Review
Pesticide: A Contemporary Cultural Object
Elena Fusar Poli 1 and Michele Filippo Fontefrancesco 1,2,3, *
1
2
3
*
University of Gastronomic Sciences, Piazza Vittorio Emanuele II 9, Fr. Pollenzo, 12042 Bra, Italy;
e.fusarpoli@unisg.it
Department of Anthropology, Durham University, South Road, Durham DH1 3LE, UK
Department of Sociology, Catholic University of the Sacred Hearth, Largo Gemelli, 1, 20123 Milan, Italy
Correspondence: michele.fontefrancesco@unicatt.it
Abstract: The article provides a narrative review of the social and cultural interpretation of pesticides
in contemporary society. In so doing, it highlights the main fields of exploration investigated by social
scientists concerning the perception and role played by these products among farmers and consumers.
Following the WHO definition, pesticides are chemical compounds used to kill pests, including
insects, rodents, fungi, and unwanted plants. They are contemporary cultural artefacts that social
sciences explore in synergy with other disciplines to highlight their socio-cultural connections at
both local and global levels. Specifically, the use of these products is connected with power relations,
which are embedded in and reflect imbalances and inequalities in access to rights and resources, as
well as specific articulation of the perception of risk arising from environmental contamination in
terms of individual and collective psychophysical health. Furthermore, pesticides fit into various
environmental conceptions and multiple local knowledge systems, representing the intersection of
different cultural heritages, worldviews, and rationales that make the tradition–modernity dichotomy
complex and dynamic. In this respect, therefore, pesticides can be understood not just as mere tools
for agricultural practice but as vital windows through which to investigate multiple layers of meaning
to support transitions towards sustainable pest management systems, both environmentally and
socio-culturally.
Keywords: pesticides; anthropology; perception; risk; environmental knowledge
Citation: Fusar Poli, E.;
Fontefrancesco, M.F. Pesticide: A
Contemporary Cultural Object.
Encyclopedia 2024, 4, 720–734.
https://doi.org/10.3390/
encyclopedia4020045
Academic Editor: Fulvio Mazzocchi
Received: 2 March 2024
Revised: 13 April 2024
Accepted: 26 April 2024
Published: 28 April 2024
Copyright: © 2024 by the authors.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
1. Introduction
Following the WHO definition, pesticides include numerous groups of specific products, such as insecticides, fungicides, herbicides, garden chemicals, household disinfectants,
and rodenticides, which are utilized for both pest destruction and protection [1]. Over one
thousand different pesticides are used around the world. They are commonly categorized
as synthetic pesticides when they are based on human-made chemicals that do not exist
in nature, or biopesticides, which are naturally occurring or derived materials, especially
from living organisms such as plants, fungi, and bacteria [2].
Considering their prominence and widespread use, the study of pesticides has been
approached by different disciplines, such as chemistry, agronomy, economics, and medicine,
in order better to develop new products and assess their effects. The case of Scottish barley
cultivation proposed by Stetkiewicz and colleagues is emblematic in this regard because the
integrated pest management (a practical and eco-conscious method for controlling pests,
which utilizes a blend of different and synergic techniques) they analyze was developed
through different disciplinary lenses to achieve a more holistic view of crop care and
pesticide use [3]. More recently, pesticides have been at the center of the debate in social
sciences, specifically in anthropology, which has explored their stance as cultural objects
fully integrated into the web of political, economic, emotional, and heuristic relationships.
At the heart of this inquiry lies the profound impact of pesticides on natural ecosystems
and human health, raising critical concerns about their widespread use [4]. Scholars have
Encyclopedia 2024, 4, 720–734. https://doi.org/10.3390/encyclopedia4020045
https://www.mdpi.com/journal/encyclopedia
Encyclopedia 2024, 4
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scrutinized the diverse perceptions and narratives constructed around pesticides, alongside
the hopes and intentions guiding their application [5]. In so doing, the geographic and
social imprints of agricultural methods were uncovered, revealing how they intertwine
useof[4].
