Social Justice

http://www.legitgov.org/Shaming-Shunning-People-Who-Do-It-Its-Likely-Effects-Part-I

I can tell you a little about shaming and shunning -- what types of people initiate it, the way it builds, and how it is maintained. I can also speak to the the kinds of responses the shamed and shunned are liable to take in response.

When seeking drug reform we should avoid the deeply entrenched anti-drug narratives that have dominated drug policy debate. These narratives are often rooted in fallacy, distortion and sweeping generalisations, whereas, reform must maintain integrity and stay firmly rooted in reason, rationale, science and evidence. We need to be clear, we don't have a global drug problem - we have a global drug policy problem, and the cause of the problem isn't gangsters - it's governments.

The current P-12 educational landscape is riddled with inequities, especially for historically underserved students. As such, greater efforts are needed from educational stakeholders (i.e. counselors and principals) who center social justice and advocacy practices that eliminate systemic barriers to rigorous educational experiences for all students. This paper proposes an alignment of advocacy and social justice professional standards and competencies for school counselors and principals. This alignment, which consists of three contextual dimensions including social justice identity, human resources, and advocacy actions, serves as the foundational framework for principal-counselor collaboration around social justice advocacy. Implications for practice and research are discussed.

Health care is ubiquitous in the lives of industrialized people. Yet, every medical development, technique, and procedure impact the environment. Green Bioethics synthesizes environmental ethics and biomedical ethics, thus creating an interdisciplinary approach to sustainable health care. Notably, Green Bioethics addresses, not the structure of environmental sustainability in health care institutions, but the sustainability of individual health care offerings.

Green Bioethics parallels traditional biomedical ethics by providing four principles for ethical guidance. Through these four principles, Green Bioethics presents a coherent framework for evaluating the sustainability of medical developments, techniques, and procedures. The principles of Green Bioethics are:
- Distributive Justice (Allocate Basic Medical Resources before Special Interest Access)
- Resource Conservation (Provide Health Care Needs before Health Care Wants)
- Simplicity (Reduce Dependence on Medical Interventions)
- Ethical Economics (Humanistic Health Care Instead of Financial Profit)

The future of our world may very well depend on how effectively we halt ecological destruction and conserve our resources. The principles of Green Bioethics, in tandem with the concrete examples given in this book, will support sustainability in health care.

The purpose of this qualitative, multi-site, multi-case study was to examine how early college high school principals promote the success of the first generation, students of color and low-income students they serve. The study examined three early college high school principals in North Carolina through two lenses: the traditional role of principals and a conceptual framework of democratic, socially just, culturally responsive leaders.

The study used semi-structured interview and focus groups as the
primary data sources. Additional data sources included documents, state databases and observations. The research questions guiding the study were:

1. How do early college high school principals promote the success of the first generation, lower-income students and students of color?
2. How do early college high school principals demonstrate the qualities and characteristics of democratic, socially just and culturally responsive leaders?

Six broad themes and thirteen sub-themes emerged from the data. The themes and sub-themes that emerged were Access and Equity (target student population, application process and special education and ESL students); Academics (retention rate, standardized tests, “The 5th year” and graduation rates/degrees Earned); Culture and Climate (safety/student discipline and school culture and climate; Managing the Organization (finances, staffing, instruction, and vision and mission); Relationships (outside the school and inside the school) and Identity.

The findings were interpreted and situated in the context of the extant literature and the democratic/socially just/culturally responsive leadership conceptual framework.Implications for policy and practice, study limitations, recommendations for future study
and the conclusion were also presented.

