OJOA12292 LOW

RAINER FELDBACHER, LAURA E. ALVAREZ, YUKO MIYAUCHI, KIRSI LORENTZ AND PETER M. FISCHER AN AEGEAN MIRROR FROM HALA SULTAN TEKKE, CYPRUS Summary. This study deals with the results of the 2023 fieldwork at the extramural cemetery of the Late Bronze Age harbour city of Hala Sultan Tekke. One of the three excavated tombs in 2023 was the undisturbed Chamber Tomb XX, which is dated around 1300 BC. It contained a riveted bronze mirror, a rare type in Cyprus at that time, which is part of a mortuary context of four individuals out of a total of 17 individuals and 264 complete objects, many of them imported from a vast area, which includes the Mycenaean, Minoan, Egyptian and Levantine cultures. The current paper presents this mirror and associated contexts. As regards the provenance of the mirror, the Aegean is suggested as the area of manufacture, and more precisely Crete, suggesting potential evidence of direct contact between individuals from Crete and Hala Sultan Tekke. INTRODUCTION The Late Bronze Age city of Hala Sultan Tekke is named after the nearby, famous mosque, which has its roots in the seventh century AD. The ancient city which flourished from approximately 1630 to 1150 BC is situated on the south-eastern coast of Cyprus along the Larnaca Salt Lake near Larnaca Airport (e.g. Fischer 2023; Fig. 1). The salt lake, which today is isolated from the open sea owing to land rise, was a protected bay of the Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Age and thus provided an excellently sheltered harbour, the basis for export and trade of coveted goods. Apart from a modern horse stables, Hala Sultan Tekke is not covered by modern structures and thus is ideal for archaeological research. In addition to extensive looting, the 1890s saw pre-modern standard excavations (Bailey 1976). Controlled rescue excavations began in 1968, when V. Karageorghis (1976) excavated two partly looted Late Bronze Age tombs of wealthy individuals just to the west of the mosque at the eastern margins of the site, which, in the course of the current project became Area A, ‘The Cemetery’. Intermittently from the 1970s until 2004, P. Åström from the University of Gothenburg, Sweden, carried out excavations in the city (e.g. Åström 1986). The current project under the direction of the co-author Peter M. Fischer started in 2010. For ten seasons, from 2010 to 2019, excavations mainly took place in the city (Fischer and Bürge 2018; 2020), and from 2020 to 2023 (and continuing), efforts were mainly directed towards the threatened cemetery (Fischer and Bürge 2020; 2021; 2022; 2023). OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY 43(2) 153–172 2024 © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. 153 This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made. AN AEGEAN MIRROR FROM HALA SULTAN TEKKE, CYPRUS FIGURE 1 Map of Hala Sultan Tekke with City Quarters 1–4 and Area A, including the areas of the old excavations. Map by Muwafaq Al-Bataineh, Teresa Bürge and Peter M. Fischer. Surface and geophysical surveys with geo-radar and magnetometers followed by trial excavations led to the discovery of the extra-urban cemetery approximately 500 m east-south-east of City Quarter 1 and just to the west of the mosque (Fischer and Bürge 2014; Fischer and Satraki 2014). The cemetery covers several hectares on a somewhat raised plateau at c.10–13 m above sea level. The subsequent excavations revealed tombs with associated ritual pits and wells, but no architectural remains. Three tomb types were found, based on their shapes: chamber tombs, shaft tombs, and reused wells. In general, the chamber and the shaft tombs contained numerous interments associated with a multitude of objects. The ritual pits also contained many objects, most were thrown in and broken, but no human remains (Bürge 2017; 2018; Fischer 2019). The recycled wells served for the entombments of individuals of obvious low rank: there were no tomb gifts and hardly any personal belongings, viz., it seems that the deceased were deprived of most personal valuables before they were buried. Guided by the results of the geophysical and surface surveys, excavations during the past years concentrated on the safeguarding and recording of tombs which are exposed to destruction by farming, erosion and potential looting. The results of destructive activities can be noticed by pottery sherds, broken objects of faience, and human bones which are visible on the surface of Area A. Several of the excavated tombs, which are dated from the later part of the seventeenth to the first half of the twelfth centuries BC, were used for up to 150 years (cf. Keswani 2004) and contained stratified, generation-wise, interments thus representing an excellent complement to the stratigraphy of the city. 154 OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. RAINER FELDBACHER ET AL. In this paper, the bronze mirror (N988), which derives from an undisturbed context in Chamber Tomb XX, will be presented with its associated contexts. Its provenance can be traced back to the