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have scrutinized
the diverse
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narratives
constructed
with local forms
social
organization
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pesticides,
alongside
the hopesfor
andexample,
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guiding
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[5]. In so
as Abate and around
colleagues
present
by referring,
the African
context [6].
the geographic
and
imprints
of agricultural
methods
were uncovered,
The emergingdoing,
gendered
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ofsocial
pesticide
usage
shed light on
the nuanced
social revealing how they intertwine with local forms of social organization and collective histories
dynamics at play,
specifically on the complex power dynamics and structural violence
rooted in specific landscapes, as Abate and colleagues present by referring, for example,
inherent in their deployment, and the myriad strategies employed by communities to
to the African context [6]. The emerging gendered dimensions of pesticide usage shed
mitigate the adverse
effects of pesticides [7].
light on the nuanced social dynamics at play, specifically on the complex power dynamics
Followingand
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the discussion,byproviding
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contemporary society.
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Following and unfolding this debate, this article aims to present the main results of
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contemporary
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its focus. These will be discussed with the support of the exploration of an ethnographic and
case study. sources used for the literature review, moving to present the key areas where the debate
has its focus. These will be discussed with the support of the exploration of an ethno-
graphic
case study.
2. Materials and
Methods
To present the emerging outline of the cultural significance of pesticides in contempo2. Materials and Methods
rary society, this article presents the results of a narrative literary review of the ongoing
To present the emerging outline of the cultural significance of pesticides in contemdebate in social sciences.
A narrative literature review is a comprehensive, critical, and
porary society, this article presents the results of a narrative literary review of the ongoing
fluent synthesis of existing research. Unlike systematic reviews or meta-analyses, this type
debate in social sciences. A narrative literature review is a comprehensive, critical, and
of review tends
to be more qualitative and interpretive and allow for one to explore the
fluent synthesis of existing research. Unlike systematic reviews or meta-analyses, this type
breadth of a subject,
discuss
thebefindings
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andand
present
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more qualitative
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allowan
foroverarching
one to explore the
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and
key
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a field
[8].
breadth of a subject, discuss the findings of various studies, and present
an overarching
The research
was
conducted
between
December
2023
and
February
2024.
It
examined
story that captures the evolution of thought, debates, and key themes within a field [8].
both academic andThe
grey
literature
sources identified
using Google
Scholar,
Scopus,
research
was conducted
between December
2023 and
February
2024. It and
examined
bothSelection
academic criteria
and greyencompassed
literature sources
using Google
Scholar, Scopus, and
EBSCO services.
the identified
topic (pesticides
as a socio-cultural
EBSCO services.approach
Selection(anthropology,
criteria encompassed
the topic (pesticides
as a socio-cultural
object), the interdisciplinary
environmental
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and
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political
economic sciences, and medicine), and the period of publication (1990–2024).sciences,
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and
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and
the
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(1990–2024).
primary focus was on English language sources, materials in Italian and Spanish wereWhile
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in Italian and Spanish
also included.the
Regarding
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Figure sources,
1 presents
the categorization
of the were
also included. Regarding the journal articles, Figure 1 presents the categorization of the
sources. This thematic categorization also serves as a useful compass for navigating through
sources. This thematic categorization also serves as a useful compass for navigating
the other titles included in the bibliography, which comprise monographs, chapters in
through the other titles included in the bibliography, which comprise monographs, chapanthologies, orters
grey
literature. or grey literature.
in anthologies,
No Scimago
categorization
23%
Social Sciences
39%
Other
categorization
13%
Medicine
11%
Environmental
Sciences
14%
Figure 1. Clusterization of the sources used according to Scimago Journal & Country Rank subject
area and category related to the selected journals.
Encyclopedia 2024, 4
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The individual sources were identified initially by interrogating the search engines
so that they included references to pesticides in the title, and/or abstract, and/or body.
After the screening of the individual identified sources, aimed at ensuring that the sources
provide an ethnographic and/or theoretical contribution to the cultural analysis of remedies,
the final sources were selected for the present discussion.
