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Schooling is one of those words the meaning of which oscillates between positive and negative connotations. The concept of life-long schooling is capable of sending shudders down the spine at the same time as coercing a degree of assent... more
Schooling is one of those words the meaning of which oscillates between positive and negative connotations. The concept of life-long schooling is capable of sending shudders down the spine at the same time as coercing a degree of assent that somehow it is a ‘good idea’. Its smoother variants are of course, ‘life-long learning’ or ‘life-long education/professional development’. What they amount to in contemporary practice is a recognition of the need to be ‘flexible’ in a fast changing labour market that is subject to the whims of the global financial dealers and multinational enterprises which pick or drop whatever local community suits their purpose. In short, throughout our lives we must expect to require schooling in whatever ‘knowledges’, ‘skills’, ‘personal qualities’ are required by a market governed by globalised business corporations increasingly capable of influencing governments to service their needs.
Discourses provide the personal and public conditions through which subjects and their worlds are constructed both as places of the present and as dreams to be realised or nightmares to be avoided. As such then, discourses transmit... more
Discourses provide the personal and public conditions through which subjects and their worlds are constructed both as places of the present and as dreams to be realised or nightmares to be avoided.  As such then, discourses transmit knowledge, values and beliefs about worlds thus moulding minds and behaviours as well as shaping identities.  However, discourses have always to be interpreted according to circumstances and are thus essentially open ended.    As a form of power through which individual powers are organised discourses have the power to shape and consolidate but also to convey new forms through new discourses.  To understand power, how it develops and how it may be used to construct, subvert and invent worlds requires understanding how discourses configure subjective experience, interpersonal relationships, knowledge, agency and the truth-status of subjects, events, and objects.  In this chapter, how power is organised between actors are explored in relation to Lacan’s 4 discourses:  the master, the university, the hysteric and the analyst.  Through a discussion of these discourses, it is argued that, rather than democracy, it is perversions of democracy that have been written into the present, repressing freedoms in the name of the market as a corrupted machine for the appropriation of wealth power and privilege by elites. Illustrated through contemporary neoliberal discourse and practice it is argued that democracy, schools and schooling and more broadly, the idea of ‘the public’ have been designed by elites who profoundly distrust the ‘masses’, the ‘ordinary’, the ‘little person’ in order to contain unruly passions and instil habits of submission, compliance and ‘respect’, and a fear of the law through discipline.
This is a scan of the final pre-publication but uncorrected paper for : Schostak, J. F. (1983) 'Making and Breaking Lies in a Pastoral Care Context' Research in Education, No. 30. 71-93. The article was written following my... more
This is a scan of the final pre-publication but uncorrected paper for :

Schostak, J. F.  (1983) 'Making and Breaking Lies in a Pastoral Care Context' Research in Education, No. 30. 71-93.

The article was written following my experiences of having undertaken ethnographic research in a large comprehensive school.

It seemed to me that the issue of ‘lying’, what counts as ‘lies, the social functions and personal impacts was a much under researched issue in education at the time.  For many years it remained one of the few papers on the subject.

Some of these themes were again taken up in my book of the time:

Schostak, J. F.  (1983)  Maladjusted Schooling:  Deviance, Social Control and Individuality in Secondary Schooling,  London, Philadelphia.  Falmer. (reprinted 2012, 2014 Routledge Library Editions and 2014)

It seems to me that the broad theme of lies, truth and knowledge is one that needs to be revisited within the context of contemporary discourses of ‘post truth’, ‘false/fake news’ and indifference to the ‘truth’, knowledge and expertise.  If education means anything at all, it should at least have something to say here.
Paradoxes of Democracy, Leadership and Education engages both critically and creatively with important social, political and educational issues, and argues that the organisational forms of contemporary schooling are caught up in... more
Paradoxes of Democracy, Leadership and Education engages both critically and creatively with important social, political and educational issues, and argues that the organisational forms of contemporary schooling are caught up in politically significant contradictions. Highlighting the inescapable paradoxes that educators must grapple with in their thought and practice as they seek to reconcile democracy and leadership in education, this book addresses the question of whether socially just democratic futures can be realised through education.

Divided into two parts, the first part explores theoretical frameworks and concepts, presenting theory and raising issues and questions, while the second shares diverse examples of practice, renewing and reanimating the links between education, leadership and democracy, and providing models of alternatives. Studying a number of global developments that can be seen as potentially threatening, such as a growing inequality in wealth and income and the declining participation and trust in democratic processes, this text is at the forefront of international innovations in educational theory and philosophy.

A fascinating and vital read for all researchers and students, Paradoxes of Democracy, Leadership and Education considers the opportunities and challenges that are confronting and threatening education in the modern world.
The challenge for education and research is to reimagine democracy. Democracy is often called the politics of hope, but what sort of hope is democracy in a world where social inequalities are killing people on a grand scale? What sort... more
The challenge for education and research is to reimagine democracy.  Democracy is often called the politics of hope, but what sort of hope is democracy in a world where social inequalities are killing people on a grand scale?  What sort of politics is it that ignores, discounts, dismisses the consequences of decisions and actions for those who do not count as citizens?  And what sort of public is it, whose ‘consent’ sustains inequalities, hostilities towards others and celebrates displays of military power?
This is the published version. I want to start with a couple of naive questions. To what extent is leadership needed for a democratic life? Or to put it another way, what form of democratic organisation, if any, is compatible with... more
This is the published version.

I want to start with a couple of naive questions.
To what extent is leadership needed for a democratic life? Or to put it another way, what form of democratic organisation, if any, is compatible with leadership?
Then I want to end with a final couple: is democracy undermined by leadership? If it is, what can be done about it?
Research Interests:
This is the final pre-publication version of the report published by the then English National Board for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visitors. It provides an insight into undertaking qualitative research in workplace settings. Th... more
This is the final pre-publication version of the report published by the then English National Board for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visitors.