Aegean area, facilitated by its highly specific and recognisable typology. The mirror is one of 264 intact or complete mortuary objects from this tomb which were excavated and recorded in May–June 2023. They date from late LH IIIA2 to early LH IIIB1, viz. around 1300 BC. The exceptional rarity of Aegean mirrors found in Cyprus, where the corpus predominantly reflects Near East influences, sets this artefact apart and underlines its importance as a unique piece. The mirror highlights cross-cultural interactions, overseas trade and the establishment of economic, diplomatic and potentially personal relationships between the elite strata of the Aegean and southern Cyprus during this period. CHAMBER TOMB XX AND ITS SETTING Chamber Tomb XX is figure-of-eight-shaped (Figs. 2, 3). It is situated to the west of the looted Chamber Tomb VV, and to the south-west of the undisturbed Chamber Tomb YY, all three of them exposed in 2023. The dimensions of Chamber Tomb XX are 4.40 m north-south and 3.0 m east-west. Due to the large number of objects, it was necessary to separate the find contexts into three portions (here labelled ‘Layers’), which are not necessarily chronologically different: Layer 1: L401; Layer 2/1: L402+L403; Layer 2/2: L404+L405+L406 (Fig. 3). FIGURE 2 Orthophotograph of Chamber Tombs VV, XX and YY during excavation. Photograph by Andreani Papageorgiou. OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. 155 AN AEGEAN MIRROR FROM HALA SULTAN TEKKE, CYPRUS FIGURE 3 Chamber Tombs VV, XX and YY with coordinates and loci indicated. Plan by Andreani Papageorgiou and Christodoulos Sofokleous. General contexts Layer 1 (L401) was designated when the outlines of the tomb could be discerned and the first three objects – a Canaanite jar, a Mycenaean jug, and a bead of turquoise – appeared, but no skeletal remains. Layer 2/1 is divided into two loci: L402 in the northern and L403 in the southern chamber. These two loci contain the most recent entombments including Skeletons B, G, H and I in the north-eastern part of Locus 402. The mirror N988 is directly associated with the female Skeleton B. Both L402 and L403 are crowded with complete/intact objects. There are 86 in the northern and 81 items in the southern chamber. The finds in the northern chamber were concentrated in the western part. In principle, the repertoire of finds does not differ between the chambers in either categories or chronology. Locally produced pottery from both chambers include 37 White Slip II mature/normal–late bowls (e.g. Fischer 2003, 277, fig. 5); 23 vessels of Base-ring ware: 12 Base-ring I of mainly jugs and a few juglets, and 11 Base-ring II of mainly jugs and a few juglets plus one bowl; 13 Plain White vases (mainly bowls and juglets, and one jug); six Bucchero juglets; four Monochrome bowls; three White Painted vases (two bowls, one juglet); and two White Shaved 156 OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. RAINER FELDBACHER ET AL. juglets. Imported pottery comprises 29 vessels of Minoan/Mycenaean provenance containing alabastra, bowls, chalices, cups, a feeding bottle and flask, and piriform and stirrup jars. Among the Minoan vessels is an intact krater with two large octopus motifs (N900), and among the Mycenaean vessels are a complete chariot krater which contained a bronze scooper with a loop handle (N806), two mugs (N1021, N1015), and a bowl (N1034). There is also a Mycenaean Psifigurine (N1114), and another figurine of a bovine (N915). The 16 bronzes are knives, daggers with ivory inlays on both sides of the handles, a spear head, hinges and nails, a scooper (see above), bracelet, bowl, ring and the mirror N988. An ivory cup, in addition to incised geometric motifs, shows a cobra (N1082). Other objects of ivory include decorated discs (N1227), distaffs, inlays, and a spindle whorl. An intact Egyptian bowl of faience is decorated with the images of the deity Hathor depicted as a cow in a marsh environment with papyrus and a pond with a fish (N876; cf. Museum of Fine Arts 1982). Another Egyptian bowl of faience is decorated with a flower motif (N921). There are numerous objects of gold comprising a diadem with motifs of bull heads and flowers, fingerings, crescent-shaped earrings, hair rings, and various pendants including those with granulation resembling an ‘8’. Two Egyptian bottles of multicoloured glass are also part of the mortuary gifts. Layer 2/2 (L404, northern chamber; L405+L406 southern chamber) contains entombments of an older generation. Eleven complete/intact objects are in the northern and 82 in the southern chamber. Locally produced pottery from both chambers include two Base-ring I and 13 Base-ring II bowls, juglets and jugs; ten bowls of White Slip II mature-late; four White Painted Wheel-made bowls and jars; three Plain White vases (two bowls, one juglet); two White Shaved juglets; and two Bucchero juglets (N1146). A miniature cauldron (N1216) and a bovine rhyton of Base-ring II (N1145) ware should be highlighted. Imported pottery includes 12 Minoan/Mycenaean vessels and a Levantine, roughly