Particular attention has been paid to ethnographic studies that explored the multifaceted effects of pesticides due to their holistic approach that encompasses cultural, social,
environmental, and health-related dimensions [9]. Ethnography is the distinctive anthropological methodology that involves the researcher immersing themselves in the studied
context, relying on participant observation, repeated conversations, interviews, and other
methods of data collection. Ethnography also implies critical writing that develops into an
in-depth analysis that allows for access to numerous levels of social and cultural meaning
that stratify and interpenetrate the same object, such as pesticides, or the same practice,
such as pest management.
The selected publications explore case studies from Europe (8), Africa (6), Latin
America (22), North America (11), and Asia (5). Other publications approach the main
argument in more general terms or in a transnational way.
3. Results
For each selected publication, the content was analyzed by identifying the main subject
of discussion, the problem explored, the area investigated, and the research methodology,
summarizing its contribution succinctly (Appendix A).
This initial reworking allowed for the identification of three main areas on which the
discussion impacts: pesticides and power relationships; pesticides and risk perception; and
pesticides, environmental conception, and local knowledge. The following paragraphs
discuss each of these topics.
3.1. Pesticides and Power Relationships
Pesticides are deeply entangled in a web of power relations, intricately woven at both
global and local levels. Their use demands analysis by considering the conditions preceding
the introduction of such products and must be viewed in terms of the transformations they
bring about. Power relations tend to solidify imbalances and inequalities in access to rights
and resources. This phenomenon is described using various terms.
In their study of the Swiss rural context, Willemin and Backhaus introduce the concept
of slow violence to capture the gradual, unseen, and delayed destruction of agricultural
knowledge and plant species dispersed across time and space [10]. Grandia uses the
same expression related to Guatemala area [11]. On the other hand, Evia uses the expression “structural vulnerability” to account for the “soybeanisation process” transforming
Uruguayan agribusiness towards transgenic practices, with severe health implications for
poorer and more vulnerable social groups living in an environment polluted by the massive
use of synthetic pesticides [12].
Imbalance refers first of all to the workplace. In this regard, Gamlin uses the term
“daily violence” to refer to the living and working conditions of Huichol laborers on tobacco
plantations in the Mexican state of Nayarit, highlighting both the repetitiveness of this
condition and the normalization and acceptance of the risks it produces [13]. Similarly, Rao,
Arcury, and Quandt underline farmworkers’ lack of control in the workplace, referring
to the education gap as one of the key elements exploited to create the subordination of
Latino immigrant workers in the USA [14].
Power imbalance also refers to the imbalance between global capital and markets, or
the Global North and the local condition of the rural communities. Galt suggests a structural
imbalance between “northern privilege” and “environmental injustices” perpetrated in
the Global South where agricultural activities are conducted [Galt], while Abbassi, in his
research in Canada [15], and Sintora Romero [16], in his work in California, discuss the
ongoing tensions between goals related to maximizing economic profit and the health of
Encyclopedia 2024, 4
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the local population. This tension can assume intergenerational repercussions, as in the case
of Latino communities explored by Sánchez Barba [17], where massive pesticide exposure,
strongly linked to chemical exposure, impacts the cognitive development of children.
In this respect, Williams, in his historical ethnography of the Mississippi Delta, suggests that pesticide intensification develops according to a complex interplay between
pesticides, plantation politics, and civil rights [18] that take the shape of what he defines
as “agro-environmental racism”. This term is used to highlight “the recursive relationship
between the structural and ideological dimensions of agrarian racism and the racially
uneven environmental effects of agricultural production” [19] (p. 244). On a different
note, O’Brien conducts his fieldwork in the neighborhoods of Belmont and Greenpoint in
New York, indicating that the fractures in plants’ protection system are closely related to
social fractures in the community network and that the most socially exposed segments
of society are those most unprotected from pesticide exposure and thus health risks [20].
These results are confirmed by Checker [21].
Together with race, another crucial factor of fragility is gender. This is attested in the
work of Ardien Morvan, Fabienne Goutille, and Alain Garrigou in Tanzania that shows that
women are most exposed to farming difficulties and pesticides exposure because they are
rarely landowners of the fields they cultivate and are treated as mere laborers. It is therefore
not surprising that they often bear the difficult and dangerous task of applying chemical
products. Moreover, the burden of domestic work falls predominantly on women, who
are also exposed at home to secondary contamination, performing tasks such as washing
the work clothes of all family members. More generally, Morvan suggests that even in a
context where people share common goals like land ownership and social improvement,
the two groups perceive the risk differently [22].