It provides an insight into undertaking qualitative research in workplace settings.  Th substantive focus is on the experiences of practitioners reflecting upon issues of learning, competence and professional practice in a complex environment.
Research Interests:
The chapter explores reflective practice, professionality and competence, taking nursing and midwifery as examples.  The discussions are based on national research studies undertaken by the author and his team.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Critical Theory, Sociology, Cultural Studies, Media Sociology, Political Sociology, and 112 more
Research Interests:
Critical Theory, Sociology, Cultural Studies, Political Sociology, Social Change, and 47 more
Jill Schostak and I wrote this book as part of our evolving interest in doing research radically. By radically we mean engaging with people's voices to learn how to create the conditions for social justice and for democratising all the... more
Jill Schostak and I wrote this book as part of our evolving interest in doing research radically.  By radically we mean engaging with people's voices to learn how to create the conditions for social justice and for democratising all the organisations of everyday life.  We draw on our own research but also on the ways in which the media is used to shaw people's voices and behaviours.  We explore all the ways in which the desires and demands of elites are inscribed upon minds and bodies as well as how writing may create the conditions for counter inscriptions.  Writing research is to engage politically.  Whether it is the Arab Spring re-inscribing hopes for freedom, the Occupy Movement or young people challenging orthodoxies at home or in classrooms through use of the media, it is the power of writing in its broadest sense that makes the difference.
"Radical Research explores the view that research is not a neutral tool to be employed without bias in the search for truth. Rather the radical roots of research are to be seen in the focus on freedom and emancipation from blind... more
"Radical Research explores the view that research is not a neutral tool to be employed without bias in the search for truth. Rather the radical roots of research are to be seen in the focus on freedom and emancipation from blind allegiance to tradition, ‘common sense’, religion, or powerful individuals and organisations.

Radical Research introduces and draws upon leading contemporary debates and data gathered from a diversity of funded projects in; health, education, police training, youth and community, schools, business, and the use of information technology.

This book presents a radical view of research in a way that enables both beginner and the experienced professional researcher to explore its approaches in the formation of their own views and practices. It progressively leads the reader from discussions of case studies to critical explorations of the philosophical and methodological concepts, theories and arguments that are central to contemporary debates. In essence, this book shows how to design, develop and write radical research under conditions where ‘normal’ research rules apply and it offers a ground-breaking and proven alternative to traditional research techniques."
"Too often interviewing is seen as simply a tool for data collection, while in reality it is a complex, subtle process that cannot be separated from the dynamic of the project or from the multiple and changing contexts of everyday life.... more
"Too often interviewing is seen as simply a tool for data collection, while in reality it is a complex, subtle process that cannot be separated from the dynamic of the project or from the multiple and changing contexts of everyday life. In posing the question, 'what is research for?', Interviewing and Representation in Qualitative Research explores the processes of interviewing as itself a project intimately involved in contemporary debates around knowledge, freedom, power, ethics, modernism postmodernism, and globalisation.

What makes the book distinctive is its focus on interviewing not just as a tool to be used within other frameworks such as case study, action research, evaluation and surveys, but as an approach to organise a project as a whole, to provide frameworks for organising perspectives on the multiple `worlds' of everyday life. It is argued that every project, every methodology, every theoretical perspective has its own rhetorical framework that interacts with the `world' as subject of study or focus for intervention. The interview, as defined in this book, is both the process of constituting and de-constructing world views ' it is the inter-view, the place between worlds. Without the `inter-view' no dialogue and no alternatives as a basis for difference, change, and development would be possible. The inter-view as conceived in the book is fundamental to qualitative research as an emancipatory project.

Research practice is thus placed in the context of philosophical, theoretical and methodological debates, taking the reader beyond many introductory texts, making it suitable for all students and researchers who wish to advance the frontiers of their research and engage with contemporary social and political realities."
Research Interests:
Critical Theory, Sociology, Cultural Studies, Political Sociology, Social Psychology, and 77 more
"The problems this book discusses are the same now as they were 25 years ago: unemployment, poor housing, inadequate facilities, poverty, racism, violence. I wrote the book in anger. I still feel that anger when I re-read it and... more
"The problems this book discusses are the same now as they were 25 years ago: unemployment, poor housing, inadequate facilities, poverty, racism, violence.
I wrote the book in anger.  I still feel that anger when I re-read it and compare with what is still happening today.  What kind of methodology is required to make real changes?  In the book, I try to answer this."
"Violence, democracy and rights are issues that are not fully addressed in research methodology literatures, yet violence is of vital interest in substantive and theoretical debates across the social sciences, education, philosophy,... more
"Violence, democracy and rights are issues that are not fully addressed in research methodology literatures, yet violence is of vital interest in substantive and theoretical debates across the social sciences, education, philosophy, politics and cultural studies. Methodology needs to be informed by, and be relevant to, the debates and practices within and across these perspectives on the worlds of everyday life.

Research is fundamentally entwined with the political, the ethical and the legal. When it presumes the neutrality of method and ignores its radical roots of inquiry, it is in danger of being politically co-opted and ethically naïve. Research that reveals what is at stake politically, ethically and legally is typically open to accusations of being partisan and therefore political. It cannot avoid being political in the broadest sense of the word, and consequently the researcher cannot escape – through some mystical notion of being ‘objective’ – the political, ethical and legal consequences of undertaking research.

Research is vital to the construction of public spaces for debate, decision making and action. Hence, there is a close relationship between methodological practices, research design and the conditions under which violence, democracy and rights can be addressed.

Researching Violence, Democracy and the Rights of People explores what is at stake methodologically (both theoretically and practically) for researchers seeking to expand opportunities for people to become visible upon the public stages of debate, decision making and action, and thus make audible their experiences of wrongs and injustices, express their rights, and engage democratically in processes of change.

Drawing on international contributions and contexts, this book introduces readers to the complex realities of real research and the substantive issues that their methodological approaches strive to deal with. It will benefit undergraduate and postgraduate students as well as post-doctoral and experienced researchers across a range of cultural and social science disciplines, as well as educational and sociological researchers. Its aim is to explore and contribute to the development of innovatory approaches to engaging in research that make a difference in the lives of people.

"
How can research - our own capacities for finding out - be employed to turn the tables on the big Powers that dominate our lives? Too often we as individuals feel so small against the political, economic and social organisations that set... more
How can research - our own capacities for finding out - be employed to turn the tables on the big Powers that dominate our lives?  Too often we as individuals feel so small against the political, economic and social organisations that set the agendas, define what is truth and ‘educate’ our ways of thinking and behaving.  Yet, research as a practice of truth finding can be undertaken by anyone.  As students, teachers and researchers how can we then really engage with Power in ways that really make a difference?

