Patriotism

Tristano Matta Direttore responsabile: Diego D'Amelio Redattore: Fabio Todero Direzione, redazione e amministrazione: Istituto regionale per la storia del movimento di liberazione nel Friuli Venezia Giulia Salita di Gretta 38, 34136 Trieste -tel./fax 04044004 http://www.irsml.eu qualestoria@irsml.eu La rivista non si intende impegnata dalle interpretazioni e vedute espresse da articoli e note fi rmati o siglati. Non si restituiscono i manoscritti anche se pubblicati. È vietato riprodurre in tutto o in parte gli articoli senza citarne la fonte.

Today, the dominant trait of patriotism, love of country loses the status of spiritual, creative and consolidating support and it can be treated as the highest manifestation of the human spirit and as an expression of the lowest, perverse and vile qualities. Yes, Love is the perfect human feeling. Motherland is also the subject of worship of each person. Then how to explain such a connection of these concepts which makes it perceive negatively? Or it is not patriotism at all? Or love, in this case, is not love, but Motherland is not the subject of love that it deserves? Answers to these questions can be found based on the theoretical and methodological sources of patriotism, which are discussed in this article. Authors, highlighting such concepts as naturocentrism, sociocentrism and anthropocentrism, show their insufficiency to reveal this phenomenon.

Michel de l'Hospital's Latin poetry, known as the ''Carmina' furnish the source-material for this chapter, in which the Latinate connotations of 'patria' are read with the contemporary inflections that the author clearly intended them to have

Relying primarily on field research in the Siberian city of Omsk, this essay analyses a variety of ways in which state patriotic terminology is used by individuals and groups through the study of organisations and activities that deploy the patriotic label, such as schools, museums, youth clubs, and summer camps. Analysis based on fieldworksuggeststhatalthoughpatriotismincludesabasicconsensusaboutthehomeland,acluetothesuccess oftheconceptisitscapacitytobeappropriated,distorted,orembeddedindiverseunderstandingsandpractices. Easily ‘captured’ by different actors according to their needs and goals, patriotism also appears to be deeply rooted in the personal and the private. Everyday patriotism is thus far from being reduced to its top-down or official dimension. While patriotism is a tool that officials efficiently use to promote their political goals, it is also a symbolic resource that Russian society uses in its attempts to reformulate a new collective identity.

School performance to commemorate the May 3rd Constitution Day
Scenario of the school performance prepared for the celebration to commemorate the 3rd May National Holiday which could be also used on the anniversary of the death of Pope John Paul II.
Scenariusz inscenizacji szkolnej, przygotowany na akademię z okazji święta Konstytucji 3 maja, możliwy do zrealizowania także w rocznicę śmierci papieża Jana Pawła II.
www.aspress.com.pl/historia/

Jaunosios kartos patriotizmas Ukrainoje hibridinio karo laikotarpiu ** Po Euromaidano (2013 m.) ir karo Rytų Ukrainoje (2014 m.) šios šalies jaunimas atsidūrė naujoje situacijoje-turi gyventi hibridinio karo laikotarpiu. Straipsnyje analizuojama jaunosios kartos situacija Ukrainoje, gyvenant šio naujo karo sąlygomis. Autorius taip pat bando atsakyti į klausimą, ar jaunuoliai jaučiasi patriotais, vertindamas jų norą ginti gimtinę, vykstant hibridiniam karui. Rezultatai rodo pirmąją jaunuolių patirtį, atsidūrus neįprastoje situacijoje. Atsidūrę naujoje realybėje, jie turi gerai suvokti patriotizmą. Patriotizmo pagrindą sudaro pagrindiniai motyvai, susiję su pareigos savo šaliai jausmu ir vienybės siekiu kartais visiškai skirtingose šalies dalyse. Straipsnis atskleidė, kad jaunosios kartos patriotizmas ne tik vis dar egzistuoja, bet ir sudaro pagrindą, formuosiantį būsimas kartas. Įvadas Ukraina-viena pirmųjų didžiųjų naujo tipo hibridinio karo aukų. Dėl to valstybė prarado didelę savo teritorijos dalį (Krymą ir Donbasą). Be to, ši situacija paveikė jaunuolius, kuriems dabar sunkiau pradėti savo, kaip suaugusių žmonių, gyvenimą. Atliktame tyrime dalyvavo reprezentatyvi studentų grupė (užpildytos 1043 apklausos anketos) iš visų šalies regionų (išskyrus okupuotą teritoriją). Dauguma apklausoje dalyvavusių studentų yra 17, 18 ir 19 metų. Šie studentai buvo maždaug 14-16 metų tuo metu, kai prasidėjo ginkluotas konfliktas Rytuose ir buvo aneksuotas Krymo pusiasalis. Taigi, respondentai užaugo nuolatinių konfliktų ir ginkluotų kovų (su vadinamųjų Donecko Liaudies Respublikos ir Luhansko Liaudies Respublikos kovotojais) situacijoje bei veikiami tiek išorinės, tiek vidaus propagandos (skirtos piliečių patriotinių jausmų kurstymui). Jų tėvai, broliai ir seserys ar vyresni draugai galėjo kovoti