spherical, flask (N1189). The Aegean ceramics comprise cups, chalices, mugs, alabastra, bowls (e.g. N1052, N1215) with flower and octopus motifs, the latter in three colours, piriform jars, a large krater decorated with mirrored semicircles between three vertical lines (N1192), and a Phi-figurine of which the originally attached plait is missing (N1086). The 16 objects of gold include a rather heavy diadem (23.14 g.) with caprids, felines, and flowers in repoussé. Other objects of gold are a fingering, earrings, pendants, beads, and a leaf used as a mouthpiece. The seven objects of bronze include a dagger, arm ring, fingering, scoop, and spear head. Silver is represented by an earring and a fingering. Among the objects of faience, mainly beads, is a multicoloured Egyptian bowl of which the base is missing (N1222). The 12 objects of ivory are distaffs, spindle whorls, and a profiled lid (N1227). Objects of stone comprise nine excellently executed arrow heads of various minerals (N1221), a bead of turquoise, and a bovine astragalus. Specific context of the mirror (N988) Four individuals (B, G, H and I) whose skeletal remains suffered from the collapse of the chamber’s roof are associated with the context of the mirror (Figs. 4–6).1 Individual B was found in the north-eastern part of L402 in an extended supine position (south-east to north-west) facing north-west. Based on the pelvis, the individual is a female of 25–29 years (according to Lovejoy 1 Figs. 4 and 5: because of the risk of looting, the all-inclusive context could not be documented in a single photograph since the mortuary goods and personal items had to be removed on a daily basis during the excavations which lasted several weeks. OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. 157 AN AEGEAN MIRROR FROM HALA SULTAN TEKKE, CYPRUS FIGURE 4 Individuals B, G, H and I during excavation in the northern part of Chamber Tomb XX (L402; cf. Fig. 6). Photograph by Yuko Miyauchi. FIGURE 5 Detail of associated find context north of the skeletons. Photograph by Peter M. Fischer. et al. 1985; Bruzek 2002). The radius suggests a stature of 161.11 (±4.24) cm (Trotter 1970 for white females) or 159.37 (±5.01) cm (Sjøvold 1990 for all populations). The only observable pathological trait is linear enamel hypoplasia on the lower canines. 158 OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. RAINER FELDBACHER ET AL. FIGURE 6 Skeletons B, G, H and I, and associated finds. Drawing by Yuko Miyauchi. The female (Ind B) was entombed together with the partly disarticulated non-adult Individuals G, H and I whose sex could not be determined (Fig. 6). Individual G’s age at death is between perinate and two years, Individual H is 1.5–2.5 years (± 1 year), and Individual I is 9.5 years (± 1 year). Other finds, personal belongings, and mortuary gifts linked to the individuals comprise three White Slip II bowls (N1005, N1006A, N1011), a Base-ring I jug (N1012), a Base-ring II miniature cauldron (N1216), White Painted Wheel-made bowls (N1006B, N1007), and a jug (N1009), a Plain White jug (N1006C), a Mycenaean mug (N1015), an Egyptian multicoloured glass bottle (N1008), and a gold earring (N1217; selected finds in Fig. 7). THE MIRROR N988 Description Made of a copper alloy, this hand mirror was fitted with a handle crafted from perishable materials such as wood, ivory, or bone, secured with two rivets. Neither the rivets nor the handle OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. 159 AN AEGEAN MIRROR FROM HALA SULTAN TEKKE, CYPRUS FIGURE 7 Selection of associated finds. Photographs by Lucia Avial Chicharro. are preserved (Fig. 7). The remaining intact mirror disc displays a relatively uniform green patina on one side, concealing a reddish layer that is visible through minor surface disruptions. In contrast, the other side exhibits a less homogeneous appearance, featuring a black deposit on the left half of the disc. Moreover, there are indications of fractured corrosion nodules breaking through the green 160 OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. RAINER FELDBACHER ET AL. cover, exposing an underlying reddish layer. This layer may consist of various copper oxides or corrosion by-products, indicative of a nuanced history of corrosion and alteration. Finally, traces of a non-Cu material on the mirror, noted by the excavators, could be remnants of another object. In terms of measurements, the mirror has a diameter ranging between 11.2–11.4 cm, rendering it slightly broader and wider than in height. The thickness is recorded at 0.4 cm, and the weight is measured at 156 grams. The two rivet holes have a diameter of 0.3 cm each. Provenance The typology, morphology and attachment mechanism align with the distinctive characteristics of mirror disc produced in the Aegean during the Late Bronze Age. These features support the contention that the mirror disc in question was crafted in a workshop located somewhere in this area (Fig. 8). The absence of any attested handle impression, whose shape is the main morphological parameter to