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“[A] patriot [is] the person who can holler the loudest without knowing what he is hollering about.” ~Mark Twain (American author and humorist) “[P]atriotism... is not short, frenzied outbursts of emotion, but the tranquil and steady dedication of a lifetime.” ~Adlai Stevenson (US Ambassador to the UN, 1961-1965) “Sure I wave the American flag. Do you know a better flag to wave? Sure I love my country with all her faults. I'm not ashamed of that, never have been, never will be.” ~ John Wayne (American film actor) “When we argue about patriotism, we are arguing about who we are as a country, and more importantly, who we should be.” ~Barack Obama (44th President of the United States) The preceding quotes are from four American figures which display their feelings about their country. Their views cover the spectrum of political ideology, from left to right. The human emotions brought forth when Americans express their feelings about America and being American are varied and strong – these expressions are commonly known as patriotism. As defined by the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, patriotism is the “devoted love, support and defense of one’s country”. Rooted in the ideal of “love for country”, this concept can take differing and sometimes adverse approaches in how this love is expressed. The question of how Americans love their country has always been at the forefront of public discussion, especially following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the nation’s current economic struggles, which are two of the most recent catalysts to intensify America’s passions on the question of national identity. The focus of this paper will be to discuss the varied interpretations, limitations and possibilities of various forms of how modern American patriotism is expressed.
Handbook of Patriotism, 2018
This essay concerns the nature of patriotism. It focuses initially on the basic patriotic motive. Someone acts with this motive if and only if she acts on behalf of her country as such. It is argued that, intuitively, the basic patriotic motive suffices to make an act patriotic as far as motivation is concerned. The agent need not be guided by a sense of her country's merits or feelings of love. The basic patriotic motive is further articulated in terms of a particular understanding of what it is for a country to be one's own. In light of this articulation, the essay considers further the nature of patriotic acts, and discusses patriotic persons, and discusses the relationship between patriotism and pride.
Contemporary Political Theory, 2015
There are two problems for the view that it is permissible (and even perhaps obligatory) to show a partial preference for those with whom we have a special relationship. The first arises from a commitment to impartial moralityor what is variously described here as liberal enlightenment morality, cosmopolitanism, humanism and universalismthat requires us to regard everyonewherever and whenever they are to be foundas of equal value. The second problem arises from the claim that, even if partiality is allowed, certain forms of it are not. Thus, while it may be alright to see our friends, our loved ones and our family as owed a special regard, this cannot be so with other forms of partiality. Indeed patriotism is often regarded as a paradigm example of an impermissible partiality; it is seen by many as being, in the titular words of a much cited article by Paul Gomberg, 'like racism'. The contributors to this book are far less interested in the first problem than they are in the second. They do not share Gomberg's extreme prejudicial characterisation of patriotism. To that extent this book is extremely welcome. When moral and political philosophers shared Gomberg's view the topic of patriotism was passed over as unworthy of serious comment. The book reflects and is informed by the wealth of material written on the topic in recent years. All three writers have previously addressed the topic, do not dismiss patriotism as unworthy of serious moral comment, and have interestingly different things to say about it. They are also careful to distinguish patriotism from nationalism whose defence is much more difficult. Whereas the former is love of or loyalty to one's patria, the latter is the political demand that one's nation be a state. That demand is subject to well-known and probably intractable problems. In rough summary their differing views are as follows. John Kleinig thinks that patriotism understood as loyalty to one's country is owed that whichand here the debt to Aristotle is explicitly acknowledgedcontributes to human flourishing by sustaining our individual identities as members of a collective enterprise. Simon Keller thinks that patriotism is a 'kind of delusion' inasmuch as it requires of the patriot that she be disposed to believe what is not the case. Igor Primoratz
The Political Science Reviewer, 2022
Political Science Reviewer, 2022
Humanities & social sciences reviews, 2020
Purpose of the study: The purpose of the article is to introduce the concept of patriotism into scientific circulation as a cultural universal as an alternative to the predominant politicization of this concept. The interpretation of this topic in various socio-political contexts presents a lot of discrepancies and contradictory characteristics associated with the ideological and political preferences of researchers. Methodology: The research methodology is based on a situational and interactive approach to the study of socio-cultural processes and phenomena that are present in the study of social systems, as well as in cross-cultural studies and research of intercultural communication. Main Findings: The main results of the study are the identification of the possibilities of an interactive and situational approach in the study of patriotism, the development of a common strategy for the formation of patriotism as a sequence of stages of socialization of an individual, and identification of the decisive influence of spiritual culture on the real social experience of a patriotic orientation. Applications of this study: The results of the study open up prospects for further study of patriotism as a cultural universal, regardless of a particular political regime or national and cultural characteristics of certain countries and peoples. This can significantly expand the concept of patriotism, without linking the latter only to the specifics of its interpretation in a particular society, ethnic group or community, maintaining the necessary balance between communication and interaction in the formation of patriotism. Novelty/Originality of this study: The novelty of the research consists in the use of an interactive and situational approach to the study and formation of patriotism, based on deep socio-anthropological patterns of formation and development of social groups and communities, as well as in the identified stages (situations and levels) of the formation of patriotism in real society, which can be quite stable and productive.