Аннотация: Президент РФ В.В. Путин в разных обстоятельствах указывает, что «у нас нет никакой и не может быть никакой другой объединяющей идеи, кроме патриотизма». Патриотизм является важной национальной идеей. Данная статья посвящена выявлению семантических единиц концепта «патриотизм» в толковых словарях русского языка и текстах речи главы государства. Материал был выбран нами из сборника президентских речей «Мысли о России», чтобы выяснить репрезентацию концепта «патриотизм» в политическом дискурсе русского языка.

Annotation: The president of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin pointed out that there is not and there won't be any other thoughts except patriotism, which makes the nation united. Patriotism is an essential national ideology. This article is devoted to the identification of semantic units of the concept of "patriotism" in the explanatory dictionaries of the Russian language and the texts of the speech of state heads. We selected the material from the collection of the president's speech "Thoughts on Russia" to find out the representation of the concept of "patriotism" in the political discourse of the Russian language.

In catholic social teaching the nation is recognized as a community in which its members share a cultural bond. The nature of this relationship makes the nation spiritual community. The relationship between members of nation rely on their mutual love. That bond bases mainly on the ethos which is a part of the national culture. In addition an essential element of national culture is also a history of the nation. In catholic social teaching the existence of the nation is seen as a natural phenomenon, moreover, it is necessary because the spiritual development of man is impossible beyond the nation. The importance of culture in the life of the nation is reflected in the fact that it allows the expression and strengthening of its spiritual "sovereignty". In addition, the culture allows the nation to survive despite the loss of political and economic independence. The nation as a community of people is the subject of a specific behavior and actions. The subjectivity of the nation is the basis of its rights (e.g. right to exist, to their own language and culture, to shape their lives according to their own traditions). Catholic social teaching indicates the obligation of patriotism, which is an expression of justice, because everyone owes a lot to own nation. Patriotism can be seen also as a manifestation of social charity, which relies on the common realization of shared values. Catholic social teaching rejects nationalism because it often takes the form of worship of own nation and orders contempt of other nations and cultures.

In current debates on “constitutional” and “republican” patriotisms, the relationship between religion and patriotism is underappreciated while alternative forms of patriotism in Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy have escaped scholarly attention. The present essay explores “another” patriotism in wartime Japan by comparing and contrasting the patriotism of two Protestant thinkers: Tsukamoto Toraji and Yanaihara Tadao. A close analysis of Yanaihara’s patriotism in particular shows that there was an alternative form of patriotism which, from a Christian perspective, combated militaristic nationalism which was anchored in State Shintō, thereby suggesting a significant link between religion and patriotism.

This paper is now reprinted in Critical Readings on Christianity in Japan, ed. Mark R. Mullins, 4 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2015), vol. 3.

Like all other nations Nigeria aspires to greatness but over five decades after Independence still ranks very low on all parameters of good governance. The objective of the paper is to examine the concepts of leadership, participatory democracy and good governance, evaluate their significance as components of the development process and articulate the implications of their absence from the administration of public institutions. The paper argues that all three elements are missing from the development process in Nigeria. Systems Analysis or systems theory as enunciated by David Easton is adopted as the theoretical framework. Methodologically the study relies mainly on secondary historical sources of data collection. The paper is significant for its identification of the need for these concepts as guiding principles of the development process in Nigeria. The scope of the paper is Nigeria as a whole from Independence in 1960 till date. It draws the conclusion that Nigerians must insist...

