European Journal of Applied Linguistics Studies
ISSN: 2602 - 0254
ISSN-L: 2602 - 0254
Available on-line at: http://www.oapub.org/lit
DOI: 10.46827/ejals.v6i2.438
Volume 6 │ Issue 2 │ 2023
A STUDY OF GHANAIAN HAUSA PERSONAL NAMES
Murtalah Mohammedi
Languages Department,
English Language Section,
Al-Faruq College of Education,
Wenchi, Bono Region,
Ghana
Abstract:
This study attempts at undertaking a comprehensive study of personal names among
Ghanaian Hausa. It particularly looks at the socio-pragmatic usage of the Hausa
names. This paper argues that the Hausa give names to their children by considering
the social, cultural, and religious philosophy of the Hausa speech community. The
philosophy behind these Hausa naming practices goes a long way to help in the
peculiar identity of the Ghanaian Hausa. This, to a very large extent, hints that there
is a link between names and personal identity as far as naming practices among the
Hausa in particular, and Africans in general are concerned. The study, using
interview, observation and the researcher’s introspection as a data collection method
and Linguistic Relativity as a theoretical framework, reveals three categories of
names used by the Ghanaian Hausa. These are Judeo-Islamo-Christian names, Hausa
names of Arabic origin and Hausa traditional names.
Keywords: identity, naming practice, Judeo-Islamo-Christian names, Hausa, onomastic
1. Introduction
Onomastics is a discipline dedicated to the study of proper names in general. It has two
sub-disciplines: anthroponomastics which studies names of people and toponomastics
which is dedicated to the study of names of places (Al-Zumor, 2009; Ennin and Nkansah,
2016). Anthroponomastics constitute issues of concern for philologists, anthropologists,
linguists, psychologists and even the literati. This interest of scholars from various fields
of studies may stem from a hint regarding the essence of names. Names are, indeed,
pointers to certain facts about the cultural system of the people (Atakpa, 1997; Ennin&
Nkansah, 2016; Obeng, 1998; Sekyi-Baidoo,2019).
The Hausa consider names as identity markers and a kind of biography for the
child. The name of a typical Hausa person reveals a lot about the cultural, social and
Correspondence: email gmmurtala10047967@gmail.com
i
Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved
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religious aspirations of the person. The Hausa name their infants when they attain bakwai
(seven days) or one week; for the Hausa, seven days make a week. The paternal
grandfather of the baby is responsible for selecting the name otherwise, the responsibility
lies on the shoulders of the father of the infant. The name given is superintendent by the
imam of the town or community in which the parents live. The names are selected from
a host of sources such as Judeo-Islamo-Christian, names of illustrious companions,
Islamic saints, Arabic, and traditional. These sources, therefore, give Hausa names this
structure: a given-name which comprises the first three sources of Hausa names and day
name which also consists of the Hausa traditional names. It is the given-name that is
officially given on the name-giving day and, the day name is later conferred on the infant
unceremoniously (Mohammed, 2023).
The study aims at achieving the following objectives: i. to explore the sources of
Ghana Hausa personal names, ii. to discover the types of Ghana Hausa personal names.
The study seeks to answer the following questions: i. What are the sources of Ghanaian
Hausa personal names? ii. What is the typology of Ghanaian Hausa personal names? And
iii. What is the philosophy behind Ghanaian Hausa naming practice?
2. The Hausa of Ghana
Hausa is a language spoken by the Hausa people. The term is used in referring to both
the language and its speakers. It belongs to the Chadic languages which is a branch of the
Afroasiatic language family phylum (Newman, 2009; Sarkin-Gulbi and Ahmed, 2018).
The Hausa are Sahelian people who are mainly found in Northern Nigeria and south
eastern part of Niger. However, migration for trade and jobs has made it possible to find
a significant number of Hausa people in some parts of West African countries such as
Ghana, Benin, Burkina Faso and Togo (Sarkin-Gulbi, & Ahmed, 2018).
The migration of the Hausa to Gold Coast (now Ghana) took three main phases.
First, some of them came in groups – in caravans of kola nut. The traders had to live in
Gold Coast while gathering their goods that would be sent to the Sahelian regions for
sale. In the process, some quarters called Zango (corrupted zongo by the natives) sprang
up. Second, the migration of the Hausa to Gold Coast was through colonial policy on
security in the Gold Coast Colony. The Colonial Administration recruited Hausa soldiers
from Nigeria to help them in their war against the Ashantis between 1873- 1874. This
force, after the war, was regularized into Gold Hausa constabulary (GCHC) – a Gold
Coast security force, the majority of whom were Hausa from northern Nigeria (Aremu,
2015; Ntewusu, 2014; Twumhene, 2019; Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, 2007;
Boateng & Darko, 2016; Tankebe, 2008). Third, the migration of Hausa into Gold Coast
took place individually. Some Hausa entered Ghana on an individual basis mostly to look
for jobs in the Gold Coast Colony. These temporary quarters founded by the traders
finally became permanent settlements because some of the traders finally had to stay.