A Diasporada is a woman who transgresses national and political boundaries and is empowered by inserting Black and female voices into an transnational public sphere. This essay explores the work of Black women activists including Edmonia Lewis, Meta Vaux Warrick Fuller, Augusta Savage, and ELizabeth Catlett. These women were visual artists who defied conventional forms of activism, and changed Black representation in the fine arts and in the social politics of racial uplift. I suggest that we recuperate Black women's activisms by inquiring into the ways in which Afro-U.S. women's thoughts in marble and oil set the stage, led, and inspired other forms of Black leadership. How, for example, did their work, both out front and "behind the scenes" add fuel to Black activism? In order to pursue these concerns, I illuminate the connections between Black women artists, their struggles to gain resources and support, their travels, and their social activism; and in th processs I hope to recuperate some of the expressive symbolism of Black women's art and its impact on transnational Black struggles.

This article describes the rise of Hispanic-serving institutions (HSIs) as an institutional designation within postsecondary education in the U.S. context, and outlines some of the language-based challenges U.S. Latinx students face on campus and in the home speech community. Engagement with the mass media through editorial writing and interviews in television, radio, and print formats is conceived of as a productive means of educating the public about HSIs and the language issues that contextualize the lives of the student bodies that attend them, combating misinformation about U.S. Latinx speech communities, and, more generally, for doing what Wolfram (2016) calls " public sociolinguistics education. " A model of mass media engagement is suggested, in which community-based sociolinguistic research is communicated by the researcher to press specialists at the university, who help place it with journalists, who then disseminate sociolinguistic knowledge to the general public. The effects of mass media engagement—including community involvement and the creation of sociolinguistic artifacts—are discussed, and practical advice for promoting sociolinguistic perspectives through mass media engagement is given.

Social justice leadership has become a popular topic and catchphrase in the field of educational leadership. However, most scholarly and empirical contributions have ignored the inherent tensions, challenges and dilemmas associated with the practice of school leadership and the realities principals confront on a daily basis. This is partly because researchers have tended to ignore multiple facets of justice in their empirical investigations as well as how larger forces outside the school associated with historical, political, social and economic injustices marginalize students and communities. This article explores three cases of challenging school–community contexts that confound and partially subdue the efforts of well-intentioned principals. Each case highlights a dedicated principal committed to their school and community, and documents the significant progress made in addressing particular social justice issues, but also how they confronted justice dilemmas that they believed required them to prioritize certain social justice issues over others. These findings have important implications for how principals view their communities and engage in critical reflection about the leadership decisions and actions they take on a daily basis. This article concludes with implications for future research and a discussion of how aspiring principals can be better prepared to lead for social justice and effectively address justice dilemmas without ignoring or putting off other injustices.

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

This Court should not follow the Panel’s suggestion that Petersons’ challenge to personal jurisdiction be waived because no party made this argument to either this Court or the Court of Appeals. Under our system of government, the role of courts is not to advance arguments in
support of any of the adverse parties. United States v. Sineneng-Smith, 140 S. Ct. 1575 (2020)(“In our adversarial system of adjudication, . . . in both civil and criminal cases, in the first instance and on appeal . . ., we rely on the parties to frame the issues for decision and assign to courts the role of neutral arbiter of matters the parties present.” Id. at 140 S. Ct at 1579 (quotation marks omitted).) Cf. English v. Buss, supra., at **11-14 (unpublished) (Held one judge could review the order of another judge where lack of procedural due process was apparent.) See also RAP 2.5.
Had Division One panel’s waiver argument been made by the opposing party and its counsel the Petersons, through their counsel, would have been able to demonstrate this position should be rejected because the record reflects the Petersons never agreed to waive their right to adequate, non-fraudulent service of process, which includes being “duly cited to appear.” As to this right, see e.g., Hovey v. Elliott, 167 U.S. 409, 418 (1897); Garrison v. Cheeney, 1 Wash. Terr, 489, 503 (1875); Galpin v. Page, 85 U.S. (18 Wall.) 350, 368-69 (1873) (“It is a rule, old as the law, . . . , that no one shall be personally bound until he has had his day in court, by which is meant, until he has been duly cited to appear, and has been afforded an opportunity to be heard.”)

