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2024, Orgaiser
Rahul Gandhi's standing on the crutches of Muslim League in Wayanad Constituency once again is nothing new for the Congress but a continuity of the Congress legacy-particularly of Nehru. Since the pre-47 days Congress only recognized Muslim League as a party to talk with and consistently ignored the 13 party alliances of those Muslim parties under the leadership of Allah Bux Soomru which opposed the Pakistan demand tooth and nail. The Congress also opposed the Khaksars who had not only opposed Pakistan but twice made attempts on Jinnah's life.
The News (Special Edition)
Conjuring Pakistan Resolution: A magic of three years2018 •
1937 February: The results of the elections to the provincial legislatures of eleven British Indian provinces were out. Though both Indian National Congress (the Congress) and the All India Muslim League (the League) had performed less than they claimed, the results were devastating for the League. Congress as Ayesha Jalal puts it, " had shown it could do without the League " eventually being able to form governments in eight out of the eleven provinces. On the other hand the League could bag only 22% of the total Muslim seats in all provinces, faring more hopelessly in the Muslim majority provinces with virtually no representation in Sind and NWFP and one seat in Punjab. In Bengal the League could do best by forging a vulnerable alliance with the winning Krishak Praja Party (KPP) led by A.K.Fazlul Haque, the Sher-e-Bengal. Unionists easily formed a government in Punjab, an alliance of independents in Sind and Congress led by the Khan Brothers in NWFP. The League was virtually nowhere. 1940 March: In the heart of Punjab – Lahore, amidst scenes of unprecedented enthusiasm and the slogans of Allah o Akbar and Quaid-i-Azam Zindabad, the 27 th session of the League, attended by thousands of Muslim delegates and participants from all areas from Assam to NWFP, adopts the famous resolution – later called the 'Pakistan Resolution'. The League emerges as a strong representative of the Indian Muslims and Jinnah as their 'Sole Spokesman' In a matter of three years a sea change appeared in the Indian political scenario. The Lahore resolution provided the focal point for the League and Jinnah to continue the struggle for the demarcation of " … geographically contagious units … which should be so constituted, with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary, that the areas in which Muslims are numerically in a majority as in the NorthWestern and Eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute 'Independent States' in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign ". Though the idea was still vague and the audience diversified in its interpretation, its charisma was self-evident. What happened in those three years, and how the League transformed during them from an outfit of no consequence to a force to reckon with is an interesting study. Ideas of partition of India were not new. From Allama Muhammad Iqbal's presidential address of 1930 to Chaudhri Rehmat Ali's scheme of 1933, and of course many British writers such as Sir Reginald Craddock and John Coatman pointing out to a possible partition of India on communal fault lines such eventualities have been discussed at least in literary circles. However, Mohammad Ali Jinnah was still thinking in terms of unity of different Indian communities, while earnestly trying to assert the significance of the Muslim component of Indian population. Responding to Jawaharlal Nehru's arrogant statement that there were only two parties in India: the Government and the Congress, Jinnah insisted on the existence of a third party viz. the Muslim India. Both the Congress and the League had rejected the federal part of the Government of India Act, 1935, while agreeing to its provincial part, and contesting provincial elections. The results of the elections proved disastrous not only for the Muslim League's claim of being sole representative of Indian Muslims but also for the lofty ideals of Hindu
In 2014 the Indian National Congress party (Congress party) was in power in five out of the eight states in the North-East India. In the region which for long was considered as the Congress party bastion, the party is in power only in Mizoram at the time of writing this paper. In the state assembly elections held since 2014, the Congress party has lost power in four of the five states it ruled before the 16th Lok Sabha elections. The vulnerability of the party in the region was exposed in the 2014 general elections. The party could only manage to win 8 seats in the Lok Sabha elections. This was four less than the twelve seats it had won in the 2009 general elections. The subsequent reversal faced by the Congress party in the five assembly elections held since the 2014 Lok Sabha election have further underlined the shifting base of the party in the region.
While Sonia Gandhi in a party meeting lamented that Congress is being presented as a Muslim party (1), an anti-Hindu party (2), her own party's major Muslim Leader Salman Khursheed confessed that Congress has the blood of Muslims on its hands. (3) This raises a lot of questions about the nature of Congress as a political party and as to how the Muslims of India respond to the appeal for support from Congress in particular. In the wake of UP election results (2017) when number of Muslims MLAs has fallen to 5.9%, not a single Muslim candidate was put up by BJP, while the population of Muslims in UP being about 19.26%. BJP won with thumping majority. Mohammad Adeeb, one of the foremost Muslim leaders stated that Muslim should withdraw from electoral arena as due to their presence parties are able to polarize the elections on communal lines, with Muslims getting marginalized. (4) As such also while on one side we see the worsening plight of Muslim community at social and economic level, in the matters of electoral representation there is a drastic decline.
Modern Asian Studies
The Indian Congress Party: A Dilemma of Dominance1967 •
The death of Nehru did less to change the Indian political system than the talk about his charismatic leadership might have led us to expect. But one simplification is not to be replaced by another; the assessment of his influence is a matter of real difficulty. Most delicate of all the tasks perhaps is that of distinguishing between his influence on the actual behaviour of political actors and institutions and his influence on the views taken by observers of such behaviour. How much, that is, of what appears novel in the post-Nehru period is merely the coming to light of features which were already present but obscured or unnoticed by virtue of the attention focused on the great man himself? In no area of the Indian political system is this question more important than in the Congress Party.
Priscilla Papers
"Sheerah, the Unknown City-Building Woman of 1 Chronicles 7:24", Priscilla Papers 37, no. 2 (2023): 28-30.2023 •
Revista Educação e Emancipação, São Luís/MA, v.17, n.1, jan./abr.2024
Memória e letramento racial no Ensino Médio: táticas para aplicabilidade das leis 10.639/03 e 11.645/08 nas escolas2024 •
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Tartaric acid extraction of organotin compounds from sediment samples2011 •
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Archives of Neurology
Vaccinations and Risk of Central Nervous System Demyelinating Diseases in Adults2003 •
American Journal of Neuroradiology
Cognitive and White Matter Tract Differences in MS and Diffuse Neuropsychiatric Systemic Lupus Erythematosus2015 •