These became homes for any Hausa who migrated to the country and any person of
northern Ghana descent and Islamic religious persuasion. Because of the northern and
Hausa characteristics of these areas, they became suitable settlement places for some of
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the ex-soldiers of GCHC to settle after their discharge from the service, especially ‘the
zongo communities in the urban centres’ (Ntewusu, 2014).
3. Literature Review
A lot of studies have been undertaken on names by scholars of Onomastics, Literary
Onomastics and Sociolinguistics because of the importance of names to the life of any
entity that exists. Some of these studies are attempts to analyse, explain, to uncover the
shroud of myths surrounding names, and to bring to the fore the relationships between
names, language and society. Names are not mere labels in African society; they serve as
a biographical account of the bearer. The bearer of the name is expected to behave in
accordance with the philosophy surrounding the name he/she bears. For instance,
Rahman (2013) examines the influence of religion on Pakistani personal names. He argues
that religion plays a significant role in identity construction among Pakistanis. One’s
name singles him/her out as the adherent of any of the multiple religious groups in
Pakistan. This, therefore, means that a lot of socio-cultural factors inform the choice of
names for infants (Al-Qawasmi &Al-haq, 2016; Al-Zumor, 2009).
Names are not only limited to pointing to the bearer’s identity in society, but they
are also tools for communication (Abd-el-Jawad, 1986; Agyekum, 2006; Ansu-Kyeremeh,
2000; Mandende, Cekiso & Rwodzi, 2019). They communicate a lot of things about the
name bearer and his/her cultural and social environment. Though from differing angles,
Radding & Western (2010) argue that “linguistic and geography each observes that a name’s
significance is connected to a society”. That might be why (Agyekum, 2006) argues that
people who share the same family name have genetic relationships and are therefore
expected to behave in the same way. This notion, therefore, counteracts the concept of
the arbitrariness of names as claimed by some western Philosophers of language (Eu gene,
1981).
Personal names among some speech communities bring to the fore believes and
philosophy of the people. Abubakari (2020) for instance, explores the personal names of
the Kusaal speech community of Northern Ghana. The paper particularly focuses on the
pragmatics and semantics of these names. It argues that names are not given to Kusaas’
infants in a vacuum without any underlying philosophy. Names among the Kusaas are
meaningful and underpinned by the religious beliefs of the people. It is becaus e of these
beliefs that make it is possible to have the Kusaas bearing traditional, Islamic, or Christian
names.
Mohammed (2023) explored terms of address and forms of reference in Roko
poetry among the Hausa in Ghana. The study which is a literary onomastic one argues
that the Hausa philosophy of the world and their cultural practices influence the choice
of names for a Hausa infant. All these beliefs and practices showcase the Hausa
understanding of the world and therefore reveal the real identity of a Hausa infant
through the names he or she bears. This leaves us in no double that names are chosen
carefully and consciously in order to reflect the worldview of the people.
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Apart from names functioning as identity markers, they also have communicative
functions as explored by Batoma (2009). The study investigates the communicative
functions of the personal names of the Kabre speech community of Northern Togo. It
argues that among the personal names of the Kabre people, there are some categories of
names that have communicative functions. These names indirectly communicate the
feelings and opinions of the bearer of the name, and, by extension, the name giver. They
are, therefore, insinuative. This naming practice of the Kabre people concurs with the
findings of the present study where the Ghanaian Hausa have sentential names which
are also insinuative.
Many studies have not been undertaken in Ghanaian Hausa personal names. Most
of the Onomastic studies on personal names in Ghana are on non-Hausa speech
communities. Therefore, the present study intends to fill this gap in order to bring to the
fore the untapped linguistic resource in Ghanaian Hausa.
3.1 Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework that underpins this study is the Theory of Linguistic Relativity
propounded by Edward Sapir (1884-1939), a Professor of Anthropology and Linguistics
at the Universities of Pennsylvania, Chicago, and Yale and his student, Benjamin Lee
Whorf (1897-1941), a fire-prevention engineer in Hartford by profession and a linguist by
passionate avocation (Stam, 1980); hence, the common designation of the Linguistic
Relativity Hypothesis as “the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis” (Lucy, 1997 p.294).