The book from which this chapter is taken addresses this question - it opens up the paths that can be taken.  Chapter 5 is another step on this path that we can all take.  It is all about being open to new ways of seeing and knowing in order to take action.
There is a crisis of power, whether for those who do not have any or those who have too much and fear losing it. There is something fragile about great power, particularly in a world of wars, protests, revolutions and likely environmental... more
There is a crisis of power, whether for those who do not have any or those who have too much and fear losing it. There is something fragile about great power, particularly in a world of wars, protests, revolutions and likely environmental breakdowns, where the global rich are outnumbered by many millions to one. 

Perhaps there is also a crisis of confidence about what can be done to change things.  As people increasingly look to right and far right solutions to the problems created by the super rich and powerful, they risk losing their futures, indeed, losing the world itself.  Can we tame these masters of our lives, is there still a hope?
Looking back on this chapter as we continue to face the rise in extreme rightwing political parties, the populist demand for ‘strong leaders’ (typically, but not exclusively, men) and the outbreak of wars, the question of how these trends... more
Looking back on this chapter as we continue to face the rise in extreme rightwing political parties, the populist demand for ‘strong leaders’ (typically, but not exclusively, men) and the outbreak of wars, the question of how these trends are to be  challenged, resisted and overcome is all the more urgent.  This chapter of the book  considers and discusses how collective action, learning and knowledge as forms of challenge and resistance have effectively been subverted in the interests of the powerful and the strong leaders they fund.  What threatens the power elites is precisely the possibility of collective action based upon the principles of equality, freedom and regard for others implicit if not always explicit in the philosophies and practices of democracy that emerged from the Enlightenment and the Age of Revolutions.  This 3rd chapter of the book takes a step further forward in identifying what is needed in order to undo the antidemocratic practices of power elites. Education has played a double role in creating contemporary political, economic and social conditions.  On one side it has schooled and tamed in the service of the elites, on the other it has enabled the development of values, knowledge and practical know how to contest the dominance of the elites and work for alternative futures.
f research is to impact on public decision-making, the research and educational challenge is to create the conditions for free and equal access to knowledge and the conditions of further discovery. This is essential to the kind of... more
f research is to impact on public decision-making, the research and educational challenge is to create the conditions for free and equal access to knowledge and the conditions of further discovery. This is essential to the kind of democracy we envisage, where all people participate. By all, we mean a democracy that is in no way restricted merely to age groups, ‘citizens’ or any other categories of individuals. As to the definition of ‘the people’, we mean all who live regardless of birthplace. In this sense, there are no frontiers to manage apart from the ever-expanding horizon of actively inclusive democracy – as Hannah Arendt put it, each birth adds a new perspective to be taken into account. For such a global dynamic multitude, the conditions framing the contemporary political challenge focus attention on how to control, or at least constrain, the leaders, their territorial ambitions and the management systems put into place by elites. How? By creating the conditions for an effective public (Schostak and Schostak, 2013) that is co-extensive with the work of research and education involved in establishing truth, facts, objectivity, reliability, validity, subjectivity, representation, generalisation and universalisation. This is the challenge.
The paper explores pedagogies of surveillance and counter pedagogies of radical democracy and co-operative practice and their implications for continuing professional development (CPD). Teachers have had to respond to an increasing... more
The paper explores pedagogies of surveillance and counter pedagogies of radical democracy and co-operative practice and their implications for continuing professional development (CPD). Teachers have had to respond to an increasing naturalisation of surveillance in schools. However, this naturalisation can be countered by drawing upon the emergent development of the co-operative education movement in the UK. I argue that critical to developing effective pedagogies of radical democracy and co-operation is the formation of a “public space” of discussion and debate about courses of action. This will be illustrated through research drawn from a co-operative school and its use of information technologies. Although the intentions are to improve standards of learning, the hidden curriculum implicit in the use of the technologies can lead to “supersurveillance.” Teachers, I argue, have a critical role in the deconstruction of the naturalisation of supersurveillance and both pre-service and CPD urgently need to address this.
Artikal ini memberi kesedaran kepada pembaca tiada siapa yang dapat menukar keadaan sosial, menolak paradikma yang sedia atau menentukan sesuatu revolusi yang akan datang kerana semua ini dikawal oleh suatu kuasa yang berpunca daripada... more
Artikal ini memberi kesedaran kepada pembaca tiada siapa yang dapat menukar keadaan sosial, menolak paradikma yang sedia atau menentukan sesuatu revolusi yang akan datang kerana semua ini dikawal oleh suatu kuasa yang berpunca daripada mekanisma politlk dan undang-undang global dan tempatan
This is not a standard guide to writing a dissertation, thesis, project report, journal article or book. Rather, this book will help researchers who are dissatisfied with the typical recipe approaches to standardised forms of writing-up... more
This is not a standard guide to writing a dissertation, thesis, project report, journal article or book. Rather, this book will help researchers who are dissatisfied with the typical recipe approaches to standardised forms of writing-up and want to explore how academic writing can be used to greater effect.
Invited article to a Portuguese journal exploring themes of techology, education, and radical democracy.
This is based on an ethnographic case study undertaken principally in a large comprehensive school in the UK. It draws also on comparative ethnographic data drawn from smaller studies to produce the fictionalised school and community of... more
This is based on an ethnographic case study undertaken principally in a large comprehensive school in the UK.  It draws also on comparative ethnographic data drawn from smaller studies to produce the fictionalised school and community of 'slumptown'.  The study was carried out in the early 1980s but the areas upon which it is based continue to be extremely depressed economically.  The broad issues remain.  The question of the role of schools, teachers and the meaning of 'education' remain as critical issues to be examined in the context of how to produce a vital democracy.
transforming the child into a pupil.
In distinguishing between education and schooling, the paper reviews several publications in order to see which if any are capable of providing an educational critique of social, cultural political issues. It considers how independent... more
In distinguishing between education and schooling, the paper reviews several publications in order to see which if any are capable of providing an educational critique of social, cultural political issues.  It considers how independent education is of other disciplines and political demands.
Evaluation of an early use of computers in rural schools in the north of Portugal to develop locally based curricula that had a culturally enriching impact.
It is common to argue that Western and Westernised societies are ‘democratic’. However, it is difficult to describe the corporations that dominate their public and private sectors as exemplars of democratic organisation. In particular,... more