distinguish the various types (Alvarez 2023a), impedes a systematic typological classification and thus a more precise interpretation of its original region of production. Since local reinterpretations of riveted handles are known to exist, as exemplified by an ivory mirror-handle from Enkomi, T. 19 (Gjerstad et al. 1934, 565 [91], pls. CLII:7 [E.19.91] XCII:2 [91]; Catling 1964, 225; Courtois et al. 1986, 133, pl. XXIV:3), it remains to be determined whether the handle belonged to an Aegean or Cypriot type (discussed below). FIGURE 8 Scatter plot comparing the diameter and weight of mirror discs from Crete with an average diameter of 13 cm, dated to LM III, in comparison with the mirror discovered in Hala Sultan Tekke. Locations: CH, Chania; GO, Gournes; HST, Hala Sultan Tekke; MO, Mochlos; MS, Mavro Spilio; VL, Vlychia (Temple Tomb); ZP, Zapher Papoura (after Alvarez 2023a, n. 112–15 [Zapher Papoura], 120–2 [Mavro Spilio], 128–9 [Gournes], 125 [Vlychia], 145 [Chania], 158 [Mochlos], pl. XXXI). Plot by Laura E. Alvarez. OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. 161 AN AEGEAN MIRROR FROM HALA SULTAN TEKKE, CYPRUS Late Cypriot Mirrors: Diversity in Forms and Aegean Connections Despite a limited number (approximately 41 remains of copper alloy mirror discs), the Late Cypriot mirror corpus stands out in the Mediterranean region for its great diversity in forms, underscoring the cosmopolitan and international character of Cyprus, undoubtedly shaped by its strategic geographical location and connectivity (Fischer 2023). Tanged mirrors, which are typical of the Near East, dominate the Cypriot mirror corpus through both imports and imitations of Levantine and Egyptian styles, along with local, authentic Cypriot reinterpretations, consisting of a circular disc featuring a tang with a triangular or trapezoidal shape. These all exist alongside Aegean riveted-type mirrors. The latter remain a tiny minority and do not appear to have been imitated in Cyprus, and were likely imported. Widely distributed within the Aegean from the fourteenth century BC onwards, riveted-type mirrors were exported beyond the Aegean only sporadically and solely to Cyprus, as evidenced by published data (see below). The total absence of Aegean mirrors in the Levantine coast and Egypt may not be attributed to the chances of archaeological coverage but rather to either a saturation of the Near Eastern mirror markets with Egyptian, Levantine, and Mesopotamian products, recognisable by their protruded tang, or simply a lack of interest due to certain practices or beliefs. In Egypt, for instance, the association of mirrors with the sun and their adherence to a specific shape is just one example of how varied contexts across different regions reflect distinct cultural and symbolic preferences (Albenda 1985; Gubel 2000; Alvarez 2023b). The diversity in the use and design of mirrors in these regions, therefore, suggests a rich tapestry of beliefs and practices influencing their production and trade. Apart from the mirror discovered at Hala Sultan Tekke, only one (sic!) other riveted mirror is documented in Cyprus, discovered in Enkomi Tomb 66, now held in the Department of Greece and Rome at the British Museum (inv. no. 1897/4-1/1062; diameter 15.6 cm, thickness 0.5 cm; width of handle imprint 6.7 cm; weighing 785 g; Fig. 9). Tomb 66, excavated by the British Museum mission in 1896, stands out as one of the most opulent tombs within the cemetery with an exceptionally rich array of gold, bronze, gemstones, and a range of exotic goods among which are Tell el-Yahudiyeh juglets, Syrian glazed pottery bottles, and Mycenaean imported pottery (Murray et al. 1900, 35–6, 52; Tatton-Brown 2003, 34–6; Crewe 2009). Due to the pre-modern standard of the excavations, details regarding the position of the finds or the number of burials remain undisclosed and, consequently, the mirror disc originates from a burial group undifferentiated by the excavators. Nevertheless, the tomb was constructed in LC II, either LC IIB or early LC IIC, and might still have been used at the beginning of LC IIIA (Catling 1964, 224; Crewe 2009), that is specifically at a time of notable connection existing between Cypriot and Mycenaean groups (Papadimitriou 2022). The suggestion that the mirror from Enkomi Tomb 66 is ‘almost certainly an import from the Aegean’ was previously posited by Catling (1964, 224, Type I.1). However, the positive imprint preserved on the metal surface due to the disappearance of the organic handle over time and the formation of corrosion products went unnoticed. The region where the organic handle once made direct contact with the metal displays a distinctive corrosion process, effectively ‘capturing’ the shape of the upper part of the handle as it deteriorated. In the case of the mirror from Tomb 66, the imprint takes on a rectangular shape with rounded angles and distinctive incurvatures in the top border: these align it with the A-2 Aegean subtype (Alvarez 2023a). Mirror handles of this subtype are decorated in bas-relief with two opposing engraved figures in a ‘mirror’ fashion (viz., an ivory mirror handle from the Panagia cemetery, near Mycenae: Poursat 1977, pl. XXXV.331), demonstrating a consistent style, although thematic variations exist from one handle to another, 162 OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. RAINER FELDBACHER ET AL. FIGURE 9 Copper-alloy mirror disc discovered in Enkomi, eastern coast of Cyprus, probably originating from Mycenae in the Argolid, and dated to the fourteenth century BC. A negative image shows the attachment system up close (in the frame), revealing the imprint of the handle, outlined in the image above. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Photographs by Laura E. Alvarez. resulting in unique objects. The assemblage, displaying a standardization in dimensions, style and forms, provides clear evidence of specialized mirror handle production, likely originating from a limited, if not a single, number of manufacturing communities (there is a significant range of variation in the diameter of the mirror disc; Fig. 10). Based on the distribution map, this ivory/bone workshop was most likely situated in the vicinity of Mycenae, in the Argolid, and was active throughout LH IIIA–B. Only a very few mirrors of this type occurred outside their primary production zone, reaching the central-northern part of Crete, and Cyprus (Fig. 11). In this regard, the metric attributes (i.e. diameter and width of the imprint of the handle) of the mirror disc from Tomb 66 in Enkomi do correspond closely to mirror handles predominantly found in the Argolid, including mirror handles from Mycenae (Tomb of Clytemnestra), Dendra, and Midea (cf. Fig. 11) which suggest a shared origin, likely from a single production event or a workshop operating within a restricted timeframe. While the mirror may have passed through various hands and locations before finding its way to Cyprus, the substantial evidence strongly indicates the area of Mycenae as the most plausible place of origin. DISCUSSION The context of the mirror includes a variety of ceramic vessels, which, apart from the White Slip II bowl N1011 and possibly the Mycenaean mug N1015 (both in Fig. 7), can be considered roughly contemporaneous, that is LC II(A-)B–LC IIC1 or late LH IIIA2–early LH IIIB1, viz. OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. 163 AN AEGEAN MIRROR FROM HALA SULTAN TEKKE, CYPRUS FIGURE 10 Scatter plot comparing the diameter of mirror discs to the length of handle imprints or preserved handles of the Aegean type A-2 (fourteenth century BC), as referenced by their inventory numbers in (Alvarez 2023a): Boeotia: 15, Pharos-Aulis. Argolid: 19, Midea; 20–2, Dendra; 27, 28, 32, 38, 44, Mycenae; 49, Asine; 60, Nauplion. Crete: 112, Zafer Papoura; 126, Amnisos. Plot by Laura E. Alvarez). around 1300 BC, give or take some decades (see above and Table 1). Skeletons B, G, H and I to which these objects can be associated belong to the most recent entombments. To gain space for the entombments of these later deceased individuals, it seems reasonable that the remains of earlier entombed individuals including their personal belongings and mortuary gifts were moved, but maybe not all of them, to the western part of the tomb. This relocation could account for the presence of ‘heirlooms’ like N1011 and possibly N1015 in the context of the mirror, indicating objects from earlier entombments. In Cyprus, it was only in the fourteenth century BC, after developing in the Aegean for a few centuries, that the two riveted-type copper-alloy mirrors appeared in upper-elite burials of the southern and eastern coastal settlements that had complex social organization and a high degree of collaboration with external actors (Keswani 1996), such as Enkomi and Hala Sultan Tekke. This emergence aligns with a period marked by intensified cross-sea trade and private interactions between the Aegean and Cypriot communities (Papadimitriou 2022; Fischer 2023). In addition to the adoption of the bronze mirror, a profound attraction for body adornment and cosmetics developed concomitantly, including splendid jewellery and elaborate personal care practices – blushes, ointments and perfumed oils, which were previously rare in Cyprus. This cultural transformation underscores the strategic efforts of the local elites to project a novel image of political, economic and cultural power (Keswani 2004; Graziadio and Pezzi 2009). Mirrors, within these new assemblages, embodied an innovative lifestyle, emphasizing grooming, personal care, and appearance. It all reflects a move towards more individualized and cosmopolitan values. It is noteworthy that a heightened prevalence of smaller mirror diameters characterizes the productions of the fourteenth century BC onward, contrasting with the earliest, larger examples, 164 OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. RAINER FELDBACHER ET AL. FIGURE 11 Spread of the Type A-2 (handles/imprint on mirror discs) throughout the Aegean from the LH/LM IIIA2. Map by Laura E. Alvarez. measuring around 20 cm (Alvarez 