As to the law that waiver of constitutional rights must be knowing, intelligent, and voluntary, see State v. Herron, 183 Wn.2d 737, 743-45, 356 P.3d 709, 712-13 (2015). In fact, a court must “indulge every reasonable presumption against waiver of fundamental rights.” State v. Frawley, 181 Wn.2d 452, 461, 334 P.3d 1022 (2014). Under these constitutional principles there was no waiver of the Petersons’ right, asserted in their answer and other pleadings, not to be hailed into
a court that had no personal jurisdiction over them.

Another reason that failure to file a specific motion to dismiss for a lack of personal jurisdiction pursuant to KCLR 7(b)(5) was not required is because CR 12(h)(1) specifically provides “A defense of lack of jurisdiction over the person, improper venue, insufficiency of process, or insufficiency of service of process is waived . . . (B) if it is neither made by motion under this rule nor included in a responsive pleading or an amendment thereof permitted by rule 15(a) to be made as a matter of course.” Here, these personal jurisdiction defenses were clearly asserted in the Petersons’ Answer, Affirmative Defenses, and Response to the Bank’s motion for summary judgment. And even if it was the intent of this superior court to require persons to file motions to dismiss under these circumstances, a superior court does not have the authority to
compel this result as local rules cannot alter the Washington Rules of Civil Procedure. See Parry v. Windermere Real Estate/East, 102 Wn. App. 920, 928-29 (2000)(Local Rule cannot waive right under CR 12(h) to assert personal jurisdiction defenses in answer); See also Harbor Enters. v. Gudjonsson, 116 Wn.2d 283, 293 (1991); State v. Chavez, 111 Wn.2d 548, 554 (1988)(Local court rules are subordinate to state rules of civil procedure).

In summary, and with such respect as is due the Panel’s suggestion that the Bank’s motion to amend should be granted, it is Petersons’ contention that judges must respect citizens constitutional rights and not waive them without a factual basis for doing so. Similarly, with
respect, the Panel had no constitutional authority—and violated the Petersons’ right to due process of law—when it invented an argument to help the Bank, which was inconsistent with the Civil Rues and cases interpreting them. Thus, this Court should also not waive the Petersons’ right to adequate service of process before granting a motion to amend because such a result would be futile under existing law, notwithstanding anything the Court of Appeals panel has said. Colvin v. Inslee, 195 Wn.2d 879, 899-901 (2020)
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Not since the United States Supreme Court’s constitutionally and morally bankrupt decision in Sanford v. Scott, 60 U.S. 393 (1857)2 has the integrity of America’s judicial system been more in doubt than it is now. See e.g., The Wall Street Journal, “131 Federal Judges Broke the Law
by Hearing Cases Where They Had a Financial Interest” (September 28, 2021); House Judiciary Committee, Nadler & Johnson Statement on Reports Federal Judges Broke the Law by Hearing Cases
Where They Had a Financial Interest (September 29, 2021)4. The problem an economically biased judiciary poses for our democratic republic is that it undercuts the basic premises upon which this
nation was founded, i.e., separation of powers, checks and balances, federalism, and due process of law. Unfortunately, for us, the People, these constitutional structures are not self enforcing, but must be enforced by those who have been economically incentivized to promote the interests of government workers—and their creditor allies—against this nation’s citizens.

In the face of a housing crisis rooted in commodification, there is growing alignment within both activist and scholarly circles over the need to reverse this trend and move toward decommodification. There is work left to be done, however, in conceptualizing how to get there. Housing and tenant groups challenge the logic of extraction through their day-to-day struggles in privately-held rental housing. The policy priorities of this movement are rooted in housing justice. By giving tenants more power over where they live through rent regulation, eviction protections, robust code enforcement, and other forms of legal recourse, these policies make real estate speculation less profitable. In parallel, there is a growing call for social housing conversions through both public takings and private land and property acquisition to realize a vision of housing that prioritizes decommodification, deep affordability, and democratic management. But how do these visions of housing decommodification relate to one another? In our forthcoming project Pathways to Social Housing in New York, we draw out connections between these different strategies, outlining a broad collection of policies that together can present a road to housing decommodification, both within our state and elsewhere around the country. In particular, we argue that to decommodify urban property, we need to fight not only for policy and funding which transfers land and housing to social ownership, but also for policies that make extractive and predatory housing models less viable and organizing more feasible. We need a strategy that incorporates both social housing and housing justice.