It is common to argue that Western and Westernised societies are ‘democratic’. However, it is difficult to describe the corporations that dominate their public and private sectors as exemplars of democratic organisation. In particular, their schools are largely driven by non-democratic managerialism imposed through a system wedded to hierarchy and inequality. In Ranciere’s (2005: 71) terms such so called ‘democratic’ states and their key organisations are ruled by a ‘dominant intelligencia’ who broadly, willingly or unwillingly, serve the interests of an economic elite. However, if a society claims to be democratic, then it would be reasonable to expect its key systems and institutions should exemplify forms of organisation and practice that articulate democratic principles. Thus, it is possible to argue as Dewey (1927) did, that re-engaging in ‘democratic practices’ could reawaken the desire for freedoms that will allow all to have an equal voice in order to influence the present and the future of our children and thus of society, positively towards a more equal, socially just world. It is possible too as Robert Owen (1816) argued that by adopting co-operative rather than competitive practices society could be reformed for the better. The Rochdale pioneers drew upon the views of Owen and others to create a practical model that has grown to the extent that it has “supported at least half the world’s population” (Woodin 2014: 2). It is relatively easy to point to such existing legacies and models of democratic forms of social, economic and indeed educational organisation that can be drawn upon (Fielding 2005; Fielding and Moss 2011) - but given contemporary societies are still overwhelmingly hierarchical and competitive, the odds remain stacked against their practical accomplishment. At its most radical, democracy demands both freedom and equality. Balibar (1994) called this the principle of egaliberte in order to articulate the co-extensiveness of freedom with equality. Thus for example, in a world of wealth inequality, where the billionaire can use wealth to influence political parties, manipulate markets and shape the behaviour of individuals in their market and political decision making, those who are relatively or absolutely poor have their freedom of choice of where to live, of access to the best education and the best jobs, restricted by the capacity of the rich. Geographically, the relation between inequality for the many and freedom for the few can be seen in the contrasts between thriving, well sourced centers of financial activity and depressed, overlooked areas that had once been industrial powerhouses and are now ‘rust belts’. Infrastructures are skewed towards sustaining and responding to the demands of the rich and powerful. It echoes Simon’s (1960) historical description of education for the ‘two nations’. In this context, schools represent, if not a microcosm, then at least a quasi-laboratory for the testing of personal freedoms against the controls of superior forces. It is in this space where the place of authority constructs its powers over the subjective experience, behaviour and capacities to act of individuals. Here there is the individual in the role of adult of being in ‘locus parentis’ and teacher as the one who is supposed to know and be able to speak that knowledge to others. There is also the individual in the role of pupil, of being a locus of present and future potentials and of being a growing developing child in need of protection and in want of knowledge. This division contributes powerfully to the psychological conditions necessary to accept later divisions between bosses and employees and more generally between a governing class and those to be managed, disciplined, or moulded. The head teacher then is in a place of governance that amplifies and reinforces these divisions, a mediator, as it were, between the policy forming governing classes and those who most directly deliver policy face-to-face with the children whose performance is to be managed. It does not have to be this way though.
Participant observation is employed in any academic discipline or professional field requiring in-depth studies of everyday life. The article describes the key processes of undertaking participant observation involving joining members of... more
Participant observation is employed in any academic discipline or professional field requiring in-depth studies of everyday life. The article describes the key processes of undertaking participant observation involving joining members of a social group, learning how to participate, and undertake fieldwork. Methodological issues such as validity, generalisation and representations are discussed in relation to the collection and analysis of data. Participant observation whether open or covert is seen to involve a continuous reflection on ethical issues and contributes to the inclusion of the voices of those who are marginalised or rendered invisible in public debates.
A revised version of this paper is now published in: Woodin, T. (2014) Co-operation, Learning and Co-operative Values. Contemporary Issues in Education. Routledge. http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415725248/ "Education... more
A revised version of this paper is now published in: Woodin, T. (2014) Co-operation, Learning and Co-operative Values. Contemporary Issues in Education. Routledge. http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415725248/ "Education involves drawing out the powers of individuals to think, imagine, feel and act. In particular it is about the development of the powers of communication, debate, decision and the power to form associations between people to create organisations for the achievement of common projects. How those powers to organise are shaped through social, cultural, economic, political and legal processes, practices and procedures is critical to what kind of society results. In this sense, then, education directly addresses the question of what kind of society people want. We explore the contribution of cooperative ideas and practices to achieve such an idea."
There is no pure 'thing' called democracy. Yet its perversion from an ideal held however indistinctly by those who yearn to be free of some 'thing' that holds them back from expressing what they feel is... more
There is no pure 'thing' called democracy. Yet its perversion from an ideal held however indistinctly by those who yearn to be free of some 'thing' that holds them back from expressing what they feel is their potential, their right, their dream, is a source of anguish, anxiety, anger and ultimately violence. It suggests a 'thing' never quite lost, never quite found but always a nagging hope of something better that could be achieved if only .. if only what? Some sense of trying to give shape to the 'if only' as a dream of a democracy of the people has variously been seen recently in the broadly termed Arab Spring, Occupy and Indignados movements (Ancelovici et al 2016), with arguably a degree of radical democratic expression in Syriza and Podemos (Hancox 2015), but also in forms of a rightwing populism as in Trump and Brexit (Inglehart and Norris 2016). In each case, democracy is typically evoked as a 'thing' to increase freedom, give a voice, increase equality for some particular group, or indeed the 'people'. Rather than having a clear and determined meaning, such terms can be deployed as 'empty signifiers', that is, as categories where there is no necessary fixed meaning, rather they are like empty spaces where there is a contest to place meanings that can occupy the space. Where those on the political right talk about the freedom of individuals to compete and to win wealth and privilege, those on the left talk about being 'left out', 'dispossessed' by the winners and thus their loss of freedoms and equality of voice to engage in or influence decision making. Democracy, in all its forms, sets into play discourses about the capacities of people to engage freely and equally with others in the decisions and forms of organization that impact upon their lives. At its most radical, democracy may take the form of an anarchy , that is a state of affairs where there is no leader. This suggests direct equal participation of all, in all decision making affecting the lives of people. Typically it is argued that this is impossible in practical terms in all but the smallest and simplest forms of collective organization (c.f. Lippmann 1927). Hence, various mediating mechanisms and forms of organization need to be created to fill the gap between the voices of the many and the few who make and enact policy decisions. In contemporary 'democratic' states these are typically in the form of elected politicians, the use of experts to provide evidence, and the creation of laws to ensure 'fairness' or 'justice' and the forms of organization required to enforce them. Democracy as a historical, practical accomplishment has variously evolved according to circumstances in different nation states as a pragmatic political form to resolve disagreements without resorting to violence between the contestants where the strongest and most ruthless wins. The discourses of democracy do not arise outside of history but are already inscribed in the struggles for freedom from domination between the richest and the poorest, the strongest and the weakest. This struggle is encapsulated in the Hegelian master-slave/servant dialectic. The master is the one with the power of life or death over the other. That is to say, in more everyday terms the master is signified by or embodied by any person or form of organisation that is, at least, perceived capable of ruining the life of another. In contemporary terms, this may be a line manager with the legitimized power to make 'hard' decisions about sacking, redundancy, salary cuts and so on. The master in this sense is incarnated in any individual with real or imagined power due to a given position in a hierarchy to harm the wellbeing, exclude, imprison or indeed at the extreme, to end the life of another. Thus, for example, as described by McCormick (2006, 2011b) and Rosanvallon (2012) early democratic revolutionaries advocated adopting an attitude of suspicious and distrust towards those in power and developing forms of monitoring (or surveillance by an informed public) in order to prevent the abuse of democratic forms of governance by politicians and the wealthy. Alongside such