2023a, 134–8 [table 2], 196, 200–1, pl. XXIII). This observation aligns with the Hala Sultan Tekke mirror and the dating derived from the analysis of accompanying ceramic material of L402 in Chamber Tomb XX (LC II(A-)B–LC IIC1; or late LH IIIA2–early LH IIIB1; or around 1300 BC; see Table 1 and the discussion below). This trend towards diminished mirror diameters is conceivably influenced by evolving economic paradigms, changes in fashion or more simply pragmatic adjustment: their size might have been reduced to make them more convenient to handle and carry, something which could have been particularly valuable in the increasingly mobile societies, where personal items needed to be transported more easily, either for everyday use or during travel. The productions of Late Bronze Age Aegean mirror discs were remarkably uniform in terms of dimensions, indicating adherence to a consistent set of standards, practices or procedures governing their manufacture, and thereby suggestive of patterns that were specific to certain workshops, regions, or periods within the Aegean context. The correlation between diameter and weight, where data permits, offers a means to investigate the degree of similarity among mirror disc pieces, facilitating inquiries into standardization within mirror-making practices across various contexts. For example, based on evidence (weight and diameter) available for analysis at the time of our study, there appears to be a clustering of mirror models within the 12–13 cm diameter range and 100–200 grams weight in the LM IIIA central-northern Cretan corpus. This clustering of data OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. 165 AN AEGEAN MIRROR FROM HALA SULTAN TEKKE, CYPRUS TABLE 1 Comparative chronology of the Cypriot, Late Helladic and Minoan cultures. The relative chronological synchronization of the Late Helladic and Late Minoan periods is according to Malcolm H. Wiener (pers. comm. September 2021). The division of the periods is floating, and the absolute dates are rounded up or down to fit, approximately, the periodization of the listed cultures in a single table cf. Fischer 2023, table 1) Late Cypriot (LC) IA1–2 IB IIA(–B) II(A-)B IIC1–2 IIIA1–2 Late Helladic (LH) Late Minoan (LM) Approximate dates BCE I IIA IIB IIIA1–2 IIIB1–2 IIIC IA IB II IIIA1–2 IIIB IIIC 1630–1560 1560–1450 1450–1400 1400–1300 1300–1200 1200–1100 points related to the Knossos area (Gournes, Mavro Spilio, Vlychia, Zapher Papoura), reproduced here (Fig. 8), may indicate deliberate efforts to maintain a consistency in dedicated workshops, which could have been driven by functional requirements or economic considerations, such as specific standard sizes and masses that were technologically feasible at the time of production. It also indicates a high demand for and usage of mirrors in these locales. Mirrors discovered in contexts from LM IIIA2 in Chania (CHA; Papapostolou 1980, 926, pl. 694δ) and early LM IIIA1 Mochlos (MO; Soles et al. 2011, 53 [IIC.112]), which exhibit dimensions and weights similar to those from Knossos, suggest potential importation or adherence to prevailing Knossian preferences or, less likely in our assessment, norms that dictated how mirrors should be made across the island. In this diagram, the Hala Sultan Tekke mirror, while matching in mass, deviates slightly in diameter (being about 1 cm smaller) yet still falls within the general range observed. The deviation of the Hala Sultan Tekke mirror from the established LM IIIA Cretan corpus might indicate a degree of flexibility within the framework of standardization. Or it may suggest that we are yet to discover similar examples from the same production lineage, considering the current limitations in data collection and publication that affect the representativeness and comparability of certain regions or periods within the corpus, such as Chania. Notably, the people in Chania appear to have maintained the tradition of incorporating mirrors in their funerary customs even as this practice declined in north-central Crete, after Knossos ceased to function as an administrative center in LM IIIA2 (e.g. Karantzali 1986). The probability of mirror production in north-central Crete after this period seems much lower. Establishing a connection with the geographical patterns of mirror consumption proves challenging due to the many unknowns, such as how long did the period of movement and curation of a mirror last prior to deposition. The Cretan origin of the mirror N988 remains a hypothesis at this juncture, and a better understanding of the mirror corpora from the Peloponnese and western Crete would possibly prove beneficial in clarifying this matter; even if the ultimate resolution would be offered by material sciences to determine the degree of variability within this cluster. Analysis of composition and technological features such as alloying techniques or temperature control during production could offer valuable insights, even within a limited sample size. The mirror from Hala Sultan Tekke still holds significant value due to its broad Aegean provenance, as the second of its kind discovered in Cyprus (see below). That such objects are identified singly suggests that they were recognisable as such, and were important possessions, further emphasizing their social and possibly interpersonal significance. 