כאשר אזרחים השייכים לקולקטיב הלאומי או ל"עם" חוצים את הקווים ובוגדים במולדת, הם מסמנים ומנכיחים את הגבולות והטאבואים שאותם אסור לחצות, המגדירים נורמות וציפיות של התנהגות מקובלת ונאמנות למדינה. במובן זה, הגבול הנוצר אינו חוצה טריטוריות והוא לא מגדיר את המדינה מבחוץ, אלא הוא קו מתחם הנוצר באופן ספונטני בתוך החברה דרך תגובה חברתית-רגשית לאקט הבגידה המתבטאת בסיקור התקשורתי של מקרי הבגידה, ותגובה חוקית-פורמלית הבאה לידי ביטוי בדרך שבה מוענשים הבוגדים. לטענתי, לא רק החוק קובע מה ייתפס כבגידה, אלא מרכיבי זהותם של הבוגדים, מעמדם והפריפריאליות הגיאוגרפית והחברתית שממנה הם מגיעים משפיעים גם הם על הדרך שבה נתפסים מעשיהם ומוגדרים בין כחתרנות ובין כבגידה. בנוסף, למרות הסנקציות המופעלות כלפיהם, גם לבוגדים ישנו כוח להביא לשינוי השיח ולהנכיח את אותם גבולות וטאבואים שאותם מנסה החברה להשתיק או להתעלם, ולפיכך מערכת היחסים בין הבוגדים למדינה הִנָה דיאלקטית ולא חד- כיוונית. על מנת להראות כיצד נעשית הנכחת התיחומים והגבולות הללו, סוקר המאמר ארבעה מקרים של בוגדים ישראלים: אודי אדיב, מרדכי ואנונו, טלי פחימה וענת קם. שתי נשים ושני גברים, שני מזרחים ושני אשכנזים, אשר כל אחד מהם בגד בזמן אחר וביצע אקט שונה של בגידה, אולם כולם הועמדו לדין בגין בגידה במולדת או ריגול, וכל אחד מהם ריצה זמן מאסר בכלא. בחינת המקרים תדגים את הגבולות שאותם הנכיחו, וכיצד גם לאחר שחרורם מן הכלא, היכולת שלהם לחצות חזרה את הקווים ולחזור ולהיות חלק מן הקולקטיב הישראלי, אשר בערכיו ובאידיאולוגיה שלו בגדו, הושפעה מזהותם, מגדרם והפריפריאליות שלהם אשר קודם עיצבו את הדרך שבה נתפסו מעשיהם.

‘Civilization is a blazing fire that burns and obliterates those who will not acknowledge it’ – Kemal Ataturk.
Usually, people grown up in typical lower-middle-class families are able to leave memorable contributions not only to the history of their country, but also to that of the world`s. One vivid example, which proves this, is Kemal Ataturk. His determined, vigorous view of life inspired me from the moment I got acquainted with his, so-called, descendant during my recent visit to Turkey. Ali, as he called himself, had a talent of adroit story-teller. Never have I heard a more precise description of the ideas and the terms of the character of Ataturk.

Research on pride occurs in disciplines which often neglect the potential to develop a rich interdisciplinary perspective on the personal, political and cultural significance of positive and patriotic feelings (Sullivan 2008). Personality, emotion and social psychologists, for example, often consider national pride in individualistic terms without attending either to the media that nurture such feelings or the contexts in which national pride is experienced and expressed (i.e., national pride is often regarded as an emotional attitude to be assessed by self-report scales rather than in-depth qualitative interviews). Sports scientists, sociologists, media and cultural studies experts, in contrast, focus on the transmission and reception of media messages and the meaning and form of collective emotional events without necessarily considering the complex relationships between personal feelings, identity and national narratives. Accordingly, the aim of this chapter is to explore the role of televised events in creating ‘waves’ of national emotion by drawing on a range of evidence and relevant theories. The example particularly suited to this task is Germany during the 2006 World Cup because the collective ‘party patriotism’ represented to television viewers reinforced real and imagined changes in the country.

This study explores the socio-cognitive processes involved in the production of Pakistani music videos with political narratives. The time period of the research is for ten years starting from 2007 to 2017. This study suggests that music video is a newest and powerful tool to construct political narratives through integrative and disintegrative themes in Pakistan, and these narratives are used to stimulate the audience. The study rests upon qualitative analysis through in-depth interviews of the producers of music videos, lyricists and singers. Five respondents are selected for the interviews using purposive sampling technique. Then the themes are extracted from the answers of the respondents. The theoretical perspective integrated to interpret the results, is Rick Altman’s approach to film Genre (1987). The findings suggest an extension in Altman’s ideological approach. Findings also show that the positive themes are mostly portrayed in Pakistani sociopolitical music videos with the sponsorship of state institutions.