Goodson approaches the question of social change through narrative as a way of understanding how the life of a subject connects with deeper, longer moving historical trends. This approach is explored in the context of how policy makers... more
Goodson approaches the question of social change through narrative as a way of understanding how the life of a subject connects with deeper, longer moving historical trends. This approach is explored in the context of how policy makers try strategically to manage the consent of individuals to their policies. This is illustrated by the 2016 campaign in the UK to leave the European Union and the manipulation of ‘truth’ by the Trump presidential campaign and presidency. The task of challenging such manipulations in order to bring genuine change involves developing counter narratives to challenge the ‘us-them’ oppositions underlying contemporary politics. This involves using what Goodson calls the 5 Rs of research in order to develop a democratic public able to challenge the lies and post-truths of manipulative elites.
democracy and society. Not only does it eloquently and incisively challenge contemporary norms, it explores grounded, inspiring alternatives that have the wisdom, imagination and power to help us develop new practices and possibilities. A... more
democracy and society. Not only does it eloquently and incisively challenge contemporary norms, it explores grounded, inspiring alternatives that have the wisdom, imagination and power to help us develop new practices and possibilities. A deeply thoughtful, thought-provoking book; a book of integrity, power, possibility and occasional beauty. A book which, in its own words, helps us ‘Create the conditions for young people to write the poetry of their own futures’. Michael Fielding, Emeritus Professor of Education at the Institute of Education, University College London, UK
ABSTRACT The radical inclusion of the different interests and powers of all is fundamental to social equality. Moreover, both democracy and the associated practices of cooperation depend upon an equality of different voices if they are... more
ABSTRACT The radical inclusion of the different interests and powers of all is fundamental to social equality. Moreover, both democracy and the associated practices of cooperation depend upon an equality of different voices if they are not to fall into forms of authoritarianism. Cooperation involves the free association of individuals who aggregate their individual powers to complete projects they could not accomplish alone. Those mutual dependencies require equality of participation and reward if co-operation is not to become hierarchical line management where the powers and participation of some are more greatly rewarded than those of others. And if education is employed to privilege the development of the powers and interests of some over others, it becomes reduced to a form of engineering to fit the interests of the powerful. Thus, I argue that discourses of equality and radical inclusion are co-extensive with democracy, co-operation and education.
... juxtapositions of epistemic and material violence in transnational migration and domestic violence research 42 ERICA BURMAN Reflections on ... 10 The return of the repressed 159 LOIC WACQUANT Reflections on Wacquant's chapter 170... more
... juxtapositions of epistemic and material violence in transnational migration and domestic violence research 42 ERICA BURMAN Reflections on ... 10 The return of the repressed 159 LOIC WACQUANT Reflections on Wacquant's chapter 170 Methodological discussion section iii ...
Many argue that it is futile to see schools as agents of social reform, much less revolution, rather they are agents of class division in the service of elites (e.g., Marsh, 2011; Blacker, 2013). Resistance to class oppression is merely a... more
Many argue that it is futile to see schools as agents of social reform, much less revolution, rather they are agents of class division in the service of elites (e.g., Marsh, 2011; Blacker, 2013). Resistance to class oppression is merely a defensive strategy where the question is, as Willis (1977) might put it, not so much why elites appropriate so much power and wealth but why the rest let them. It is this question that a re-imagination of the strategic power of co-operation addresses because it directly challenges both competition and inequality by returning to the ambivalent role of education and the discourses of freedom, democracy, commerce and work that liberalism and neoliberalism have misappropriated.
This article is taken from a talk given by John Schostak at the Co-Operative Head Office, Manchester on 25 September 2015.
The article provides historical and political background to contemporary issues facing education and research. In doing so, it argues that there has been a fundamental inversion of democracy. What this means is that instead of democracy... more
The article provides historical and political background to contemporary issues facing education and research. In doing so, it argues that there has been a fundamental inversion of democracy. What this means is that instead of democracy providing a political framework for the voices of people, it is employed as a cover for the interests of the wealthy. The article explores this inversion, drawing upon the theoretical insights of the Annaliste school of history and its contemporary expression in the work of such people as David Harvey and Immanuel Wallerstein. It is argued that, rather than an effective public historically emerging, there is what Walter Lipmann in 1927 called a ‘phantom public’ whose views, beliefs and conduct are open to manipulation. He called it the ‘manufacture of consent’. The article explores the implications of the transformations of the economic and political scenes in conjunction with this shaping of public opinion for both research and education.
This chapter sketches the scene for contemporary discussions about the nature of representation in the context of what counts as research and as education. In particular, it focuses on the struggle for voice, the representation of voice,... more
This chapter sketches the scene for contemporary discussions about the nature of representation in the context of what counts as research and as education. In particular, it focuses on the struggle for voice, the representation of voice, and the creation of public educational spaces where voices may be heard and views represented. It asks, who has the ‘right’ – politically, ethically – to represent themselves, others, events, circumstances, and ‘realities’ in education research? More specifically, in what ways may representations be expressed and to what extent should representations be negotiated in contexts where power is distributed unequally and where people complain of injustice? It is here that the political and ethical senses of representation come to the fore and educational research must confront what counts as a view or a voice that can be recognised, as well as how to render ‘data’ and ‘evidence’ visible in ways that can be called ‘valid’ and ‘generalisable’. Rather than reducing the experiences of people to measurable facts alone, the complexities, richness and messiness of everyday life requires methods capable of exploring the discourses, feelings, observed practices and meanings given to those practices. Thus the chapter traces the development of methodologies and critical perspectives developed to meet the challenges posed by the complexities of social life and educational experiences in the construction of democratic public space.