Whorfian Hypothesis claims a relationship between language and the way the
speakers of the language think. This means that the language a particular group of people
speaks influences their thought. That probably explains why no two cultures are the
same. This may be the result of different languages spoken by different people of the
world.
The theory is in two forms – stronger and weaker forms. In its stronger form, the
theory holds “that in some way the language of any given culture is the causal determinant of
the patterns of thinking in that culture” (Stam, 1980 p.306). The theory postulates that
people’s language determines their worldview and their perception of their world’s
experiences. If people’s cultural experiences of which language is the most commo n
determinant influence their perceptions of the world realities, that probably explains why
there are different cultures because of the different languages of the world. It is clear that
no two different languages have the same cultural practices or experiences, not even
dialects of a language. To this effect, Sapir quoted in Stam posits that “[n]o two languages
are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality” (1980, p.306).
That is why while some cultures perceive a name as a sheer label (Al-Saeedi, 2016), others
consider it as an identity marker (Rahman, 2013). Some cultures have just one word for a
concept, while others use several words to explain a concept.
My choice of the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis as a theoretical framework guiding this
study is because the essence of the hypothesis concerns the relationship between
language and culture and how they influence one’s way of thought. Obviously, the study
has a bearing on the hypothesis as it (the study) focuses on the use of linguistics devices
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(names) to explore a Hausa naming culture which is exhibited through the use of
language. This culture of naming which the study seeks to explore is quite unique from
the other types that are portrayed in other cultures. This is because where language
differs, perception will also differ as Sapir quoted in Stam posits “[t]he worlds in which
different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same world with different labels attached”
(Stam, p.306].
4. Materials and Methodology
The data for this study are primary data which were collected through interviews and
my introspection as a Ghanaian Hausa native speaker. With regards to the interview, I
purposively sampled 20 elders 10 middle-aged men from Accra Sabon Zongo whose ages
range between 40 and 80. I chose Sabon Zongo because most of the inhabitants are native
speakers of Hausa and they adhere to most cultural practices of the Hausa. Each of the
participants gave me his/her name, his/her parents’ names, and the names of their
grandchildren if any. This saved me the time of having to interview a lot of people. This
also offered me the opportunity of collecting the names used by four generations of
Ghanaian Hausa people in Sabon Zongo as part of my primary data collection. I resorted
to the registers of the local makaranta (an Islamic seminary) located in the community
where most of the learners and teachers are Hausa. I complemented these by observing
and taking notes of names used in those communities.
5. Results and Discussion
In this section, I analysed and interpreted the Ghanaian Hausa personal names. I looked
at the sources of the first category and put them into groups and types according to their
sources. I then analysed the names by looking at their meanings per the Hausa
philosophy of the world and the socio-cultural circumstances that motivate the use of
those names.
5.1 Typology of Ghanaian Hausa Personal Names
The Ghana Hausa personal names are derived from several sources. The sources that
dominate are the ones that relate to Islam and Arabic due to agelong relationship of the
Hausa with Islam. The data analysis revealed three types of Ghanaian Hausa personal
names. These are Judeo-Islamo-Christian names, Hausa names of Arabic origin, and
Hausa traditional names. The use of these names reveals the multiple identities of the
Hausa and their philosophy of the world.
5.1.1 Judeo-Islamo-Christian Names
These types of names are derived from the Qur’an, especially the ones that are names of
the prophets of Islam. The Hausa believe that names have an impact on the bearer of the
name. Good names have positive impacts and vice versa. In order to have their values
reflected in the behaviour of the child, the names of these prophets are then given to the
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child. This practice portrays the hopes and aspirations of the child’s parents for the child.
Some of the names revealed in the data are presented below.
Males
Hausa
Adamu (m) Adama (f)
Alyasa-‘u
Ayuba
Bunyaminu
Dawud/Dawuda
Hudu
Haruna
Ibrahim/Ibrahin
Islamail
Isaka/Isaaku
Iddris/ Idi
Issah
Isu
Ilyas / Ilyasu
Musah
Nuhu
Sale /Salihu
Sulemana/ Sule
Yakubu
Yahayya
Yunus/Inusah
Zakari
Zurkanaini/ Zurka
Females
Hawwa/ Hawaawu
Saratu
Hajara
Hannatu
Mariam/Maryma/Meri
English Gloss
Adam
Elias
Job
Benjamin
David
–
Aaron
Abraham
Ishmael
Isaac
Enock
Jesus
Joseph
Elisha
Moses
Noah
Solomon
Jacob
John (the Baptiser)
Jonah
Zakariah
English Gloss
Eve
Sara
Hagar
Hanna
Mary
As can be seen from the names above, they have been categorised into males and females
names. The male ones are strictly names of the prophets of Islam that have been
mentioned in Qur’an by way of address or reference. However, the female category of
the Judeo-Islamo-Christian names are the names of the wives of the prophets, such as
Khadija, Saratu, mothers of the prophets such as Amina, and the ones who lived exemplary
lives like Hannatu (Hanna) and Mariam (Mary). These names are strictly used either in
male sense or in female sense. They are therefore not gendered.