166 OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. RAINER FELDBACHER ET AL. Although the handle type supporting the riveted mirror from Hala Sultan Tekke remains unknown, its diameter might well align with the average diameter and weight of mirrors produced in central-northern Crete during LM IIIA1–2. This production, probably resulting from the activities of workshops located in Knossos and possibly in Chania, represents a relatively homogenous group of artefacts in terms of measurements, with production ceasing in the subsequent LM IIIB. These observations could suggest that the mirror from Hala Sultan Tekke originates from Crete, which would be further supported by the specific and intimate ties between the elites of Hala Sultan Tekke and Crete as documented in many other respects (Fischer 2023; see, e.g. Fig. 12, the Minoan Octopus Krater N900, L403, in the southern chamber of Chamber Tomb XX from the same burial level as L402 of the mirror). Regarding the mirror of Aegean Type A-2 discovered in Tomb 66 at Enkomi, dated to the corresponding period of their production in the Mycenaean area, in the late fourteenth and thirteenth centuries BC (LH/LM IIIA2–B), we can observe that this object circulated within a fairly short period, perhaps via a Cretan route. While the Near Eastern tanged-type mirrors gained widespread acceptance and enduring influence in Cyprus through imports and imitations, the Aegean riveted mirrors are scarce and seem to have left no lasting impact or direct successors on the island, such as through mechanisms of imitation or emulation. This stresses the limited success Aegean mirror production had in getting exported beyond Aegean borders, pointing to exceptional circumstances of exchange. While the Near Eastern-type mirrors flourished in terms of both quantity and prevalence in the Cypriot corpus, the preference for Aegean mirrors among a select group of affluent individuals suggests that personal tastes and subjective appreciation played pivotal roles in this decision-making process. FIGURE 12 Minoan Octopus Krater N900 from L403, southern chamber of Chamber Tomb XX, viz. the same burial level as L402 of the mirror. Photograph by Peter M. Fischer. OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. 167 AN AEGEAN MIRROR FROM HALA SULTAN TEKKE, CYPRUS Consequently, it appears that the choice to incorporate an Aegean mirror, despite the greater availability of Near Eastern alternatives, was driven by individual preferences and trade-related predilections within a privileged elite, indicating a community of practices among intercultural ruling powers and fostering social and interpersonal connections between distant groups. This observation is reinforced by the contents of Tomb XX, which, in addition to local material, is mainly comprised of Mycenaean/Minoan, Egyptian and Levantine objects – in that order. Notably, there are no Anatolian objects present in the tomb, underscoring the significance of trade preferences and personal contacts that favoured specific cultural and geographical affiliations. The prerequisite for the trade-related connections between Hala Sultan Tekke and the Aegean was the vast intra-urban copper production in the former linked to the presence of one of the best protected harbours on the island. Owing to this sheltered harbour, Hala Sultan Tekke may also have functioned as an assembly point for shipments of copper ingots produced elsewhere on the island. The city became part of a global economic system in the fifteenth to thirteenth centuries BC, which peaked in the second half of the fourteenth and the beginning of the thirteenth centuries BC. Taking into account previously processed and published contexts, merchandise arrived from an overly broad area: from Sardinia to Afghanistan/India, and from the Baltic Sea to Nubia (Fischer 2023). Unlike the other objects present in the tomb of Hala Sultan Tekke – such as amphorae and cups, which predominantly suggest communal or collective actions and significances, mirrors stand out as objects of individual employment. They are inherently personal items, often used in private settings, underscoring their intimate role in the lives of their owners. The presence of a mirror amidst the burial goods diverges markedly from the collective symbolism attached to other items, offering a window into the personal aesthetics, values, and perhaps even the self-perception of the deceased. While mirror exchanges probably occurred on different social levels, they were, ultimately, traded in the higher economic and political echelons through cultural exchanges, inter-alliances, and diplomatic gifts. They had the potential to cover substantial distances, as supported by Near Eastern historical sources and Aegean contexts (see van Wijngaarden 