And 189 more

This paper was drawn from the initial-and largely naïveexperiences of doing doctoral fieldwork, in 1980. These initial experiences and the initial theorisations made raise a range of methodological as well as educational and ethical... more
This paper was drawn from the initial-and largely naïveexperiences of doing doctoral fieldwork, in 1980. These initial experiences and the initial theorisations made raise a range of methodological as well as educational and ethical issues that are common to the experience and will be discussed following the paper. The paper was written for a doctoral study group session held at the
These were notes employed for an introductory course for postgraduate students
Research Interests:
The following is a check-list to help in the preparation of the research based assignment, dissertation or thesis employing qualitative methods. It is not meant to be a 'straightjacket' to be followed slavishly, nor is it likely to be... more
The following is a check-list to help in the preparation of the research based assignment, dissertation or thesis employing qualitative methods. It is not meant to be a 'straightjacket' to be followed slavishly, nor is it likely to be exhaustive since each research based piece of writing will have its own demands depending on the nature of the subject being studied. However, any dissertation is likely to include within its structure, the elements or themes set out in the following sections. It is up to the assignment, dissertation or thesis writer whether these are appropriate to their own purposes and if according to the judgement of the writer in consultation with their research/university appointed supervisor they are found appropriate, then it is still up to the writer to interpret them in ways that are appropriate, interesting and useful. In short, all depends on the creativity, insight and knowledge of the assignment, dissertation or thesis writer. The checklist is merely a prompt for critical reflection

It was first developed for a masters degree course and is presented here, substantially extended, as a way of thinking through some issues that assignment, masters, doctoral students often face when preparing to write up their research. They should be read in conjunction with other books and guides on research and in discussion with friends, colleagues and supervisors. It is to be stressed again, the checklist in no way represents a recipe for doing or writing up research, nor does it provide a model to be slavishly followed. The quality of the research and how it is written up is down to the work, the creativity, imagination and careful reasoning of the thesis/dissertation writer. I hope the following helps the process.
Research Interests:
This is the list of references to accompany the 3 seminars delivered at the University of Sao Paulo April 2013. I had been invited to provide a background to radical research for interested postgraduates and staff in the institute of... more
This is the list of references to accompany the 3 seminars delivered at the University of Sao Paulo April 2013.  I had been invited to provide a background to radical research for interested postgraduates and staff in the institute of psychology and work.  .
Research Interests:
Critical Theory, Discourse Analysis, Sociology, Political Sociology, Gender Studies, and 37 more
This seminar was one of three given at the University of Sao Paulo April 2013.  I had been invited to provide a background to radical research for interested postgraduates and staff in the institute of psychology and work.  .
Research Interests:
Critical Theory, Discourse Analysis, Sociology, Cultural Studies, Political Sociology, and 115 more
This seminar was one of three given at the University of Sao Paulo April 2013.  I had been invited to provide a background to radical research for interested postgraduates and staff in the institute of psychology and work.  .
Research Interests:
Critical Theory, Sociology, Cultural Studies, Political Sociology, Social Movements, and 53 more
This seminar was one of three given at the University of Sao Paulo April 2013.  I had been invited to provide a background to radical research for interested postgraduates and staff in the institute of psychology and work.  .
Research Interests:
Critical Theory, Discourse Analysis, Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Change, and 34 more
This is an unpublished paper, written I think, as a CARE seminar at the University of East Anglia where I was at the time a lecturer. Many of the ideas were developed into a book: Schostak, J. F.   (1986)  Schooling the Violent... more
This is an unpublished paper, written I think, as a CARE seminar at the University of East Anglia where I was at the time a lecturer.  Many of the ideas were developed into a book:

Schostak, J. F.   (1986)  Schooling the Violent Imagination,  London, New York.  Routledge and Kegan Paul. Republished 2021.  https://www.routledge.com/Schooling-the-Violent-Imagination/Schostak/p/book/9780367441494