2017
This article aims not only to present a few philosophical concepts of patriotism, but to also outline the broader context of contemporary disputes taking place in many countries regarding the relationship between man and his nation, state, and homeland. Although philosophy had not considered the question of patriotism for many years, within the past century this situation has changed drastically. Moral, political, and philosophical thinkers such as Dolf Sternberger, Alasdair MacIntyre, Jürgen Habermas, and Igor Primoratz have taken up this issue. Political philosophy’s interest in patriotism is clearly evident in, among other things, the current dispute between communists and representatives of liberal thought.
Liberal Resistance, 2019
Some years ago, I read something in the newspaper that Princeton economist Uwe Reinhardt said about patriotism that has stuck with me. To paraphrase, he said that it was glib and facile to think patriotism merely means love of country, an easy and painless thing to do. By implication, therefore, patriotic exhortations, flag-waving, and standing handover heart for the national anthem are not nearly enough to qualify as patriotic. He said one must also be willing to defend and support one's country in exigent times. That, he believed, was what separated sunshine patriots from the real ones. He was specifically declaiming against some neo-conservatives who would consign youth to fight a faraway war (in Iraq) when they themselves were unwilling to do so when young and called upon to fight in other wars. As I recall, he was specifically referring to comments made by neo-conservative godfather, Norman Podhoretz. He took some shots at the late actor John Wayne, too, who spent decades cultivating an image of hyper-masculinity and of being a patriotic stalwart, but who nevertheless escaped military service in WWII with questionable draft classifications. Sound familiar? Reinhardt quoted a standard lexical definition of patriotism that included the phrase defends one's country, along with loving and supporting it. He was basically saying that elites who extol the virtues of patriotism often neglect its concomitant duties, finding it easier to delegate the demanding parts to the boys and girls of Main Street, rural America, and the inner cities, while simultaneously enshrouding themselves in the flag and decrying those who do not share their fervor for war as unpatriotic. By the same token, while Reinhardt did not state this explicitly, I think
American Journal of Political Science, 2007
Researchers disagree over the definition, measurement, and expected political consequences of American patriotism, a situation that is fueled by the absence of a strong theoretical research foundation. We develop and evaluate a new measure of national attachment that is grounded in social identity theory (Tajfel and Turner 1979), drawing on data from three distinct sources: two studies of undergraduate students and the 1996 General Social Survey (GSS). Confirmatory factor analyses provide clear evidence that national identity is distinct from other measures of national attachment including symbolic, constructive, and uncritical patriotism (and nationalism). National identity has a number of other good measurement properties when compared to existing measures: it receives equal endorsement from conservatives and liberals (unlike most other measures which exhibit an ideological bias), develops with time spent in the United States among immigrants, and most importantly is the only measure of national attachment to predict political interest and voter turnout in both student and adult samples, consistent with the predictions of social identity theory. In that sense, the national identity measure outperforms all other measures of national attachment and provides unambiguous evidence that a strong American identity promotes civic involvement. R esearch on patriotism has been marred by a confusing array of terms, definitions, and expected consequences in which patriotism is variously defined as a sense of national loyalty, a love of national symbols, specific beliefs about a country's superiority, and as a crucial ingredient in the development of civic ties to a mature nation (Hurwitz and Peffley 1999; Spinner-Halev and Theiss-Morse 2003; Sullivan, Fried, and Dietz 1992). Patriotism researchers have reached some (although far from uniform) consensus that a sense of superiority and need for foreign dominance better reflect nationalism than patriotism (
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