In The Communist Manifesto Marx and Engels wrote that workers have no country. This chapter defends that tendency in Marxist thought. Patriotism is identification with and loyalty to a nation-state. States arise in human pre-history to consolidate and extend exploitation and oppression of laboring classes by a ruling class. Philosophers often write of a “national community,” but class societies in general and capitalist societies in particular are so brutal in their oppression of workers that the language of “community” is nonsense. In capitalist society the state suppresses those who are exploited and oppressed by capitalists and advances capitalists’ aims beyond national borders. So for the working class patriotism is loyalty to the state of those who oppress them, and it makes no sense to be loyal to one’s oppressors.

Both Marx and Engels and Marxists who followed them were ambivalent about national and patriotic loyalties. Lenin argued that workers have an internationalist duty to recognize the right of national self-determination because otherwise they side with oppressing ruling classes against oppressed nationalities. Lenin neglected the possibility of opposing national (and racial) oppression without recognizing a right of national self-determination. This neglect was due to the belief, inherited from Marx and Engels, that nationalist movements could be progressive and help the development toward communist society. However, the history of the twentieth century shows that this is wrong. Nationalism and patriotism undermine the struggle for classless society.

Soit qu'on parle d'oeuvres didactiques, récréatives ou mémorielles, l'enfance ainsi que la jeunesse  représentent sans aucun doute une partie déterminante du lectorat et bien sûr de la foule de protagonistes de la production littéraire pendant et après la Grande Guerre.  Du thème de l'Alsace-Lorraine si récurrent après 1870 sous la plume de Lisbeth-Nett ou Guy Arnoux à  l'Alphabet de la Grande Guerre de Hellé jusqau'aux Livres Roses de la Guerre de Larousse, le simplisme cocardier semble laisser également  la place à l'imagination et donc à une « littérarité » qui selon l'excellente étude de Laurece Olivier-Messonier, Guerre et Littérature de jeunesse (1870-1919) demeure méconnue  et « insoupçonnée ». 
En nous s'appuyant sur le personnage de Bécassine  issu du journal La Semaine de Suzette, (relativement aux albums publiés entre 1915-1919) qui après la déclaration de guerre en août 1914 reçoit une inflexion patrioptique, nous essayerons de conduire une analyse transversale liée à la création de l'enfant/héros, allant de la problématique axiologique jusqu'à l'histoire littéraire et à  l'évolution du système éducatif. Pour ce faire, nous priviligiérons les outils  iconographiques et rhétoriques dont les pérégrinations de Bécassine s'avèrent très riche.

The article explores the content and peculiarities of Greek patriotism as a multifaceted spiritual phenomenon in the context of imperial realities. This patriotism, focused primarily on native polis, was an ideological, emotional, psychological and practical reality that cannot be ignored in dealing with the behavioral motives of the polis elite, the models of adaptation of the Greek world to the conditions of the Roman imperial state. While preserving particularistic traditions and a system of concepts that concern the feeling of love for the motherland, the Greeks of Roman times maintained their cultural identity but were forced to rethink the very concept of «fatherland» and to change the forms of service to it. The general considerations about the love for the fatherland as well as the individual biographical facts and self-representations of the Greek authors of the imperial era reveal a patriotism of a polis type expressed in attachment to the native city, in connection with its civil traditions. This patriotism was combined with patriotic feelings towards a broader community or to other cities and did not contradict to a successful career at the empire-wide level. Within the political realities of  he Roman Empire this patriotism was manifested in carrying out of civic duties, liturgies and acts of evergetism. It lost the accent on the primacy of common civilian goals over private interests, on self-sacrifice and military virtues, which were replaced with cultural values. The honours and prestige of the individual city communities now depended on the benevolence of the imperial power, and the sense of limited political independence was implicitly or explicitly present in the judgments of Greek intellectuals who wrote about the love for the «small homeland».

Various definitions are used in research on Chinese nationalism and patriotism, and scholars often distinguish between different types of both. While such research has provided important insights, it pays scant attention to how political actors use terms such as patriotism. This article, by contrast, focuses precisely on how patriotism is used discursively by various Chinese domestic actors in seeking to further their political agendas by promoting their preferred understandings of the term. The article argues that such discursive contestation and struggle is a key aspect of Chinese identity politics that should not be ignored.

Dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle, quel fut le rôle joué par les romans sentimentaux suisses, en particulier La Nouvelle Héloïse de Rousseau, dans la réflexion idéale d’une civilisation qui ne serait plus soumise à l’égoïsme ? Comment les textes littéraires ont-ils pensé la neutralisation de l’amour-propre – jugé néfaste dans les rapports humains –, suivant quels critères et quelles traditions de pensée ?
La question à l’origine de cet essai a inspiré une recherche qui, en analysant les positions intellectuelles de Jean-Jacques Rousseau autour de la notion d’amour-propre, cherche à démontrer la défiance du citoyen de Genève à l’égard des morales jusnaturalistes et théologiques, au profit de représentations politiques et sociales structurées autour de la notion de « sens moral ».

憲政愛國主義在漢語學界已為人所熟知，但多數學者是透過Jürgen
Habermas的觀點來理解此概念，而少有人處理憲政愛國主義的首創者Dolf Sternberger的觀點。本文將首先耙梳Habermas和Sternberger兩位思想家對於這個概念的討論，並且釐清兩者間的差異。再者，則試圖討論憲政愛國主義在兩位思想家的書寫中所帶有的兩種取向：在Habermas那裡，憲政愛國主義作為一種抽象普遍的概念，是傾向於「對外整合的」；Sternberger的憲政愛國主義則是傾向於「內部團結」：在分裂國家的脈絡下，西德藉由對於憲政體制的認同以及對東德體制的拒斥，來維持國家現狀。

Təhsilalanların mənəvi dəyərlər ruhunda tərbiyə olunması müasir təhsilin ən ümdə vəzifələrindəndir. Ölkəmizdə həyata keçirilən təhsil islahatlarına dair direktiv sənədlərdə də yetişən gənc nəsildə milli özünüdərkin formalaşması ideyası təlim-tərbiyə müəssisələrində çalışan mütəxəssislər qarşısında mühüm vəzifə kimi qoyulur. Gənc nəslin milli ruhda inkişafına zəmin yaradan amillərin içərisində milli adət və ənənələr, o cümlədən azərbaycançılıq ideyası mühüm əhəmiyyət daşıyır. Ümumtəhsil məktəblərində yeniyetmə və gənclərə azərbaycançılıq ideyasının aşılanması, hər şeydən əvvəl, onlarda milli özünüdərk və milli özünüqiymətləndirməyə zəmin yaradır. Vətənpərvərlik və dövlətçilik hislərinin gücləndirilməsi milli-mənəvi dəyərlərin təbliği ilə müşayiət olunmalıdır. Özünüdərketmə çox mürəkkəb, çoxsəviyyəli prosesdir və o, müəyyən zaman daxilində ayrı-ayrı şəxslərdə fərdiləşmək, zamana görə yeni keyfiyyətlər kəsb etmək xassəsinə malikdir. Özünüdərketmənin insan həyatında ən böyük faydalarından biri ona fəal həyat mövqeyi qazandırmaqda yaxından kömək etməkdir. Şəxsiyyətin hərtərəfli fəal həyat mövqeyi qazanmasının əsasında onun özünü dərindən dərk etməsi, bir şəxsiyyət kimi qiymətləndirməsi, həyata baxışlarını, həyat prinsiplərini işləyib hazırlaması kimi mühüm amillər durur. Şəxsiyyətin hərtərəfli inkişafı, təkmilləşməsi tərəqqinin ən mühüm amili, ən əsas tələbi kimi təzahür edir. İnsanın inkişafı, şəxsiyyətin öz fəaliyyəti, özünü dərk etməsi, xarakteri və iradəsi üzərində gərgin işləməsi sayəsində mümkün olur.


Educating students in the spirit of moral values is one of the most important tasks of modern education. In the directive documents on educational reforms implemented in our country, the idea of the formation of national self-awareness in the younger generation is set as an important task for specialists working in educational institutions. Among the factors that create the basis for the development of the young generation in the national spirit, national customs and traditions, including the idea of Azerbaijanism are important. Inculcating the idea of Azerbaijanism in teenagers and young people in secondary schools, above all, creates a basis for their national self-awareness and national selfesteem. Strengthening the sense of patriotism and statehood should be accompanied by the promotion of national and moral values. Selfawareness is a very complex, multi-level process, and it has the property of individualizing individuals over time and acquiring new qualities over time. One of the greatest benefits of self-awareness in a person's life is to help him or her gain an active life position. Deep self-awareness, self-esteem as a person, based on the acquisition of a comprehensive active life position of the individual, his principles are important factors, such as the development of views on life. Comprehensive development of the personality is the most important factor, the main requirement of progressive development. Human development is possible due to the individual's hard work on his own activities, self-awareness, character and will.