5.1.2 Hausa Personal Names of Arabic Origin
Another Hausa naming practice is naming their infants with names of Arabic origin.
Though these names are of Arabic origin, they have been modified to suit the philosophy
and worldview of the Hausa. They are names and attributes of God, names and attributes
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of the Prophet of Islam, Hausa ordinal names, the names of the Illustrious Caliphs, nonorthodox Arabic names, Hausa proverbial names, colour names, and suffixal names. The
categories are presented below.
A. Names and Attributes of God
The Hausa name their children with the names and the ninety-nine attributes of God of
Arabic origin in the hope that the bearer of the name may emulate the beauty of the name s
and may live an exemplary life per the ethical concepts the names portray. Such names
are prefixed by the term ‘abd’ which means a slave in Arabic (Ba’alabaki, 2005), plus the
main attributes which indicate that the bearer is subservient to God, the ultimate bearer
of the attributes and the names.
Name
Awdullahi /Awudu/Abdullah
Abdul-Kareem
Abdur-Rahman
Abdus-Salam
Abdus-Samed
etc.
English Gloss
the slave of God
the slave of the Generous one
the slave of Merciful one
the slave of the Peaceful one
the slave of the Dependable one
B. Names and Attributes of the Prophet of Islam
Apart from the Hausa names of Judeo-Islamo-Christian Origins (names of the Prophets
accepted by the adherents of the Semitic religions), the Hausa name their infants after the
Prophet of Islam – Mohammed. The Prophet had other names apart from the name
‘Mohammed’. These names are used with some modifications in Hausa. So, the name
‘Mohammed’ is used in Hausa with modifications that result in the forms indicated
below.
Arabic forms
Muhammad
Ahmad
Al-Mujtaba
Al-Mukhtar
Al-Muntakaa
Al-Mustapha
Al-Amin
Al-Mahee
Al-Akib
Al-Hashir
Al-Bashir
Al-Nazir
Hausaised forms
Muhammadu/Mamman
Amadu/Ahamadu
Mujitaba
Muntari
Muntaka
Mustapha/Almu
Aminu
Mahe
Hakibu/Akibu/Shakibu
Hashiru
Bashiru
Naziru
English gloss
the praised one
praise worthy
the chosen one
…
…
…
the trust worthy
the cleanser
the last
the resurrector
the precursor
the warner
C. Hausa Ordinal Names
The Hausa use what I call ‘ordinal names’ to name their infants. The Hausa ordinal name
is to name one’s infant boys ‘Mohammed’. This is due to the Hausa obsession with the
name ‘Mohammed’ and not because they want to know the number of males they have.
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To differentiate between the children and to identify them, the name ‘Mohammed’ is
suffixed with Arabic ordinal numbers. By this practice, the following pattern is generated:
Muhammadu Awwal, Awwalu
Muhammadu Sani
Muhammadu Salisu
Muhammadu Rabi’u
Muhammadu Hamisu
Muhammadu Sadisu
Muhammadu Sabi’u
Muhammadu Saminu
Muhammadu Tasi’u
Muhammadu Ashiru
Muhammadu Hadi
–Mohammed number
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
1 st
2 nd
3 rd
4 th
5 th
6 th
7 th
8 th
9 th
10 th
11 th
As you can observe from the names above, the ordinals occur after the name
‘Mohammed’. These ordinals indicate the position of each male in the sequence of male
children in the family. The Hausa is a polygynous society, the ordination of the children
is done across the board. For instance, if wife ‘A’ gives birth to a male for first time the
ordinal name may apply by giving the boy ‘Muhammadu + the ordinal Awwal (first)we,
therefore, have the structure ‘Muhammadu Awwal’, the first Mohammed. If a female is
born after that, a female name of the parents’ is given her. If the third birth happens to be
a male, the child is then named ‘Muhammadu Sani’ which means the second Mohammed
irrespective of who the mother is. This naming practice is limited to only the male
children in the family, and this makes it a non-gendered term.
D. The Names of the Illustrious Companions
Among the names of Arabic origin the Hausa use in naming their children are the names
of illustrious companions, both males and females. The names of male companions are
used for male children while the female ones are used for female children. The use of
these names is for identity and the emulation of the exemplary lives of these companions.
Below are some of the names of the male and female companions.