This earlier paper contains extended versions of the data and details of methods.
There is no pure 'thing' called democracy. Yet its perversion from an ideal held however indistinctly by those who yearn to be free of some 'thing' that holds them back from expressing what they feel is their potential, their right, their... more
There is no pure 'thing' called democracy. Yet its perversion from an ideal held however indistinctly by those who yearn to be free of some 'thing' that holds them back from expressing what they feel is their potential, their right, their dream, is a source of anguish, anxiety, anger and ultimately violence. It suggests a 'thing' never quite lost, never quite found but always a nagging hope of something better that could be achieved if only .. if only what? Some sense of trying to give shape to the 'if only' as a dream of a democracy of the people has variously been seen recently in the broadly termed Arab Spring, Occupy and Indignados movements (Ancelovici et al 2016), with arguably a degree of radical democratic expression in Syriza and Podemos (Hancox 2015), but also in forms of a rightwing populism as in Trump and Brexit (Inglehart and Norris 2016). In each case, democracy is typically evoked as a 'thing' to increase freedom, give a voice, increase equality for some particular group, or indeed the 'people'. Rather than having a clear and determined meaning, such terms can be deployed as 'empty signifiers', that is, as categories where there is no necessary fixed meaning, rather they are like empty spaces where there is a contest to place meanings that can occupy the space. Where those on the political right talk about the freedom of individuals to compete and to win wealth and privilege, those on the left talk about being 'left out', 'dispossessed' by the winners and thus their loss of freedoms and equality of voice to engage in or influence decision making. Democracy, in all its forms, sets into play discourses about the capacities of people to engage freely and equally with others in the decisions and forms of organization that impact upon their lives. At its most radical, democracy may take the form of an anarchy , that is a state of affairs where there is no leader. This suggests direct equal participation of all, in all decision making affecting the lives of people. Typically it is argued that this is impossible in practical terms in all but the smallest and simplest forms of collective organization (c.f. Lippmann 1927). Hence, various mediating mechanisms and forms of organization need to be created to fill the gap between the voices of the many and the few who make and enact policy decisions. In contemporary 'democratic' states these are typically in the form of elected politicians, the use of experts to provide evidence, and the creation of laws to ensure 'fairness' or 'justice' and the forms of organization required to enforce them. Democracy as a historical, practical accomplishment has variously evolved according to circumstances in different nation states as a pragmatic political form to resolve disagreements without resorting to violence between the contestants where the strongest and most ruthless wins. The discourses of democracy do not arise outside of history but are already inscribed in the struggles for freedom from domination between the richest and the poorest, the strongest and the weakest. This struggle is encapsulated in the Hegelian master-slave/servant dialectic. The master is the one with the power of life or death over the other. That is to say, in more everyday terms the master is signified by or embodied by any person or form of organisation that is, at least, perceived capable of ruining the life of another. In contemporary terms, this may be a line manager with the legitimized power to make 'hard' decisions about sacking, redundancy, salary cuts and so on. The master in this sense is incarnated in any individual with real or imagined power due to a given position in a hierarchy to harm the wellbeing, exclude, imprison or indeed at the extreme, to end the life of another. Thus, for example, as described by McCormick (2006, 2011b) and Rosanvallon (2012) early democratic revolutionaries advocated adopting an attitude of suspicious and distrust towards those in power and developing forms of monitoring (or surveillance by an informed public) in order to prevent the abuse of democratic forms of governance by politicians and the wealthy. Alongside such
Research Interests:
A reflection on contemporary schooling over a period of 30 years.
Research Interests:
Paper presented at ECER Conference, Geneva 2006
Research Interests:
There is a major myth put about by people who should know better: that someone, somewhere actually knows what is going on, a person typically called The Expert. Schooling generates conceptions about expertise of all kinds: from... more
There is a major myth put about by people who should know better:  that someone, somewhere actually knows what is going on, a person typically called The Expert.  Schooling generates conceptions about expertise of all kinds:  from academic expertise to expertise concerning 'what is in the best interests' of any particular child.  This central structural separation of The Expert from those who are defined by the powerful as not knowing what is in their best interests, is I shall argue, a major violation of the integrity of the individual and the individual's democratic participation in the creation and maintenance of community.  It is a model of all other major institutions a child will enter in later adulthood.
It is not just a postmodernist play on the word ‘desire’, where the Sire is a lord and master connoting the divine law of patriarchal authority through which gender roles, rights and powers are defined and controlled coercively throughout... more
It is not just a postmodernist play on the word ‘desire’, where the Sire is a lord and master connoting the divine law of patriarchal authority through which gender roles, rights and powers are defined and controlled coercively throughout the generations (siring). It refers to the development of an ethnographic methodology that is elaborated not merely descriptively and analytically but deconstructively and creatively. It is this latter approach which I argue moves ethnography beyond being a cluster of methods to being a critical perspective that opens the possibility of educational activity. In order to focus discussion concretely, I want to consider in this paper what it means to do an educational ethnography of the ‘de/Sire to care’ across a range of possible contexts - such as home, school, health, social services, church - where ‘care’ is defined as a key purpose defining activities carried out by professionals/carers in relation to others who become objects of care. I want to tease out some of the complex subterfuges through which care is gendered in the interests of a social order which is still predominantly defined patriarchally.

Is it possible, methodologically, to liberate care from patriarchal gender positions? If so, what would an educational ethnography look like that could do this?

The paper will draw upon work in a range of projects in nursing, midwifery, schooling and other ‘caring’ agencies.
Preface from 2020 My head at the time of this writing from 1992 was full of the projects undertaken during the previous decade and their legacies of voices from the people I'd met, whose lives touched mine and have left lasting... more
Preface from 2020 My head at the time of this writing from 1992 was full of the projects undertaken during the previous decade and their legacies of voices from the people I'd met, whose lives touched mine and have left lasting impressions that still speak to me in 2020.
Paradoxes of Democracy, Leadership and Education engages both critically and creatively with important social, political and educational issues, and argues that the organisational forms of contemporary schooling are caught up in... more
Paradoxes of Democracy, Leadership and Education engages both critically and creatively with important social, political and educational issues, and argues that the organisational forms of contemporary schooling are caught up in politically significant contradictions. Highlighting the inescapable paradoxes that educators must grapple with in their thought and practice as they seek to reconcile democracy and leadership in education, this book addresses the question of whether socially just democratic futures can be realised through education.

Divided into two parts, the first part explores theoretical frameworks and concepts, presenting theory and raising issues and questions, while the second shares diverse examples of practice, renewing and reanimating the links between education, leadership and democracy, and providing models of alternatives. Studying a number of global developments that can be seen as potentially threatening, such as a growing inequality in wealth and income and the declining participation and trust in democratic processes, this text is at the forefront of international innovations in educational theory and philosophy.