This paper explores the American master narrative as it is expressed in civic republicanism and liberal citizenship discourse. These divergent views on citizenship education actually share common notions of a self-correcting democratic process in which issues of power in communication are often neglected. Drawing upon Habermas' theory of communicative action, Foucault's critique of power relations, and the work of Carter G. Woodson, I argue that there can be no fragile compromise between the icy white gaze of neoliberal abstractions and critical patriotic citizenship education that is culturally relevant, responsible, and sustainable.

Benim Dağıstanım bana posta yoluyla yayımcısı Koyusiyah Yayıncılık tarafından gönderildi. Sıklıkla tanıtım yazısı yazan biri olmadığım için, yayınevlerinden bana pek kitap gelmez. Tek tük geldiğinde de gönderene teşekkür mesajımı yazar, göz atar, okur ya da kitaplığıma kaldırırım. Mızağe’den sevgili dostum Kuban Kural, Koyusiyah’ın bu kitabı bana yollamak istediğini söyleyince de, çok üstünde durmamıştım. Rasul Hamzatov pek tanıdık gelmiyordu (ciddi bir cehalet) ve Benim Dağıstanım başlığı da pek çekici gelmemişti (bildiğin, kendini bilmezlik). Evet, Çerkesler ve Kuzey Kafkasyalılar olarak kayıp vatanın önemini, acısını biliyoruz, anısı kimliğimizin önemli unsuru ama Türkiye’mizdeki vatan edebiyatı üzerinden de vatan, memleket lafları biraz bezginlik vermiyor, gözlerimizi devirmemize yol açmıyor değil. Bütün bunlar bir yana, kitap elime ulaştığında 448 sayfa olduğunu görmek de, “tamam, hemen bir göz atayım, sonra da dolup taşan kütüphane raflarında bir yer ayarlamaya çalışayım” dedirtiverdi. Çok da iş var, ne yapayım?

Derkeeennn, işler tavsadı ve kitap elden bırakılamadan okunup tamamlandı. Doğrusu bu öyle keyifle okunan, o kadar ilginç bir kitap ki, hakkında yazmak bile biraz zor, bir parça zül geliyor. Şöyle diyesim var: “Benim Benim Dağıstanım bana, sizinki size. Kendi kitabınızı alın ve okuyun işte.” Ve ondan sonra da Rasul Hamzatov’un bol kullandığı bir Avar ya da Dağıstanlı ifadesiyle, “Vesselam, velkelam...”

“[A] patriot [is] the person who can holler the loudest without knowing what he is hollering about.”
~Mark Twain (American author and humorist)

“[P]atriotism... is not short, frenzied outbursts of emotion, but the tranquil and steady dedication of a lifetime.” 
~Adlai Stevenson (US Ambassador to the UN, 1961-1965)

“Sure I wave the American flag. Do you know a better flag to wave? Sure I love my country with all her faults. I'm not ashamed of that, never have been, never will be.” 
~ John Wayne (American film actor)

“When we argue about patriotism, we are arguing about who we are as a country, and more importantly, who we should be.” 
~Barack Obama (44th President of the United States)

The preceding quotes are from four American figures which display their feelings about their country.  Their views cover the spectrum of political ideology, from left to right.  The human emotions brought forth when Americans express their feelings about America and being American are varied and strong – these expressions are commonly known as patriotism.  As defined by the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, patriotism is the “devoted love, support and defense of one’s country”.  Rooted in the ideal of “love for country”, this concept can take differing and sometimes adverse approaches in how this love is expressed.  The question of how Americans love their country has always been at the forefront of public discussion, especially following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the nation’s current economic struggles, which are two of the most recent catalysts to intensify America’s passions on the question of national identity.  The focus of this paper will be to discuss the varied interpretations, limitations and possibilities of various forms of how modern American patriotism is expressed.

The book draws out the critique of Christian nationalism that is implicit throughout the thought of Søren Kierkegaard, an analysis that is inseparable from his wider aim of reintroducing Christianity into Christendom. ‘Christian nationalism’ refers to the set of ideas in which belief in the development and superiority of one’s national group is combined with, or underwritten by, Christian theology and practice. The book examines the nationalist theologies of H.L. Martensen and N.F.S. Grundtvig, important cultural leaders and contemporaries of Kierkegaard. Kierkegaard’s response to their thought forms the backbone of his own philosophical and theological project, namely his attempt to form authentic Christian individuals through the use of ‘the moment’, ‘the leap’ and ‘contemporaneity’. This Kierkegaardian critique is brought into conversation with current political science theories of religious nationalism, and is expanded to address movements and theologies beyond the historical context of Kierkegaard’s Golden Age Denmark. The implications of Kierkegaard’s approach are undoubtedly radical and unsettling to politicians and church leaders alike, yet there is much to commend it to the reality of modern religious and social life. As a theological thinker keenly aware of the unique problems posed by Christendom, Kierkegaard’s critique is timely for any Christian culture that is tempted to confuse its faith with patriotism or national affiliation.