This paper engages with the formative concepts of diversity and intersectionality, inquiring how far they are used as tools for achieving (gender) justice that opens up spaces for marginalized constituencies, including racial and religious minorities, colonial subjects, queers, and women and how they unwittingly reify the hegemony of an entitled majority by failing to realize their emancipatory possibilities.

URL: http://webhost1.cortland.edu/wagadu/

Enacted February 24, 2014 and effective until August 1, 2014, Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Act targeted Ugandans of minority sexual orientations and gender identities—many of whom self-identify as 'kuchu'—by imposing life sentences for homosexual sex and same-sex marriage. The original Anti-Homosexuality Bill introduced in 2009 promised even worse for kuchus: it would have mandated that all Ugandans report known homosexuals and threatened execution for serial offenders and other perpetrators of “aggravated homosexuality.” In the context of Ugandan political conflict, emerging international human rights norms, and global asymmetries of power, Uganda has become an ideological battlefront where competing actors—both US-based and Ugandan—advance their respective visions of a just and righteous global society. These factors mandate that US-based activists and organizations painstakingly consider how (or whether) they can advocate responsibly and effectively for international human rights related to gender identity and sexual orientation. Through interdisciplinary lenses and critical analysis, this paper explores three questions:

• How is Uganda distinct from other sites of antigay legislation?
• How have US-based organizations impacted Ugandan discourse and policy toward kuchus?
• How can US-based rights advocates and activists campaign for kuchus without doing them further harm?

Fresh off a California court victory in the Cindy Brown vs. Bank of New York Mellon case, this report showcases the ongoing crisis of inequalities in access to civil justice facing all Americans regardless of income or race and sets the stage for a long-awaited trial court showdown on March 15, 2022.

This chapter argues that there is a collective responsibility to have enough children in order to ensure that people will not, in the future, suffer great harm due to depopulation. Moreover, if people stopped having children voluntarily, it could be legitimate for states to incentivize and maybe even coerce individuals to bear and rear children. Various arguments against the enforceability of an individual duty to bear and rear children are examined. Coercing people to have children would come at significant moral cost; however, none of the arguments against enforceability seem decisive. The existence of a collective responsibility to have children bears on the question of whether parents and non-parents ought to shoulder the costs of childbearing and child rearing together.

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

Brazil has endured multiple political, economic, and environmental crises-and now the COVID-19 pandemic-which have drawn social inequalities into razor sharp relief. This contribution analyzes the resilience of rural families facing these crises in southern Bahia. These families have benefited from various redistributive policies over the years, including redistributive land reforms (RLRs), conditional cash transfers (CCTs), and recent emergency aid (EA) payments related to the pandemic. Each (re)distributive approach involves different notions of distributive justice informed by competing background theories of "the good, " which hold implications for concepts of resilience. Drawing on long-term research with RLR communities in Bahia, this article considers the gains achieved by different redistributive programs. Families who acquired land through RLR projects appear more resilient, especially in the face of crisis.

La democrazia del merito. Non è scritto da nessuna parte che una minoranza, anche se composta dai migliori, possa attribuire a sé ciò che la democrazia reclama per tutti: le libertà, la di-gnità, l'istruzione, il lavoro, l'accesso alle cariche. In troppi casi la meritocrazia dei ricchi preferisce non vedere che cosa potrebbe essere il merito dei molti.
(Salerno editrice, Roma 2016, pp.126)

Abstract: In this paper, we outline a number of features of an interdisciplinary and pluralistic approach to economics. As a suitable example of how an interdisciplinary cooperation can unfold, we focus attention on the relations between institutional economics and psychoanalysis. In the first ...