3.2. Pesticides and Risk Perception
Considering the severe repercussions that exposure to pesticides can have on human
health, scholars have investigated this aspect, exploring how exposure and sickness are
both perceived and experienced. In this regard, the first contribution is to raise awareness
of situations of risk unaccounted for by official reporting. This is the case, for example,
in the studies conducted by Caisso in Cordoba, Argentina, documenting the impact of
agrochemical exposure and cancer spreading among teachers in the province [23]; or the
one by Guillette among children of the Yaqui population in Mexico that shows decreases
in resistance, eye–hand coordination, short-term memory, and drawing abilities, with
significant differences in cognitive and motor skills compared to non-exposed children [24];
or the one by Guthman and Barbour among Mexican migrants, in which they show the
inadequacy of pesticide notification and how the gap in the Worker Protection Standard
guidelines jeopardizes farmworkers, especially women [25].
This thread of research is directly linked to the exploration of forms of risk perception
by local communities. Snipes and colleagues investigate farmworkers’ beliefs and attitudes regarding pesticide exposure risks in Lower Yakima Valley, USA [26]. The research
demonstrates the influences of financial pressures in driving the farmers to underestimate
risk and to rely on fallacious beliefs concerning risk protection and safety. Other cases of
undervaluation of risk are explored in Indonesia, where a “tsunami of pesticides” invaded
the rice-producing areas because of the “Green Revolution” driven by blind optimism
concerning the impact of chemicals [27], or in Mexico, where Polanco Rodriguez and colleagues investigate the continuation of the use of banned products, such as organochlorine
pesticides, among Maya communities to find communities lacking specific knowledge
concerning the impact of these remedies and the presence of false beliefs on the safety of
these products [28].
Above all, however, the research has highlighted the growing ambivalence of growers
towards pesticides—a conflicted sentiment between the need for their use for productive
purposes and increasing concern about their effects on producers and agricultural products.
This is testified by Waltz in Western Kenya [29], as well as by Stein and Luna in Burkina
Encyclopedia 2024, 4
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Faso and Mozambique, where the authors propose the concept of “toxic sensorium” to
emphasize the embodied and emotional experiences that characterize the perception of
chemicals [30]. Alongside this, the research raises the concerns of consumers who are
worried about the safety of their food, which furthers the sociocultural distance between
consumers and farmers in both the Global South [31] and the Global North [32].
In addition, the research illuminates risk management. In particular, the failure to
implement mitigating measures emerges as a deeply political theme that directly implicates
the actions of institutions and economic actors. On one hand, institutions and economic
actors may lack a conceptualization of the danger, and hence the need for preventive
activity, given the limitations of toxicological paradigms, as shown by Garrigou in his
analysis of French viticulture. On the other hand, the lack of action can be the result of a
deliberate intention to circumvent the law, as in the case studied by Sony in India [33], or the
result of a moral pact between communities and producers, as in the case of Alta Val Tevere
studied by Alunni, where the continuity of the profitable tobacco cultivation is supported
by a “a social and individual reluctance to connect various awareness, risk factors, and
the need to actively confront them through a constant and ongoing renegotiation of the
risk-benefit balance, particularly between individual benefits and collective risks” [34].
3.3. Pesticides, Environmental Conception, and Local Knowledge
Pesticides are substances introduced into an ecosystem to impact it and the interspecific
relationships within it. Thus, the use of pesticides entails different conceptions related
to the environment and the exosystemic relationships characterizing human societies
across various locations. This is highlighted by Tassan, considering the reactions of food
consumers in Italy [35], and by most of the scholars who focus on the production side.
Abigail Dumes, studying Lyme-endemic areas in the United States, introduces the
concept of biome-subjectivity to capture the complex relationship between humans, parasites, and the environment: pesticides enter into this network of relationships in an attempt
to respond to and reduce the perception of rising environmental risk [36]. Similarly, Zola
explores the efforts of beekeepers in Italy to reintroduce herbs and spontaneous plants to
support bees in landscapes affected by monocultures and pesticide use [37]. Pesticides are
also a factor in the relationship that links humans to the environment, but while in the first
case, they are a tool to create a more accessible space for human activity, in the second, they
are a detrimental factor that should be removed to allow more profitable business.