This article explores the multiplicity of discoursive articulations of patriotism in Russia in the context of "patriotic frenzy" observed in the country and reached in fashion. Patriotism is considered a socially constructed, multi-layered category defined in relation to nationalism and cosmopolitanism. To explore the interpretations of patriotism, this research uses the concept of governmentality of Michel Foucault and proposes the concept of "patriotic dispositif", which conducts the creative conduct of fashion designers by encouraging them to follow patriotic fashion. At the same time, fashion designers can either support it or have freedom for counter-conduct, which is manifested in cosmopolitan, cultural and economic patriotic discourses. The article is based on nineteen in-depth interviews and secondary data analyzed with the use of post-structuralist discourse theory.

This book brings together fifty of today’s finest thinkers. They were asked to let their imaginations run free to advance new ideas on a wide range of social and political issues. They did so as friends, on the occasion of Philippe Van Parijs’s sixtieth birthday. Rather than restricting themselves to comments on his numerous writings, the authors engage with the topics on which he has focused his attention over the years, especially with the various dimensions of justice, its scope, and its demands. They discuss issues ranging from the fair distribution of marriage opportunities to the limits of argumentation in a democracy, the deep roots of inequality, the challenges to basic income and the requirements of linguistic justice. They provide ample food for thought for both academic and general readers.

Jimi Hendrix’s 18 August 1969 performance of “The Star-Spangled Banner” at the Woodstock Music and Art Fair has been characterized as an expression of transcendent political resistance as well as crude anti-U.S. drivel. Drawing on Hendrix’s own archive of recordings, writings, interviews, stage banter, and especially live performances, this article analyzes Hendrix’s artistic engagement with the United States national anthem by locating his Woodstock Banner as a central moment in a two-year fascination with the song, brought to a close only by Hendrix’s untimely death. It presents the anthem as an artistic vehicle for Hendrix’s political musings, a thoughtful engagement with current events, and as commentary responsive to Hendrix’s immediate environment and expressive of his aspirations for the nation of his birth. Insights offered here include the roots of Hendrix’s Banner performances as ornaments to the Civil War eulogy “Taps,” the plural construction of the Hendrix Banner and an account of the aesthetic development of his anthem arrangement, the value of his recorded stage banter for understanding Hendrix’s Banner politics, the impact of the film Woodstock on Hendrix’s renditions, and the use of the Banner during Hendrix’s final 1970 “The Cry of Love Tour” as part of a closing anti-war set and call to action for the psychedelic citizen.

This article offers a new interpretation of the demise of Irish Home Rule support in the United States, making the case that the cause did not so much disappear as it morphed into the preparedness, and later, pro-war movements. The importance of prior military service to male Irish Home Rulers in New York City first surfaced in 1914 as Irish nationalists wrestled with the possibility of Irish Home Rule with Ulster exclusion. As women in the movement realized that they could no longer remain committed to home rule if it meant sacrificing Ulster, they ceded what was left of the cause to men who viewed staying steadfast to Irish Home Rule through the lens of their status as veterans. The women, led by Dr. Gertrude B. Kelly, went on to found the Irish Women's Council, American Auxiliary No. 1 (Cumann na mBan). The men held out hope than an Allied victory would result in Irish Home Rule, possibly with Ulster. As war preparedness gained momentum in the United States, Mayor John Purroy Mitchel unofficially bolstered support for Irish Home Rule in New York, an increasingly minority position in the face of the growing Irish republican cause, by lending it the defense of the New York City Police Department as it clamped down on anti-war activists, including Irish republicans. This relationship came to a head in the summer of 1917, when police force previously employed to shield Irish Home Rulers from the criticism of republicans took a very violent turn in Manhattan. On the surface, it looked as though police assaulted Irish republicans merely as radical anti-war activists, but the same city officials who just months earlier had enlisted the police to defend Irish Home Rule meetings from republican hecklers were the same individuals who orchestrated police attacks on Irish republicans in the summer of 1917 in the name of pro-war patriotism and unquestioning support for the United States and the Allies. The abilities of Irish Home Rulers to blend into the preparedness and pro-war movements obscured their continued presence as functioning Irish nationalists at the same time that Irish republicanism became the dominant form of Irish nationalism in the United States. Published in New Hibernia Review (Summer 2016): 59-79.