Existential psychological perspectives have long recognized that individuals must be understood in one’s context in the world, including their social and cultural context. For existential psychology to reach its full potential in making a positive impact upon the world, it is necessary to take seriously issues of multiculturalism and social justice. This presentation explores an existential-humanistic foundation for psychotherapy and social justice activism.

It is common for therapists to focus on helping clients adjust to their situation and decrease individual suffering. Often, this serves to help people adjust to an unhealthy environment, instead of engaging in what Martin Luther King, Jr., calls “creative maladjustment.” Consistent with existential approaches, creative maladjustment helps individuals consider their engagement with their environment with awareness and intentionality. Clients may choose to adapt to their context despite the negative or harmful implications, or they may choose strategies to confront or change their environment. Often, clients find sustaining meaning that can transform their suffering through choosing strategies to confront unhealthy systems.

When existential therapists work with individuals while ignoring the systems impacting the individual, they limit their potential as change agents. As therapists, we have a unique vantage to understand the implications of nationalism, polarization, racism, homophobia/transphobia, and other harmful trends common in the world today. At times, we are called to engage the world beyond the therapy room to promote change. An existential-humanistic foundation can help inform how we engage in social justice advocacy and activism through promoting personal freedom and choice, meaning, and human dignity.

View at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XgajWg-WEQY

This is not strictly an academic book, but an educational experiment full of dancing stories, metaphors, allegories, creative maps, and exercises that ask you to sit at the limits of our modern desires and imagination. Half-serious warning: don't read it if you are seeking clear-cut answers, easy solutions or self-validation. Two sample chapters are available here.
ISBN: 9781623176242

“Beyond a mere critique of modernity, this is a book written for us as people who struggle with the everyday manifestations of modern power. Clear, creative, and cogent, the work offers cutting-edge philosophy at the same time that it furnishes usable guidance for how to cope with the coming perils of colonialism and capitalism. It’s a book for the future, yet written to meet us where we are at right now as individuals living with trauma and facing ethical dilemmas about what it means to take meaningful actions under conditions of complexity.”
— KYLE WHYTE, PhD, George Willis Pack Professor of Environment
and Sustainability at the University of Michigan

“Asking the question ‘What if racism, colonialism, and all other forms of toxic and contagious divisions are preventable social diseases?’, Hospicing Modernity invites its reader to dare and educate themselves by undergoing a process of self-unmaking. Drawing on and moving beyond traditions of radical pedagogy, such as those inspired by Paulo Freire, the author has created a powerful tool for uncovering, undoing, and recovering from the deadly ways in which modernity also lives and dies as humans experience it subjectively.”
— DENISE FERREIRA DA SILVA, PhD, professor at the University of British Columbia Social Justice Institute and author of Toward a Global Idea of Race and Unpayable Debt

This article emerges from our relationship with Theo Combrinck, a colleague, a passionate social and academic activist, a recovering addict and a PhD student, who left our living space during 2014 ‒ a death that was unexpected yet a consequence of an iterative desire to end a troubled/ing life. The intensity of Theo's physical absence retains a vibrant presence and continues to intra-act with us as we consider socially just pedagogies. Theo's work lives on through memories, audio recordings and different forms of texts written by him, all representing his views of socially just pedagogy. Our entanglements with Braidotti's posthuman and Barad's diffractive methodologies shape our understandings of the past and present intra-actions with Theo in time and space. The Bozalek et al. Diffracting socially just pedagogies 202 generative process of our individual and collective becomings through Theo illustrate how the collaborative energy of co-constituted relationships contribute an affective response towards developing socially just pedagogies.