A fascinating and vital read for all researchers and students, Paradoxes of Democracy, Leadership and Education considers the opportunities and challenges that are confronting and threatening education in the modern world.
If education is supposed to be a preparation for life, then, for what kind of life is a curriculum to be a preparation? And what counts as knowledge and teaching in a pluralist society? Perhaps these questions have already been made... more
If education is supposed to be a preparation for life, then, for what kind of life is a curriculum to be a preparation? And what counts as knowledge and teaching in a pluralist society? Perhaps these questions have already been made redundant by political and economic events.

Should educationists in the 1990s just retire gracefully and gratefully from the scene to write their biographies and autobiographies? I ask this, only in part whimsically, because the real curricula in this age of mass information have been taken out of the hands of educationists by the great global systems of information processing, image making and attitude forming. The most powerful narratives in circulation that frame experience, provide grist for mass reflection, judgement, appreciation and reasons for action are part of a global industry, generated for reasons of profit, power and control not education. That reforms in education are made by politicians in the name of preparing for the life created by the economic challenges of the new world order at least points which of the two - education or political economy - is really the motivation behind the school curriculum. But this is old news.
So what's changed? Where are the openings, margins, gaps in the old structures that provide the possibility for alternatives? It is claimed that some changes, or at least some sort of a sense of the end of an age has occurred since the 1960s - or is it that a certain group of post-war 'baby-boomers' has reached the age of nostalgia and self-importance? This change, it is claimed is the sense of an ending for Modernism and the period we are in is to be characterised as Post-Modernist. The debate, if nothing else, provides some useful distinctions and issues for reflection.
Research Interests:
If education is supposed to be a preparation for life, then, for what kind of life is a curriculum to be a preparation? And what counts as knowledge and teaching in a pluralist society? Should educationists in the 1990s just retire... more
If education is supposed to be a preparation for life, then, for what kind of life is a curriculum to be a preparation? And what counts as knowledge and teaching in a pluralist society?

Should educationists in the 1990s just retire gracefully and gratefully from the scene to write their biographies and autobiographies? I ask this, only in part whimsically, because the real curricula in this age of mass information have been taken out of the hands of educationists by the great global systems of information processing, image making and attitude forming. The most powerful narratives in circulation that frame experience, provide grist for mass reflection, judgement, appreciation and reasons for action are part of a global industry, generated for reasons of profit, power and control not education. That reforms in education are made by politicians in the name of preparing for the life created by the economic challenges of the new world order at least points which of the two - education or political economy - is really the motivation behind the school curriculum. But this is old news.
So what's changed? Where are the openings, margins, gaps in the old structures that provide the possibility for alternatives?
Post-truth has, in a sense, always been with us as a strategy for the manipulation of others. Education, as I want to use the term, identifies and draws out the strategic processes to escape such manipulations. At stake is the freedom... more
Post-truth has, in a sense, always been with us as a strategy for the manipulation of others.  Education, as I want to use the term, identifies and draws out the strategic processes to escape such manipulations.  At stake is the freedom of each individual to create and participate in worlds that develop and sustain their powers as human beings.  Broadly speaking, politics involves how worlds are made and specifically, in whose images and values, desires and intentions they are made, sustained and challenged.  The leader, however defined, has two key characteristics that cannot be changed if the leader and if leadership is not to crumble into relations of equality.  The leader, the strategies and the processes of leadership must stand out as the focus of attention in order to become the authority defining the values, the duties, the laws that direct behaviours; and secondly, there must be followers.  How those followers are to be ‘constructed’ is a matter of discipline, a schooling of mind and body to obey whether through fear, love, or some calculation of self-benefit involved in choosing sides as between alternative ‘leaders’.  It is this latter position that enables the paradoxical sounding emergence of ‘democratic leadership’.  Choosing a leader democratically takes the edge off of both the egalitarian principle of democracy where each voice is equally counted in decision making; and by implication, renders inequality of relationship acceptable, since the inequality is freely chosen.  Given that until people stop following, there will be leaders, then there are three further possibilities:  1) either there is some genetic disposition that underpins the conditions for leaders and followers; or, 2) people are schooled into its acceptance; or some combination of both.  I argue the latter.  And search for a way out!
Research Interests:
I want to explore the wider, critical and creative powers of education to bring about a society where no one person is valued more than another and where each person is celebrated for their differences - in short, the society of equals. ... more
I want to explore the wider, critical and creative powers of education to bring about a society where no one person is valued more than another and where each person is celebrated for their differences - in short,  the society of equals.  I argue that discourses of equality are not only co-extensive with democracy, they are coextensive with co-operation and education.  The extent to which equalities between people are limited to certain spheres of activity is also the limit to which democracy and co-operation are exercised in the affairs of everyday life.  To what extent are democracy and co-operation evidenced in schools, colleges and universities - the supposedly privileged places for the development of people’s powers?  In whose interests and for what purposes are those powers to be developed?   And how may socially just democratic futures be realised through co-operative forms of education?
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
During the Spring of 1996 I carried out a pilot study of a city based Canadian newspaper. This was funded in connection with a study directed by Ivor Goodson and funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada to... more
During the Spring of 1996 I carried out a pilot study of a city based Canadian newspaper. This was funded in connection with a study directed by Ivor Goodson and funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada to look at the life history of a school. This study led us into wider issues concerning the construction of community and collective memory. Although the newspaper sub-study cannot be called an ethnography, it can be seen as a precursor to carrying out an ethnography. The central issue that I want to explore is the notion of an educational ethnography of a newspaper. By this is meant something different to doing an ethnography of a particular institution in the education system. It is a broadening of the term leading to a reconsideration of the perspective that educational ethnographers can take upon institutions-or social processes/structures/phenomena more generally-falling outside of the more narrowly defined 'education system'. Although a fuller definition/description will be worked out for the paper, I am broadly taking the educational perspective to cover all social practices involved in transformational processes wherever these may occur. More specifically, in terms of the newspaper the angle of interest focuses on the ways in which a newspaper 'educates' or 'schools' its public through the ways it processes information, prioritizes, and generates 'alternatives' as a basis for public and private decision making and action. A central theme within this process is the role of the media in producing and manipulating a sense of 'public memory'. The paper will seek to explore the methodological issues involved in carrying out an ethnography in a newspaper setting and the educational implications of these issues.