2016 on the circulation of Mycenaean artefacts in the eastern Mediterranean). In the Near East, the Amarna tablets mention Amenhotep III receiving two caryatid silver mirrors, one of which was gold-plated, one with an ivory handle and the other with an ebony handle, among many other gifts, from Tušratta, the king of Mitanni, in the early fourteenth century BC (EA 25; Moran 1987, 158–9, 164, l. 16–25, 65–7). This was at a time when the mirror was also enjoying great popularity among the elites in Greece, Crete, and obviously in Cyprus. This exchange occurred in the context of a diplomatic arrangement where Tušratta sought the protection of Amenophis III against potential Hittite invasions of his territory. In the Aegean area, exchanges involving mirrors with likely political significance have been identified, illustrating political alliances among major and minor centres and reflecting political rivalry through ostentation or ‘private trade’ (Alvarez 2023a). The act of exchanging mirrors occurred at various levels, their circulation indicating networks of common practices and trends, within which Cyprus seemingly was integrated. The situation went beyond a simple transaction, and symbolized the establishment of personal bonds and connections, and served to forge alliances. This hints at the complex social fabric in which personal relationships were cultivated and nurtured through the exchange of goods, as tokens of trust and affection, in order to solidify ties, seal alliances or affirm political loyalties. In this context, we might consider these imported Aegean mirrors as the physical evidence for direct and subjective experiences of elite individuals established in southern and south-eastern Cyprus or their entourage within personal networks, alliances, trade, or direct dealings with Aegean polities. Thus did individuals leverage their relationships to move such objects across geographic 168 OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of University of Oxford. RAINER FELDBACHER ET AL. and cultural lines. These mirrors undoubtedly served as exotic and much valued items and may have functioned as keepsakes or gifts, traversing considerable distances and regions, either via direct contacts or passing through different hands and locations on their way to Cyprus. The circulation of objects of great value among the elites of Cyprus and neighbouring regions, as illustrated by the diversity of the Tomb XX’s contents, notably the mirror (N988), Mycenaean and Minoan pottery, Egyptian glass, and Aegean- and Egyptian-type jewellery, serves as a testament to the complex and intimate dynamics of ancient intercultural exchanges. These finds not only suggest the trade of luxury objects between societies but also hint at the possibility of more complex interactions, possibly even diplomatic in nature, underpinned by intercultural and interpersonal ties, operating even across considerable distances. Acknowledgements The authors would like to express thanks for the support given by the Department of Antiquities of Cyprus (DAC) directed by Marina Solomidou-Ieronimidou, and its personnel including the archaeological officers Pantelitsa Mylona and Anna Satraki; conservators Eleni Loizides and Ourania Makri; Aspasia Georgiadou, the responsible archaeological officer for the department’s photographic archive; and photographer Athanasios Athanasiou. Andreani Papageorgiou and Christodoulos Sofokleous acted most efficiently as the expedition’s surveyors producing the necessary plans. Mr Petros Georgiou, a former employee of the DAC, and Mrs Dina Georgiou admirably provided the necessary logistical support. Fruitful discussions with a number of colleagues including Manfred Bietak and Teresa Bürge should be highlighted. This study would not have been possible without the financial support of the Gösta and Susi Enbom’s Foundation at the Royal Swedish Academy of History and Antiquities, the Torsten Söderberg Foundation, the Institute for Aegean Prehistory (INSTAP) with special thanks to M.H. Wiener, T. Brogan and K. Velucci, the Royal Society of Arts and Sciences in Gothenburg, and the Wiener-Anspach Foundation for their generous sponsorships for which the authors are most thankful. The authors express their gratitude to the editors of the OJA for their role in facilitating a productive and efficient peer-review process. Additionally, we extend our thanks to the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and bibliographic suggestions. Their contributions significantly enhanced the manuscript, particularly in refining crucial aspects of the argumentation. CONFLICT OF INTEREST The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper. (RF) School of History Capital Normal University 100089, Beijing CHINA (Corresponding author) E-mail: rainer.feldbacher@plus.ac.at (LEA) Sidney Sussex College University of Cambridge CB2 3HU, Cambridge UK (Corresponding author) E-mail: lea48@cam.ac.uk OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY © 2024 The Authors. 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