The capability approach is one of the most recent paradigms that responds quite a number of questions which has not been satisfactorily dealt with in various fields of social sciences such as development economics, poverty, social choice theory and social justice. As an approach initially developed by Sen and Nussbaum, it claims that the just society is the one where those who have distinct conceptions of the good are able to achieve what they have reason to value. Despite its promising suggestions, there are still some ambiguities in the approach though, such as how to identify valuable beings and doings, in other words, human functionings. Concerning this, Sen argues that valuable functionings are contextual and should be identified by people themselves. On the other hand, Nussbaum takes up a counter-position claiming that people’s preferences are shaped by the social struc- ture, so that we should identify them from an external point of view. This study, based on some empirical facts, claims that people are able to reflect on their disadvan- taged conditions as well as to develop sophisticated de- liberation. Therefore, against to Nussbaum’s paternalist and modernist claim, it underlines epistemological and practical value in paying attention on diverse roles of multifarious contextual constraints that impinge on people’s valuation thorough more sociological, anthro- pological and ethnographic research rather than igno- ring people’s own valuations.

"Re-imagining 21st century education is ambitious, an ambition born of a sadness as I reflect on a book written 30 years ago.  And I shall of course fall far short of the ambition.  Just to reiterate again the question raised in the invitation to this talk.

What sort of educational vision and practice may be fostered to underpin a new world where people matter?

This is an age-old question.  Its origins is in the idea of the good society that has long been the object of philosophical and political debate. So, specifically we can ask, what sort of education does a vision of the good society demand?  And how should schools be organised to lay a foundation for the realisation of this vision?
"

Bireyler, meşruiyetini ve inanılırlığını kaybeden neoliberal rüyadan artık uyanıyorlar. Eşitsizlikten adaletsizliğe, işsizlikten güvencesizliğe neoliberalizmin ürettiklerini ve derinleştirdiklerini kendi bireysel hatası ya da suçu olarak değerlendirme illüzyonundan kurtuluyorlar.

Bireyler, henüz gözlerini açıyor olduğundan hareketlenip ayağa kalkmamış olabilirler. Ancak, kendi bedenlerini ve zihinlerini dönüştüren -gösterişli fakat doğal olmayan- yapının farkındadırlar. Bedenlerindeki kırmızı kurdelanın dikişlerin çözülmesini engelleyen birleşim yerinden ibaret olduğunu artık biliyorlar. 

Bu kitap, söz konusu uyanışı, bireylerin sosyal adalet algısı kapsamında tartışmaktadır. Bireylere göre bir toplumu adil yapan nedir? İnsanlar neye göre eşit sayılır: Bedenleri, akılları, düşünceleri, duyguları veya umutlarıyla mı?  Sosyal adalet tartışması neye odaklanmalıdır? Yeniden dağıtıma mı yoksa kurumsallaşmış eşitsizlik ve baskıya mı?

Bu sorular, neoliberal politikaların bir aracı olan aktif sosyal politikalara katılan bireylerin gözünden karşılaştırmalı bir perspektifle analiz edilmektedir. Türkiye ve İspanya'nın farklı bölgelerinden bireylerin çarpıcı şekilde ifade ettiği sosyal adalet talepleri ile günümüzde göze çarpan küresel değişim talepleri örtüşmekte ve ortak bir zeminde birleşmektedir.

Bu birlik ve ortaklık üzerine düşünmek isteyen ve uyanışını dayanışarak kutlamak isteyen herkes bu kitabı okumalıdır.