Male Companions
Arabic Form
Abubakar
Umar
Uthman
Ali
Usama
Hamza
Abbas
Khalid
Alhassan
Husain
Hausaised Form
Bukari/bukkar/Buba
Mmaru
Usman/Asuma
Ali / Aliyu
Husama
Hamza
Abas
Halidu
Alasan
Huseni
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Zubair
Female Companions
Arabic Form
Khadija
A-ishatu
Maimuna
Fatimatu
Zaynab
UmmulKulthum
Ãmina
Mariyya
Zuberu
Hausaised Form
Hadiza
Shatu/ Aysha
Memuna
Fati/Fatima
Zenabu/Abu
Katumi
Amina
Mariya
As you can see in the above list of names of the companions, the Hausaised forms are the
modifications of the Arabic form. This is done to suit the phonetics and phonology of
Hausa. You must also note that the names listed above occurred most frequently in the
data. The categories of the male names are the names of the four illustrious Caliphs, that
is, the first four names, the blood relations of the Prophet such as Abas, his uncle, and the
ones who made inroads in Islam such Khalid bn Walid. The most frequently occurring
female names on the other hand are the ones who had affinal relationships with prophets
such as Khadija, his wife, Fatima, his daughter, and consanguine relationship, such as
Zainab, his daughter.
E. Non-Orthodox Arabic Names
The non-orthodox Arabic names the Hausa use in naming their children are ones that are
not known traditionally among Ghanaian Hausa, but are often used by the Hausa to
name their children. The exodus of Muslim students to the Arab world to study, and the
exposure of the Hausa people to the international community due to globalization may
be responsible for the gradual shift from the orthodox names to the non-orthodox ones.
These types of names are meaningful Arabic words that express the hope and aspirations
of the parents, unlike the orthodox ones which have obscure meanings in most cases. The
following are examples of the non-orthodox Arabic names used by the Hausa.
Male
Firdausu
Sa’ad
Muflih
Ikililu
Fauzan/ Faizu
Nabil
Najib
Fadil
–
Female
Firdausu
Sa-adatu
Muflihatu
–
Faiza
Nabila
Najiba
Fadila
Yasmin
English Gloss
a name of paradise
happy
successful
a crown
victor
noble
noble
virtuous
jasmine
As you can observe from the names above, some of the gender names such as Faiza,
female and Faizu, male have the Arabic letter ‘the rounded t’ attached to the word. This
marks the feminine gender. There are also other types of non-orthodox Hausa names of
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Arabic origin used by the Hausa that are epicenes. They are used to name both male and
female Hausa infants. For example, a name such Firdausu, Sirina and Husama, the
Hausaised form of Usama, which are strictly male given-names among the Arabs have
been recorded in the data to have been used for both sexes. The third type is the name
that is used strictly only for females. There is no particle that marks it as a male name;
however, the Ghanaian Hausa society uses it for males. The name that belongs to that
category is Iklilu. The last category is the one that is also used strictly for females without
any particle marking it as such. An example is Yasmin.
F. Hausa Proverbial Names
These type of names are sentences and expressions extracted from the Quran which
function like proverbs. They are usually insinuative which portrays the hopes and
aspirations of the name-giver and the societal expectation of the child.
Name
Barã-atu
Huda(llah)
Lantana/Lantanalu
Larai (ba)
Nasaru (minalallahi)
Rahinatu/Rahi
Rubbamã
Sayakũlu
Tawa (tawakkaltu)
Yatasu (Yakhtassu)
Yazidu
English Gloss
Freedom from obligation… Q9:1
The Guidance of Allah Q2:120
By no means shall ye attain … Q3:92
Without doubt …2:2
A speedy victory … Q61:13
Held in pledge …Q74:38
It may be that…Q15:2
They will say: … Q2:142
I put my trust … Q11: 56
He specially chooses…Q3:74
He adds… Q35:1
The type of the above names is chosen from Qur’anic sentences because of the ethical
messages the name contains. As you can see above, because the names are in sentences,
they are difficult to pronounce. They are usually reduced to phrases or words for ease of
pronunciation. The full Qur’anic sentences from which these names have been extracted
are as follows:
The Transliterated names in Qur’anic context
Barã-atun min al-Allah wa Rasulihi
Kul inna hudallahi huwa alhuda
Lantanalu bira hatta tunfiku mimma tuhibbun
Dhalika al-kitabu laraiba
Nas(a)rum minallahi wa fat-hunqarib
Kullu nafsin bimã Kasabat Rahina
Rubbamã yawaddu alladhina kafarũ Lau kanũ
muslimĩn
English gloss
Freedom from obligation (is proclaimed)
from Allah and His Messenger Q9:1
Say: ‘The Guidance of Allah, – is the (only)
Guidance’. Q2:120
By no means shall ye attain righteousness
unless ye give (feely) of that which ye love …Q
3:92
This is the Book; without doubt …Q2:2
Help from Allah and a speedy victory …Q 61:13
Every soul will be (held) in pledge …Q74:38
It may be that the disbelievers wish they
were Muslims. Q15:2
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Sayakũlu al-ssufahã-u min al-nãsi mã wallahum an
qibilatihim kanu alaiha
Innee tawakkaltu ala al-Allah Rabbee waRabbikum
Yakhtassu biRahmatihi mayyasha-u
Yazidu fil al-khalqi mãyashã-u
The fools among the people will say: “What has
turned them from the Qibla to which they were
used?...Q2:142
I put my trust in Allah, my Lord and your
Lord. Q11: 56
For His Mercy He specially chooseth whom
He pleaseth…Q3:74
He adds to creation as He pleases… Q35:1
G. Hausa Colour Names
Colour names are among the type of names Hausa use in naming their infants. These
names are used to depict the complexion of the child. These names are of Arabic origin,
but they are usually modified to suit Hausa phonetical and phonological structure as can
be seen below.
