd from
Tom-na-Brataich (Coles 1969, 87, fig 29, 4), about 6 km north-east of the site. This appears to
belong to Harbison's Cotton type (1969b, 41-5) which was in use during Burgess's Frankford
stage, but may still have been current in the succeeding Migdale stage (Burgess 1980, 73, 75, fig
2.13, s). Schmidt & Burgess (1981, 59) contrast the comparative rarity of flat axes in south-west
Scotland with the abundance of finds in Ulster (Harbison 1969a, figs 2o & 3A) and the situation
of the Dail na Caraidh find might support their suggestion that the Great Glen was used as a
route between Ireland and north-east Scotland.
In addition to the axes there are nine fragments which appear to be from flat dagger blades.
Only no 23 lacks any trace of an edge. Numbers 19 and 21 each have remains of an edge and a
rivet-hole, but their relative positions are different. The two largest fragments, nos 20 and 28, are
appreciably different in thickness and seem to be from separate blades. Numbers 21 and 22 are of
similar thickness, while nos 22 and 23 share similar thickness and patina; these three fragments
may be from the same blade. It appears that two blades at least are represented, probably three
or four.
Despite their fragmentary condition the blades represented seem to be typologically
homogenous. Their uniformly flat sections suggest that they belong with Gerloff's (1975, 41-65)
group of flat riveted blades. Even the smaller fragments appear to be too large for Gerloff's flat
riveted knife-daggers (ibid, 161-8). The Butterwick type has stout, so-called 'plug' rivets, which
are substantially broader than the rivet-holes in Dail na Caraidh fragments 19 and 21. There are
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SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, 1999
only two examples of this type from Scotland (ibid, 43, nos 27 & 28). The two largest fragments
from Bail na Caraidh appear to be too long or too broad for inclusion in the Merthyr Mawr type,
with slender 'peg' rivets, of which only one example is Scottish (ibid, 50, no 49). The Masterton
type is predominately Scottish (ibid, 58-60, nos 70-5, 77, 83-5), but most of these daggers have
rivets broader than the Dail na Caraidh rivet-holes and blades narrower than the two largest Bail
na Caraidh fragments. The narrower rivets and broader blades which characterize the Milston
type seem to accommodate the Bail na Caraidh blades best. Although only three Milston daggers
have been found in Scotland (ibid, 53-4, nos 60, 61 & 65), two of these are in the Auchnacree
hoard, Angus (Piggott & Stewart 1958, GB.27). The Bail na Caraidh rivet-holes are similar in
size to the rivet-holes in the Auchnacree daggers and the two largest Bail na Caraidh fragments
are both comparable in scale to the larger Auchnacree dagger. The Auchnacree hoard contains
three Migdale axes (Schmidt & Burgess 1981, nos 76, 104, 127) which reinforces the comparison
with Bail na Caraidh. Most of the Irish group of flat riveted blades, Harbison's Corkey type
(1969b, 8-10, pi 2, 26-40), have broader rivet-holes than the Bail na Caraidh fragments.
The Bail na Caraidh rivet-holes appear to be consistent with the slender 'peg' rivets which
Burgess (1980, 75) uses to characterize daggers of his Stage IV and he had little choice but to use
the Auchnacree daggers as British illustrations of this metalworking stage (ibid, 76, fig 2.14, a).
The alternative would be the eponymous dagger from Butterwick, Yorkshire (Gerloff 1975, 42,
no 20), found with a Migdale axe (Schmidt & Burgess 1981, 43, no 183). The double-pointed awl
from this burial (ibid, 57) is illustrated as characteristic of Stage IV (Burgess 1980, fig 2.14, h),
although Burgess (ibid, 114, fig 3.17, i & m) uses two more daggers of Butterwick type, from
Methillhill, Fife, and Foxley Farm, Eynsham, Oxfordshire (Gerloff 1975, nos 27 & 41), as
examples of daggers with plug rivets to illustrate his Stage VI.
Burgess's Stage V is still characterized by daggers with peg rivets, illustrated by the two
from Aylesford, Kent (1980, 114, fig 3.7, a & e), one connected with the Masterton type (Gerloff
1975, 60-1, no 86) and the other eponymous for a group hybrid between flat blades and grooved
Wessex daggers (ibid, 68, no 103). The Aylesford daggers were associated with an axe eponymous
for the type which succeeds the Migdale type in the typological sequence (Burgess 1980, fig 3.7. b;
Schmidt & Burgess 1981, 60-1).
Needham places Milston and Butterwick daggers in his metalwork assemblage III,
alongside Migdale axes, with Masterton daggers and the Aylesford burial in metalwork
assemblage IV (Needham et al 1985, iii; Kinnes 1985, 26; Needham 1996, 130). However,
Needham (1987, 153) also indicates that the flat daggers associated with axes of metalwork
assemblage IV are atypical. This suggests a shorter currency for Butterwick daggers than
proposed by Burgess.