Nussbaum, a leading contemporary philosophical theorist on emotions in politics, gives an account on further global political development with her theories of patriotism and cosmopolitanism. Her theories on the importance of patriotism were suggested in her book Political Emotions amongst others, and the suggestions of a cosmopolitan order in politics have been postulated in many of her work amongst which the most familiar is the paper Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism. Although there has been a lot of theories in both patriotism and cosmopolitanism, there were problems in combining the two. Therefore, this essay will consider both of Nussbaum's views on those theories, their complementation and, lastly, their criticism. Political Emotions have been used to extract the main points and arguments from her view on patriotism, while the cosmopolitan theory has been extracted through two papers, one of M. Ayaz Naseem and Emery J. Hyslop-Margison who wrote Nussbaum's Concept of Cosmopolitanism: Practical Possibility or Academic Delusion?, and the other from Bryan S. Turner Cosmopolitan Virtue, Globalization and Patriotism. Both of those papers present the main arguments

"""Fragment wstępu:

Pomniki mają wielką moc. W odróżnieniu od malarstwa czy grafiki, z którymi nie musimy się zetknąć, mogąc przejść przez całe życie bez konieczności jakiejkolwiek interakcji, z pomnikami stykamy się, nawet mimowolnie. W dodatku praktycznie każdy w trakcie swojego życia musi zająć w sprawie pomnika jakieś stanowisko. Może nim być złośliwy komentarz, pochwała, negacja, dowcip, uczucie rozczarowania bądź zachwyt. Pozornie tylko niezauważane są, trwają w naszej rzeczywistości i domagają się uwagi.
Pomniki przechowują pamięć – „pamiętają”. Są też „pamiątką” po przeszłości, świadectwem pozostawianym kolejnym pokoleniom przez żyjących wcześniej. Pomniki mówią o bohaterstwie, tragedii, zwycięstwie i klęsce. Stawiają na piedestale postać ważną, która swoim życiem bądź konkretnym czynem może dawać przykład innym. W pomnikach przeglądamy się też jak w lustrze: to, co stawiamy na naszych placach i przy ulicach bardzo wiele mówi o nas – systemie i hierarchii wartości, smaku artystycznym, wyczuleniu na konkretne wątki ideowe i historyczne. Dlatego też każda fałszywa nuta w pomniku jest z taką łatwością wychwytywana przez żyjącą obok niego społeczność. Bardzo często tutaj tkwią przyczyny niszczenia lub pogardzania tymi obiektami. Jednocześnie, zbyt często wpadamy w pułapkę języka, w którym pomnikiem nazywamy starą budowlę („pomnik historii”), kilkusetletnie drzewo („pomnik przyrody”) lub nagrobek („pomnik nagrobny”). Być może to jest przyczyną, dla której wiele osób zadowalać będzie „pomnik” mający formę kamienia z przytwierdzoną do lica, grawerowaną laserowo tabliczką, albo podniesiona do pionu wypolerowana płyta z napisem, jakby przeniesiona z cmentarza.
Lubelski zespół pomników nie zachwyca. Mimo, że należą do niego pojedyncze dzieła mające znaczenie dla całokształtu współczesnej sztuki tworzonej w Polsce (pomnik Eksterminacji Żydów, Pomnik Ofiar Majdanka czy wreszcie „Homagium” z dziedzińca KUL), w ogólnym wrażeniu nie sposób oprzeć się uczuciu rozczarowania i niedosytu. Szczególnie w ostatnich latach,  po przełomie roku 1989 nastąpił proces widoczny w całym kraju oraz innych dawnych „ludowych republikach”, wiążący się z często zbyt pospiesznym uzupełnianiem braków w substancji pomnikowej oraz realizacjami rzeźbiarskimi w przestrzeni publicznej. Lublin ominął co prawda los Łodzi, radośnie ozdabianej odlanymi z brązu figurkami, będącymi efektem pomysłów tandemu twórczego Marcela Szytenchelma i Roberta Sobocińskiego, jednak charakterystyczna twórczość Witolda Marcewicza, mimo wszystkich swoich ideowych plusów, kładzie się wyraźnym cieniem na zbiorze lubelskich pomników.
(...)"""