Arabic Form
Abyad
Baidaau
Saudaa-u
Aswad
Zarkaau
Safaraau
Name
Hausaised Form
Abyadu
Bailaa-u
Saude/Sauda
Aswadu
Zarkaau
Safara/Shafara/Sahura
Gender
English Gloss
Male
Female
Female
Male
Female
Female
White
White
Black
Black
Blue
Yellow
As you can observe from the names depicting a child’s complexion, the names are
gendered. The names actually depict the skin colour of the bearers to a very large extent,
in that most of the bearers of the names have their skin colour depicting the name.
However, there was one respondent I came across during the data collection whose
name, Abyad, white, is opposite to his complexion. Upon an interaction, he revealed that
he was named after one Islamic historical figure called Muhammad Abyad, Mohammed
the White. In such a circumstance, it is possible to have a bearer of a skin-colour-name
whose complexion does not actually depict the reality. As the data analysis revealed,
others in a similar situation were given such names because the sound of the name either
appealed to the name giver or he/ she is ignorant of the meaning of the name.
H. Suffixal names
Suffixal names are the type of names of Arabic origin that the Hausa use in naming their
infants. The names are suffixed by the morpheme deen, which literally means religion or
faith. The base word is always a noun that depicts a certain quality the parents want the
child to emulate in his/her life. Below are some of the suffixal names analysed.
Name
Badaruddeen
Jalaludden
Jamaluddeen
Kamaluddeen
English Gloss
Moon of the religion
Dignity of the religion
Beauty of the religion
Completeness of the religion
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Liwauddeen
Misbahuddeen
Nasiruddeen
Nizamuddeen
Nuruddeen
Salahuddeen
Sahmuddeen
Shamsuddeen
Sirajuddeen
Tajuddeen
Taqiyuddeen
Zaharuddeen
Banner of the religion
Lamp of the religion
Helper of the religion
Orderliness of the religion
Light of the religion
Godliness of the religion
Arrow of the religion
Sun of the Religion
Lamp of the religion
Crown of the religion
Immaculate of the religion
Emergence of the religion
4.1.3 Hausa Traditional Names
The Hausa people had their naming system and practices before their Islamisation.
Though Islam has affected their naming system by adding Islamic and Arabic elements
to it, they have been able to maintain the traditional ones which serve as the identity of a
typical Hausa person. These names include day names, circumstantial names, death
prevention names, birth position names, manner of birth names, and physical feature names.
A. Day Names
Among the Hausa, the name of the day of the week in which the child is born is normally
given to the child. Because these types of names depict the day on which the child is born,
they are predictable and gendered like most Hausaised names. Unlike the Judeo-IslamoChristian names, they are not given in a grand style naming ceremony; the child is
unofficially called by that name by the parents and even the members of the community
because such names are predictable They are gendered names with the male ones
preceded by the prefix dan (literally, the son of) serving as a male gender marker in most
cases with the exception of the name Balarabe, a male Wednesday born whose male
gender maker is ‘e’; this is not predictable, as you can see from the examples below.
Male
Danladi
Dantani / Litini /Liti
Dantalata
Balarabe
Danlami
Danjimma
Asabe/Danasabe
Female
Ladi
Tani
Turai/ Baturia/Talatuwa/Talata
Balaraba
Lami
Jummai /Jumma/Jimma
Asabe
Day
Sunday born
Monday born
Tuesday born
Wednesday born
Thursday born
Friday born
Saturday born
B. Circumstantial Names
Circumstantial names are names given to a Hausa child based upon some circumstances
surrounding the birth of the child. As you can see from the list of names below, while
some of the names are gendered, some are not.