Needham identifies typological distinctions between the axes in the first and second clusters
at Bail na Caraidh (1987, fig 12; 1988, table 4). The first cluster (axes 1-6, 8-15, 25 & 27)
contains axes which are typologically later within his metalwork assemblage III. These generally
have narrower blades than axes in the second cluster. Axe no 9 is an exception, with its relatively
broad blade, but this belongs to the Killaha type which retained a broad blade throughout metal
assemblage III; axe no 9 also has the typologically advanced features of raised sides. The rain
pattern ornament on axe 2 appears only later in the currency of assemblage III (Needham 1987,
152). Our decoration may be compared to the example from Manor Farm, Berwick, Lancashire
(ibid, 140,154-5, fig 10,1). The axes in the second cluster (nos 16-24,26) have relatively broader
blades and are typologically earlier within metalwork assemblage III.
Thus, the typology of axes suggests two separate deposits — at least — at Bail na Caraidh:
the second cluster, of axes and daggers, earlier in metalwork assemblage III, and the first cluster,
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183
ILLUS 11 Worked wood with axe-cut
axes only, later on. There could have been more than two deposits on typological grounds: axe no
30, perhaps part of the third cluster or perhaps a separate deposit on its own, has a pronounced
body angle which relates it to the first cluster.
It must be a matter for speculation how much time separated the different deposits at Dail
na Caraidh. Needham's (1996, 130) metalwork assemblage III covers four centuries, 2300-1900
BC, absolute dating based partly on a radiocarbon measurement of 3655 + 75 BP for the wooden
core of a bead from the Migdale hoard, giving a calibrated range of 2290-1870 BC at 95%
confidence (Needham et al 1998, Tables 1, 4, illus 3).
LATER ACTIVITY: WORKED WOOD (ILLUS 11)
J H Dickson & the late Camilla A Dickson
Towards the base of the peat in Trench D a single piece of worked wood was uncovered (illus 4).
This was 2.7m long and with an axe-cut notched almost mid-way along its length (illus 11).
Alongside this lay a small deposit of bark. A radiocarbon date was obtained for the worked wood
of2440±60Bp(GU-2185).
The worked wood and bark samples are all birch (Betula). The bark is of particular interest
since there is no evidence of wood attached and the pieces consist of very thin layers of the smooth
part of the bark only. The largest pieces submitted for identification measure up to 90 mm by 30
mm, and all are between 1.5 mm and 3 mm in thickness. None of the pieces is regular in outline
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and there are no indications of shaping. The flat plates of cells are well preserved (birch bark is
known for its resistance to decay).
Birch bark is a versatile material which has been used for diverse purposes in several early
periods. It burns readily, due partly to its oil content, and torches of rolled birch bark are known
from as early as the Mesolithic period. Birch bark was used in early prehistory to make buckets
and possibly to extract a resinous pitch for fixing projectile points (Coles & Coles 1995, 11, 14),
and in the Iron Age occurs in dagger sheaths from the Thames Valley (Coles et al 1978). More
recently, birch bark was used in the Highlands to tan leather (Pennant 1790) and in Scandinavia
was used as a primitive kind of roofing felt (Lines 1984): 'the bark is laid in overlapping courses
straight on the roof sarking and thick turves are then laid on top of the bark. These keep the bark
damp and it remains waterproof for many years.'
In addition to the evidence for Iron Age use of the birch woodland, Trench D also contained
a large granite boulder which had been drilled and partly split. (The stone was not the same as
the granite fragment found close to the second cluster of metal objects.) The boulder has been
abandoned with several split fragments lying at its base along with some fragments of glass.
DISCUSSION
The metal finds were scattered widely within the area excavated. Despite its marginal location the
whole area has clearly witnessed intermittent human activity since the end of the third millennium
BC, including exploitation of the birch woodland, quarrying for granite and gravel, and of course
such activities as exercising dogs, using metal detectors and archaeological excavation. These
activities, and others unattested, as well as the erosion and movement of the soil and peat, have
buffeted and exposed the remains of a quite extensive deposit of early metalwork. The area has
never been in an equilibrium awaiting the attention of archaeological investigators. The dynamics
at work in the erosion, splitting, cutting and movement of the peat within which larger objects
have clearly migrated must be a significant factor in any attempt to understand the archaeology
of Dail na Caraidh. Although our evidence is ambiguous this does not preclude interpretation.
The overall distribution of the material, its apparent clustering, and the distinctive character
of the assemblages which go to make up the two larger clusters, strongly indicate that there was
more than one act of deposition. For this reason we have avoided the use of the term 'hoard'
throughout this report because the implications of that term — the burying of a single quantity of
material — may mislead. Admittedly all the metal finds seem to have been disturbed, but on
balance it also seems unlikely that the residual patterning which we have recovered resulted from
the dispersal of material from a single source.