Çağdaş siyaset teorisinde John Rawls'ın idealize ettiği adalet fikrinin yarattığı eleştirel ortam çok geniş ve takibi zor bir literatürün önünü açmıştır. Adalet kavramını merkezine alan çalışmaların işgal ettiği alan ve bu tartışmalardaki çeşitlilik göz önüne alındığında adalete ilişkin çalışmaların sürekliliğini takip etmenin oldukça zor olduğu söylenebilir. Bu nedenle, tartışmaları daha anlamlı hale getirebilmek için dönemsel bir sınıflandırmanın yanı sıra tematik birtakım eğilimleri de göz önüne almak gerekmektedir. Bu tespit üzere çalışma normatif anlamda adaletin çağdaş dönemde hangi bağlam ve temalar çerçevesinde açıklanabileceği sorusuna odaklanır ve bunu sorunsallaştırır. Adalete ilişkin dönemsel ve bağlamsal farklılıkların üzerine bir sorgulama yaparken benzer ve muarız düşüncelerin izleklerini takip etmeye çalışır. Adalete ilişkin anlatıların arka planında eşitlik-farklılık geriliminin önemli bir rol oynadığını, bu anlamda bir tarafta adaletin eşit muamele fikriyle anlam kazandığı düşüncesinin, diğer tarafta ise eşitlikten ziyade farklılıkların dikkate alındığı bir eğilimin olduğunu iddia eder. "Adalet-Farklılık İlişkisi" olarak adlandırdığımız bu durum, adalete ilişkin süregelen tartışmaların birey, grup, yetenek, işlev, topluluk, cinsiyet, çevre, kültür, kimlik vb. farklılıklar veya çeşitliliklerin vurgulandığı bir temada ele alındığı iddiasını taşır. Bu anlamda çalışma "hakkaniyet olarak adalet, yetkilenme teorisi, kapasite yaklaşımı, adalete dair feminist ilgiler, toplulukçu eğilim, temsil ve tanınmaya" dayanan geniş bir düzlemde adaletin farklılık bağlamında anlam kazanacağını iddia eder. İlgili çalışma ve yaklaşımlardan hareketle adalet tartışmalarına dair tasnif ve çeşitlilik problemini aşmayı sağlayacak bir bakış açısının imkanları üzerine bir sorgulama yaparak, bu denli bir sorgulamanın farklılık ekseninde düşünülmesinin gerekliliğine dikkat çeker.


The critical environment created by the justice idea in contemporary political theory idealized by John Rawls has paved the way for a very wide and of course challenging literature. Considering the area occupied by studies focusing on the concept of justice and the diversity of these debates, it can be claimed that following the continuity of the studies on justice is very difficult. Therefore, in order to make discussions more meaningful it is necessary to take into consideration not only a periodical classification but also thematic tendencies. Based on this, the current study focuses on the question of around what contexts and themes the justice in normative sense might be defined in the contemporary era and problematizes it. While questioning periodical and contextual differences related to justice, the study tries to follow the paths of similar and opponent thoughts. It claims that the equality-difference tension plays an important role in the background of the accounts of the justice, and in this regard, it claims that there is the idea of the justice becoming meaningful by the principle of equal treatment on the one hand and there is the tendency to consider differences apart from equality on the other hand. This situation which we call the "Justice-Difference Relationship" contains the claim that the ongoing debates on the subject of justice is considered within a theme where differences or diversities such as individual, group, ability, function, community, gender, environment, culture, and identity. In this regard, the study claims that justice would become meaningful in the context of differences on a broad level based on "justice as fairness, entitlement theory, capability approach, feminist interests on justice, communitarian tendency, representation and recognition". It inquires on the possibilities of a viewpoint that will overcome the problem of classification and diversity in relation to debates on justice with reference to the relevant works and approaches and draws attention to the necessity of considering such an inquiry on the axis of difference.

Empirical research has described how school leaders with social justice orientations investigate, understand, and address issues related to marginalization. These studies detail many of the heroic efforts of principals and their dedication, persistence, and skill. Theoretical and empirical writings have often presented social justice leadership as a “cure-all” to inequities rather than politically situated leadership orientation that in its practice is dilemma-laden. This article draws upon previous research on effective leadership as well as highlighting key aspects related to special educational policy in U.S. public schools to cultivate a more in-depth understanding of the practice of social justice leadership for inclusion. This analysis is presented to prompt a more in-depth and practice-oriented discussion, analysis, and understanding of the challenges associated with social justice leadership. Recommendations for future research and a more community-oriented and activist approach to social justice leadership are presented and justified at the conclusion of the article.