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Male
Dantune
Gagarau/Gagare
–
Mijinyawa
Meriga
Shekarau
Shawai
Talle
Madugu
–
Female
Tuni/Tune
–
Gwamma/Hakama
–
Meriga
Shekara
–
–
–
Ayashe
Occasion
a child whose parents lost hope of giving birth
a male child born after attempts to abort the pregnancy
a girl born when the parents expected a boy
a boy born to meet both grandparents alive
an infant born with the placenta
a child born after one year of pregnancy
a boy who suffers from sickness at early hours of birth
a child whose mother died during his birth / after
a male child born when the parents are in a journey
A female born that has been abandoned
C. Period Names
Among the naming culture of the Hausa are the names that depict the period in which
the child is born such as the names below. Some of these names are gendered and some
are not as you can see from the names below.
Male
Anaruwa
Sha’aban
Bako/Bakondare (Male)
Labaran/Dan-Azumi
Sallau
Ranau
Nahantsi
Sammako
Female
–
–
Medare
Azumi
Tasalla
Ranau
Nahantsi
Sammako
Period
a child born
a child born
a child born
a child born
a child born
a child born
a child born
a child born
on a rainy day
in the month of Sha’aban
at the night
in Ramadan
on Id day
in the afternoon
in the early hours of noon
in the early morning
D. Death Prevention Names
The Hausa in the Pre-Islamic era believed that if a woman suffered from successive child
mortality, it was attributed to a spirit that was always taking the child away and causing
the baby’s mother to grief. They believed that the antidote to this recurring child
mortality was to give the baby an unpleasant name. By this, the spirit would not like the
baby; therefore, the baby would escape death. This meant that the name had prevented
the child from dying. This naming culture of the Hausa is still practiced in this era when
most of the Hausa are Muslims. Some of the death prevention names found among
Ghana Hausa can be seen below. It must be noted that some of these names are gendered
while some are not. But there is no distinct gender marking particle with the names that
are gendered. The distinction is made through a convention inherited from general to
generation.
Male
–
–
Bawa
Allah Barma/Allah Bira
Female
Ajuji
Ayashe
Boya
Barmini
English Gloss
Waste dump
Rejected
Slave
God, preserve it for me
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E. Birth Position Names
The Hausa name their infants by the position they occupy in the line of birth of their
parents. This naming practice is not like the Hausa ordinal names which serve as roll call
for only the male children in the family. This, therefore, does not use numbers. These
types of names are in the list below.
Males
Tagwaye
Gado
Gambo
Tanko
Dan Auta
Females
Tagwaye
Gado
Gambo
Kande
Auta
Situation
A set of twins
A boy/girl born after twins
A boy/girl after the one born after twins
A boy/girl born after two or more males/females
A boy/girl who is the last born of the parents
As you can see from the names above, the name Tagwaye is used in naming a set of twins.
But the names given to them depend upon the position of the twins. That is, the first of
the twins to be born is called, Tagwaye Babba, the elder twin. This is not gendered. The
other twin that follows is named Tagwaye karami if it is a male, the female twin, on the
other hand, is called Tagwaye Karama, the younger female twin. You can see that this is
gendered. So, these names, no doubt, indicate the various positions of the twins. The
names Gado and Gambo are not gendered. The female version of Tanko is Kande even
though there is no particle to indicate the gender distinction; it is purely based upon
convention. However, the particle dan is a male gender marker, for Dan Auta, a male last
born.
There are some of the Hausa birth position names that are of Arabic origin which
take the roll call of male-born children in the family. This is probably as a result of the
premium the Hausa attach to male children being a patriarchal speech community. This
also happens when the parents want to name all their male children, Mohammed because
of the obsession of the Hausa with the name.
F. Manner of Birth Names
In the Hausa naming tradition, children are named by considering the manner of their
births. This can be seen below.