If multiple deposits of metal had taken place then they were not associated with any
significant structural modification of this place. The ground surface is uneven but no obviously
dug pit could be identified in association with any of the finds. The burial of the metal may have
resulted in the excavation of hollows which barely penetrated the soil. Indeed some, if not all, of
the material may have been left on the old surface or tucked beneath stones and boulders. This
possibly minimal coverage of the material would have contributed to its dispersal over the
centuries. Therefore, while our lack of stratigraphic information (partly due to the circumstances
of discovery) may be frustrating it does seem to reflect an archaeologically significant aspect of
the site. The other potential modification of the place is also characterized by its ambiguity: a
boulder with an erosion hollow in the shape of an axe-head may have been propped up in its
present position to face the mound.
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185
Whether or not this last aspect is accepted, it is still possible to sketch the character of the
site. It was set in an area of heather moorland and birch woodland at the foot of land which rose
to the mass of Ben Nevis towards the south. The ground surface has always been wet and it is
likely to have contained a number of small pools and peat bogs. On the edge of the terrace formed
between the confluence of two rivers there rose a distinctive long mound. Perhaps the confluence
was known as a place for fishing and hunting small game with the long mound acting as the
clearest visual reference point from any distance. When viewed from the west the darker mound
stands out prominently against the mountains rising behind it. It was to this place, between the
higher northern end of the mound and the confluence of the rivers that, for a relatively short
period of time at the end of the third millennium BC, people came to bury axe-heads, knives and
daggers.
It seems unlikely that the axe-heads were hafted; at least one may have been fragmentary
and elsewhere in the west of Scotland where axes are represented in carvings on funerary
monuments as axe-heads only, not as hafted axes (RCAHMS 1988, 69 & 73). We must be less
sure as to the state of the knives and daggers. These blades may have been hafted, in other words
they may have been buried as functional implements. There are many such examples from graves
of the period and the only carving of a dagger, on Stone 53 of Stonehenge, is of a hafted dagger
among unhafted axe-heads (Cleal et al 1995, 31-2 & fig 20). The objects were either left on the
ground surface or buried in shallow scoops. We do not know how many people were involved or
when they visited this place; nor do we know how many deposits were made, although such acts
do seem to have occurred more than once.
The period spanning the late third and early second millennium BC is characterized by a
distinctive patterning of artefact deposition. Different categories of pottery, stone and metal finds
tend to occur in distinct associations and in a limited range of contexts. For example, metal axeheads are rare grave finds and daggers occur more frequently in this context, although the pattern
is reversed in hoard assemblages. Such patterns have increasingly been seen in terms of the formal
exchange relationships by which different categories of people, actions, places and values were
related or associated.
People, artefacts and places each carry their own narratives, or biographies, cross-cut
through time in an interplay where distant places are recalled as places visited, or as the places
from which objects and other people have come. Each category of object carried a history and a
value, not as something in addition to its material function, but as something which helped to
locate that function, the proper reasons for its use, in a system of meaning and knowledge. In this
way the lives and actions of individuals could be seen to relate practically to longer term, perhaps
timeless, orders. Thus the individual's biography, traced between birth and death, intertwined
with the biographies of places visited and of objects exchanged and used. Histories of places and
things were not simply longer than those of the individuals they outlived, but may have evoked
through their longer histories narratives of apparently unchanging practical, moral and sacred
orders.
Morphy (1995, 188) has described how an 'ordered, frozen world of the ancestral past
becomes part of the subjective experience of the individual, through the acquisition of knowledge
in the ancestral past as he or she moves through the world'. The actions which took place at
certain locations in the landscape may have 'unfrozen' from those locations their true significance
in terms of an ancestral or cosmological order. Perhaps it is in such a context that we should
situate the veneration of a place which naturally lent itself to precise definition, at the confluence
of the rivers marked by a distinctive mound and set against the backdrop of Ben Nevis. That
veneration would have been carried in stories told from one generation to the next, and in the
186
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SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, 1999
journeys on which this place was encountered. And for a short time at the end of the third
millennium it demanded more, the small-scale and intermittent deposition of artefacts whose own
histories were brought to a close through their sacrifice at that spot.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Excavation and post-excavation analysis were funded by Highland Regional Council, the Ancient
Buildings & Monuments division of the Scottish Development Department (now Historic
Scotland) and the University of Glasgow. We are particularly grateful to Dr Noel Fojut of
Historic Scotland for his help and guidance in the later stages of the fieldwork.
Stephen Driscoll was responsible for excavation supervision, Ms Hilary Parsons for
catering, Ms Robert Price for guidance on the geomorphology of the site, and Patrick Newall and
David Robertson for guidance and initial assessment of the palaeobotanical evidence. We are
also grateful to Stuart Needham for advice and information on the metal assemblage. Ms
Dorothy Low, Highland Archaeology, and Ms Alex Norman assisted in the post-excavation
programme. Our thanks to Sylvia Stevenson for illustrations.
We received a considerable amount of local assistance during the period of fieldwork. We
are particularly grateful to Mr Mathers and Mr Cummings, the original finders of much of the
material, for their enthusiastic help throughout the project, and to Fr John Morrison, then of St
Anne's Church, Corpach, and Mr Stuart Maclean, then of the Highland Exhibition Centre in
Fort William, for the return of two finds which had been dispersed from the original collection.
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This paper is published with the aid of a grant from Historic Scotland