This relationship intertwines with the local environmental knowledge of peasant
communities. Specifically, Wyckhuys et al. [38] show in their comprehensive review of
the connection between pest management and rural populations’ knowledge how the
introduction of new pesticides directly increases dependence on synthetic inputs and
decreases ecological knowledge. In order to contain this cultural effect, Bentley, in his
ethnographic study of Honduran farmers, indicates the need for genuine involvement
of farmers in the introduction of these products, specifically to avoid the emergence of
conspiracy theories, resistance, or hostility [39].
4. Discussion
The research sheds light on the cultural relevance of pesticides in contemporary
society [40]. In the current debate, particularly when delving into the intricacies, power
dynamics, risk perception, and profound understanding of environmental interactions [41],
pesticides emerge as pivotal mediators in the intricate web of human-to-human and humanto-environment relationships, often in the context of mutual interrelationships that suggest
addressing human and environmental health issues on a common plane [42]. These
substances, in their tangible form, transcend their mere agricultural function as tools
to become integral components within the vast expanse of the global market system.
Herein, agricultural practitioners are positioned at the nexus of a complex network that
potentially has a global reach, particularly when considering the synthetic chemical outputs
of multinational conglomerates.
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Simultaneously, pesticides assume a dual role as instrumental agents in agricultural
production and, by extension, of localized landscapes. At the same time, when present as
residues, they characterize parts of agri-food products, which subsequently move through
the global marketplace along extensive value chains that effectively dissociate the locale of
production from the terminal point of consumption. In essence, pesticides are therefore
characterized by their mobility, serving as beacons that illuminate a multitude of spatial
interconnections. Qualitative research applied to pesticides should therefore be multiscale
research to capture the local, national, and transnational implications of pesticide use and
related inequalities [43].
Beyond their physical presence, pesticides are cultural symbols [44], residing within
an elaborate web of meanings that interlace environmental with political, productive, and
corporeal knowledge. Within this intricate network, pesticides possess the transformative
capacity to affect these individual components, raising expectations and apprehensions
alike. Pesticides are thus profound tools, shedding light on the “landscape of fears” [45]
and the different cultural interpretations related to the perception and management of
risk and uncertainty [46]. Within these frames lie both individuals and collective entities, and through pesticides we can reveal the multiple layers of interaction that define
engagement with the environment and other people. In light of this, the research draws
a cultural outline of pesticides that overcomes a traditional and rigid dualism between
global and local, tradition and modernity. First of all, their global nature extends beyond
usage, encompassing the intricate processes of formulation, production, distribution, and
capitalization, involving diverse substances, knowledge actors, and territories across the
globe. Yet their application remains deeply localized, anchored to specific lands and to
specific legal frameworks [47], their characteristics and impacts varying greatly depending
on the environmental context and the individuals employing them. Amselle asserts that,
despite economic globalization, cultural differences continue to shape human local societies significantly [48]. Local specificities mediate and translate global commodities and
embed them in the everyday life of a community [49]. In this respect, pesticides represent
objects suspended between their global origins and their local implementation, indicating
a specific viewpoint from which to explore the extent and dynamic of cultural translation
and hybridization of global and local knowledge. This viewpoint appears better than
others, such as the process of mechanization or the financialization of farming, for which
the process of translation of global knowledge into local practice appears less dynamic and
plastic.