Name
Tagwaye
Mairiga
English Gloss
twins
the bearer/owner of shirt
In Ghana Hausa naming practices, an infant is named following the manner of birth of
the child. For example, two children born in single-birth labour are traditionally called,
Tagwaye. The elder is called Tagwaye Babba (not gendered) and the younger is called
Tagwaye Karami for a male twin and Karama for a female twin (gendered). Those are the
default names for Hausa infant twins. However, because of the Hausa people’s longstanding relationship with Islam, the twins are given Islamic/Arabic names which, with
the passage of time, have metamorphosed into Hausa traditional names for twins. In a
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grand style naming ceremony, the Hausa infant male elder twin is named
Alhassan/Alasan/ Hasan, which means good whereas the younger male twin is called,
Husain/Huseni which is the diminutive form of Alhassan. In the situation where both are
females, they name Husena and Hasana respectively. On the other hand, if the twins are
of different sexes, and a male is the elder and the female is the younger, they are named
Alhassan/Alasan/Hasan and Husena respectively. If it is the other way round (i.e., the elder
one is a female and the younger one is a male), they are named Hasana and Huseni. The
data however, indicate a shift, albeit a gradual one, from the Hausa traditional naming
practice of twins to modern ones such as Jamila and Jamilu, beautiful, Halisa and Hulaisa ,
pure, and Muniru and Munira, light.
The term Mairiga is another Ghana Hausa traditional name that indicates the
manner of birth of a child. The term riga in Hausa means shirt, so the combination Mairiga
means the owner of shirt. This name is given to a child who is born in a placenta. The
term literally means the owner of a shirt. A child who is born in this manner is named
Mairiga which is an indication of the manner in which it is born. This name is not
gendered.
G. Physical Feature Names
The Hausa name their children by some physical features the children exhibit. Such
physical features include the height of the child, the child’s skin colour, the body size of
the person (whether fat or slim), the shape of the head, etc. some of the names under this
category have been shown below.
Male
Goshi
Fari
Jatao
Guntu/Gajere
Dogo
Baki
–
Cindo
Tsiriri
Female
–
Fara/ ‘Yr Fara
–
Guntuwa/Gajeriya
Doguwa
Baka
kumatu
Cindo
Afiruwa
Feature
protruding forehead
fair
fair in complexion
short
tall
dark in complexion
big cheeks
a child with more than five fingers
a slender boy / girl
As you can see from the names above, some of them are gendered with irregular gender
markers such as Gajere, a male short person, and Gajeriya, female short person, Dogo a tall
male person and Doguwa, a female tall person. The gender marker in the name Gajeriya is
the particle ya while the Gender marker for Doguwa is the particle wa. You can see that
the gender marker in these names is irregular. Some of the names are also neutral, that
is, the same form is used for both sexes. For example, the name is used for both males
and females. Some of the names also which are gendered have different forms for the
different gender without the use of gender markers. A typical example is Tsiriri, a slender
male and Afiruwa, a slender female. The name kumatu, is used exclusively for a female
with big cheeks.
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One thing worthy of note is that these names are not given in a grand style naming
ceremony held by the Hausa when a sunan yanka (the slaughtering name) is being given.
The names are a spontaneous response to the Hausa culture. Therefore, these names are
acquired later in the child’s life as some of the physical features do not show immediately
the child is born.
5. Recommendations
This study will be a good reference source for researchers in African Onomastics, and it
will particular be of immense help to students of sociolinguistics, ethnolinguistics, social
studies, cultural studies and ethnohistoric studies. Given the scope of this study, which
is limited to Hausa personal names, further research can be undertaken in Ghanaian
Hausa naming practices as some of the names are no more popular among the youth,
especially the Judeo-Islamic-Christian names and the Hausa tradition names.
6. Conclusion
This study explored Ghanaian Hausa personal names. These include Hausa names of
Arabo-Islamo-Judeo-Christian origin which are the results of Hausa’s encounter with
Islam, and Hausa traditional names which were the names the Hausa used before their
contact with Islam. These names identify the Hausa as the speaker of the Hausa language
and their peculiar culture. Unlike the former category which identifies the bearer not as
a Hausa, but as a Muslim. So, the combination of both categories identifies one as a
Muslim and a Hausa. Therefore, their usage gives the bearer a complete identity.
Acknowledgement
I am most grateful to God Almighty for His favours bestowed on me while I was
undertaking this study. I wish to extend my heartfelt gratitude to the members of
Languages Department for their immeasurable support by way of useful suggestions
which culminated into the completion of this research. I offer my profound gratitude to
Mr. Issah Mohammed Iklil for the support and encouragement he offered me during the
project work. The support offered me by Mr Abdul Majeed Saeed regarding the
transcription, translation and proof reading the manuscript is very much acknowledged.
The effort of my wife, Madam Salamatu Umar Birin, needs to be acknowledged; her
immense knowledge in Hausa culture and Hausa orthography contributed to the success
of this study.
Conflict of Interest Statement
The author declares no conflicts of interest.
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About the Author
Murtalah Mohammed is a tutor of English language and Literature at Al-Faruq College
of Education, Wenchi in the Bono Region of Ghana, West Africa. His research interests
are African literature, Semiotics, Sociolinguistics, Onomastics and Literary Onomastics.
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