Pesticides, moreover, stand at the center of the interplay between tradition and modernity. Often scholars have indicated as “traditional” farming techniques those that allow
farmers’ autonomy from the global market [50], including control techniques and products,
such as biopesticides, that farmers are able to produce and reproduce on their own. More
often, traditional practices are considered those that predate the Green Revolution, while
current pesticides are an expression and development of the forms of rational farming introduced after WWII [51]. Thomassen suggests the contemporary world should be considered
the expression of “multiple modernities” [52] to overcome terminological rigidity and to
assume that all human societies undergo socio-cultural transformations under their proper
circumstances. In this respect, the literature concerning pesticides has shown different
approaches to these products, forms of adaptation that combined old and new practice,
local and global knowledge, responding to the perceptions and understandings of local
societies and enhancing the “ecological rationality” of traditional production typical of
different peasant societies [53], as Ksentini’s study, devoted to combining the use of chemical and organic pesticides with traditional ancestral farming methods in Tunisian oases,
highlights [54]. Each one of these trajectories represents an example of multiple modernity
through which pesticides become parts of the everyday and part of the specific worldview
of the community. Such a study of pesticides provides insight into aspects related to the
transformation of socio-political categories such as the state, multinational corporations,
the consumer, and, most importantly, the interactions among them in the landscape of
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globalization [55]. In this context, socially oriented studies with respect to scientific and
technological innovations fit into the landscape of the international pesticide industry and
can either justify research projects in the rhetorical framework of developing countries
or take into account the political and power implications in a global colonial and postcolonial framework [Brisbois]. In this postcolonial context, pesticides play an active role
in creating productive and economic dependence through the intensive production–debt
loop that is generated through the technology treadmill process applied in agriculture [56].
Anthropology applied to the study of pesticides in this global context, characterized by
what Saxton refers to as an “agricultural hierarchy” [57], maintains a difficult balance
between objectivity and advocacy [58], often experimenting with ethnographic methods in
collaboration with communities faced with environmental suffering [57].
Thus, pesticides are objects capable of triggering emotions in a community while
simultaneously altering their relationship with the world, developing dynamics that can be
interpreted along the axes indicated by the current debate. An ethnographic example can
better illuminate these points.
5. A Case Study: The Return to Milpa in Oaxaca (Mexico)
An ethnographic case study derived from extensive field research is very useful in
exemplifying several aspects illuminated in the previous paragraphs. The case study
revolves around the massive return to agriculture in the Mexican state of Oaxaca [59] that
occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic, fitting into the trend towards a sustainable
model of agriculture distancing itself from the so-called “Green Revolution” [60].
The Green Revolution, a term coined in the latter half of the twentieth century, denotes
an agricultural paradigm primarily focused on augmenting food production levels based on
high technological intervention [61–63]. This global agricultural trend, epitomized by what
Prihandiani refers to as a “pesticide tsunami”, has been replicated across various global
regions, among which Mexico was one of the first countries to experiment with it. Despite
the results in terms of intensification of production, the environmental repercussions of
this agricultural model are significant [64].
During the COVID-19 pandemic, a strong reversal of this trend occurred in rural
Mexico due to multiple factors:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Economic depression made it extremely challenging for farmers to buy chemical
products such as pesticides and industrial fertilizers, especially in the context of the
strong marginalization of Indigenous and mestizo inhabitants in rural areas of the
southern Mexican states.
Renewed and widespread attention to health as a reaction to the fear of contagion led
numerous farming families to follow the example of some early adopters who had
already abandoned pesticides and chemical fertilizers after developing various health
issues attributed to prolonged exposure to such products.
The pandemic was perceived as the result of a development model considered alien
to the way of life of Indigenous populations in Oaxaca. This Oaxacan way of life is
based on the search for harmony and balance in relationships between humans and
non-humans as members of a common relational environment.
There was a cosmological conception of consubstantiality between humans and
corn [65] and, more generally, between humans and substances ingested into the
body. This implies that corruption of the food produced directly results in the weakening of the human body, making it vulnerable to viruses and diseases.
These factors led to a massive transition to a perceived traditional agricultural model,
enriched by numerous elements of innovation within that tradition. The so-called traditional model is the milpa system, primarily consisting of the synergistic combination of
maize, pumpkin, and beans. By its nature, milpa increases the agroecosystem’s resilience
and food diversity [66], involving multiple productive, community, and ritual activities. It
is oriented towards self-sufficiency rather than sales, and it is rich in symbolic and identity
meanings [67,68]. The milpa is perceived as a symbol of peasant, family, and community
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agriculture, contrasting with large expanses of land cultivated using industrial methods
and technologies. In this case, the still vibrant knowledge associated with Milpa allowed
people to survive and live dignified lives during the pandemic.
Generations of migrants returning to rural municipalities from large cities in Mexico or
the United States, after losing precarious sources of economic income during quarantines,
have resumed cultivating abandoned fields. This occurred through processes of relearning
cultural heritage transmitted intergenerationally by the elderly generation and through new
technological and agronomic proposals introduced into the territory by local NGOs (e.g.,
Puente a la Salud) and young individuals who attended state universities or indigenous
universities (e.g., Universidad Autonoma Comunal de Oaxaca, Universidad de la Tierra).
An important phenomenon in this regard is the emergence of so-called experimental farms
and the production of natural fertilizers and pesticides on a domestic scale, facilitated by
the advice of technicians and experts provided by NGOs.
This return-to-the-land process has had significant repercussions on the renewed
valorization of peasant identity. Once seen as a symbol of backwardness, it has become
a source of pride for the dignified way of life it allows, especially in contrast to life in
quarantined cities. In particular, the crisis of the traditionally male-dominated money
economy has encouraged the social role of women, who were historically left on the
margins and charged with the provision of food through home cultivation, cooking, and
product exchange.
6. Conclusions
Pesticides are cultural objects and tools that deeply affect the worldview and a community’s interaction with the world. Although the research did not find publications in the
international literature fully and specifically dedicated to exploring the cultural value of
these products, it was able to collect individual contributions that testify to their relevance.
This narrative review, thus, has reconstructed and portrayed the main trajectories of the
debate, offering a first compass for researchers, professionals, and policymakers to understand the complexity of these objects. Specifically, it draws attention to three different and
coexisting aspects, such as the question concerning the power relations that are conveyed
and underpins the use of pesticides, the one concerning health risk perception, and their
impact in the environmental perception both of farmers and consumers.
In light of the results, where research thus shows how pesticides are integral parts
of local cultures and embedded within them, it encourages the exploration of these local
perspectives, moving beyond a universalistic understanding of these products as they are
framed within Western science. This approach goes along new research questions that
emerged from the debate this review analyzed:
•
•
•
•
•
•
What are the work challenges and pest threats faced by farmers?
What are the pest management strategies and pesticides already used for different
crops, and why?
How do decision-making and skill acquisition processes work among farmers?
What are the experiences of pesticides’ impact on people and soil?
What is the actual knowledge concerning the product used?
What are the factors that motivate the choice of product?
Thus, answering these questions will provide a solid base of knowledge to develop
new forms of dissemination and training, thus leading to better understanding and use of
the products by the farmers, and more sustainable agriculture overall.
Author Contributions: Conceptualization, M.F.F.; methodology, M.F.F.; software, E.F.P.; validation,
M.F.F.; formal analysis, E.F.P. and M.F.F.; investigation, E.F.P.; data curation, E.F.P.; writing—original
draft preparation, E.F.P. and M.F.F.; writing—review and editing, M.F.F.; visualization, M.F.F.; supervision, M.F.F.; project administration, M.F.F.; funding acquisition, M.F.F. All authors have read and
agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Encyclopedia 2024, 4
728
Funding: This research received funding from the project “SAFWA—Alternative Biopesticides for
Safe Integrated Pest and Water Management around the Mediterranean”, which is funded by the EU
PRIMA program CUP G77G23000070008.
Institutional Review Board Statement: Not applicable.
Informed Consent Statement: Not applicable.
Data Availability Statement: All the data are included in the text.
Acknowledgments: This article is part of the research project “SAFWA—Alternative Biopesticides for
Safe Integrated Pest and Water Management around the Mediterranean”, which is funded by the EU
Partnership for Research and Innovation in the Mediterranean Area (PRIMA) program. The project’s
objective is to explore innovative solutions that integrate the use of biopesticides with educational
courses aimed at reducing soil and water pollution in agricultural practices. Within the economy of
the project, this review represents a contribution by creating the required basis of knowledge in order
effectively to design and implement training programs for farmers in the Euro-Mediterranean region.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
Appendix A
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