Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe Research Papers

Este trabalho visa discutir os conceitos de “diferença colonial” e “pensamento liminar” de Walter Mignolo, em articulação com uma discussão filosófica das questões da diferença e do antagonismo, especialmente de acordo com a proposta de... more

If politics is ultimately about our deepest fears and desires rather than about, say, tax policy or better health care, then what place is there for a Left whose raison d’être will always be tied to improving the economic fortunes of the... more

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- by Shadi Hamid
- •
- 12
  Immigration, Nationalism, Populism, Immigration And Integration In Europe

https://classiques-garnier.com/l-histoire-et-la-question-de-la-modernite-chez-antonio-gramsci.html Le marxisme ouvert d’Antonio Gramsci permet de redéfinir la philosophie de l’histoire en échappant à tout dogmatisme. Gramsci cherche en... more

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- by Yohann Douet
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- 20
  Marxism, Praxis, French Revolution, Historicism

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- by Yahya M Madra and +1
  Ceren Özselçuk
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- 12
  Marxist Economics, Class, Jacques Lacan, Slavoj Žižek

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976... more

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

The rapid rise of "fake news" as a ubiquitous term in global politics has caused widespread debate in democratic societies concerning the distinction between true and false. A number of scholars and journalists have argued that we might... more

The rapid rise of "fake news" as a ubiquitous term in global politics has caused widespread debate in democratic societies concerning the distinction between true and false. A number of scholars and journalists have argued that we might be entering a post-truth or post-factual era. 1 In 2016, post-truth was even named word of the year by Oxford Dictionaries, defining the concept as "circumstances in which objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief." Based on this societal diagnosis, analysts have concluded that facts are moving to the background of contemporary politics. Politicians no longer concern themselves with the distinction between fake and real, making democracy shift from a rational to an emotional political system. 2 If we consider this characterization of the post-truth era, one aspect of contemporary politics appears paradoxical: rather than neglecting facts, it seems that democracy is increasingly saturated with disputes over what counts as "true," "real," "false," and "fake." Political actors routinely label their opponents as frauds, while claiming to be the bearers of truth themselves. As US President, Donald Trump, exemplifies, terms such as "fake news" have become a means of bolstering authority and attacking perceived enemies. It has become a way of obtaining and enforcing dominance in the political landscape. Facts are not simply dismissed. As part of a much more complex development, the very meaning or interpretation of the term "facts" seems to have become the epicenter of political struggles. If this is the case, we might consider whether the notions of the "post-truth" or "post-factual" era truly encapsulate the current state of democratic politics. This chapter argues that there is more to the story than what is often told: that facts are not becoming obsolete, but rather highly politicized. The term "fake news" has become a rhetorical weapon, increasingly mobilized by political actors to attack their opponents. As a consequence, the notion of "fake" shifts from a question of information validity to a question of political control: who gets to draw the line between "fake" and "real"?

In: Imke Hansen, Enrico Heitzer, Katarzyna Nowak (Hg.): Ereignis & Gedächtnis. Neue Perspektiven auf die Geschichte der nationalsozialistischen Konzentrationslager. Berlin 2014, S. 217-253; Zweitveröffentlichung in: Daniela Allmeier u.a.... more

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- by Cornelia Siebeck
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- 13
  Social Theory, Cultural Geography, Museum Studies, Cultural Heritage

JOURNAL ARTICLE. The discursive gaze: the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe as framework and instrumentarium for social analysis. - In this article the political discourse theory developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe is... more

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- by Patrick De Vos
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- 11
  Discourse Analysis, Media Studies, Political Theory, Post-Marxism

Purpose: To apply Discourse Analysis to understand new meaning given to the word 'Swadeshi' [literal meaning: home-grown] and to demonstrate that religio-nationalist discourse employed by Patanjali has given a tremendous growth to its... more

The research focuses on the field of Internet art, net.art, which followed the emergence of the World Wide Web and often manifested as a result of the need to find alternative ways to deal with and circulate works of art other than the... more

Niels Åkerstrøm Andersen (1999): Diskursive analysestrategier. Foucault Koselleck Laclau Luhmann, Nyt fra Samfundsvidenskaberne, Frederiksberg.

Der Wiener Philosoph und Politiktheoretiker Oliver Marchart legt mit »Conflictual Aesthetics – Artistic Activism and the Public Sphere« ein ergiebiges Konfliktkunstkonzept vor. Diese Ästhetik gilt nicht dem Schönen, Sinnlichen oder... more

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- by Drehli Robnik
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- 20
  Aesthetics, Political Philosophy, Performing Arts, Art Theory

Populism and populist parties have been gaining relevant and intense attention in the last decade. However, definition of populism is still contested, in particular when related to rightwing parties. In fact, the association of populism... more

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- by michela zabaglia
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- 15
  Discourse Analysis, Media Studies, Nationalism, Populism

Este trabajo plantea una perspectiva de análisis de la nación como resultado de una lucha hegemónica entre sujetos concretos que abanderan proyectos de nación diversos y antagónicos. En primer lugar analiza las principales formas como se... more

The concept of soft power occupies a prominent place in International Relations, foreign policy, and security studies. Primarily developed by Joseph S. Nye, the concept is typically drawn upon to emphasize the more intangible dimensions... more

The way in which societies institutionalize “collective memory” is one of the most important aspects of contemporary politics, feeding directly into the constitution of individual and communal identities, and creating sources of discord... more

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- by Duncan Bell
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- 44
  Critical Theory, Social Theory, Mythology, Philosophy

Este artículo analiza la distinción entre populismo e institucionalismo en Laclau. La hipótesis es que al identificar el populismo con la política y el institucionalismo con la muerte de la política, Laclau modifica su concepto de... more

Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität sind traditionell stark umkämpfte politische Gegenstände. Das liegt nicht zuletzt daran, dass sich die binäre heterosexuelle Geschlechterordnung mit dem Schein des Natürlichen zu umgeben vermag: Nur zu... more

Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität sind traditionell stark umkämpfte politische Gegenstände. Das liegt nicht zuletzt daran, dass sich die binäre heterosexuelle Geschlechterordnung mit dem Schein des Natürlichen zu umgeben vermag: Nur zu gerne wird die Fiktion eines Urzustandes herangezogen, um zu argumentieren, dass das heterosexuelle Begehren eben deshalb naturgemäß ist, weil es der Reproduktion der Gattung diene und sich die natürlichen Geschlechterrollen wiederum ganz selbstverständlich aus diesen reproduktiven Bedingungen ableiten lassen. Im Zuge der politischen Kämpfe von Gleichheits-, Differenz-und Queerfeminismus um eine emanzipative Geschlechterordnung hat diese Fiktion und die mit ihr einhergehende Formel ‚Biologie ist Schicksal' heute vielerorts ihre Überzeugungskraft eingebüßt. Gleichwohl sind wir derzeit mit einer breiten politischen Bewegung konfrontiert, in der von konservativer, nationalistischer und religiöser Seite unter dem Label des ‚Anti-Genderismus' auf breiter Front Stellung gegen die theoretischen und politischen Errungenschaften des Feminismus und weiterer emanzipatorischer Bewegungen bezogen wird. Der Streitpunkt lässt sich dabei provisorisch auf folgende vereinfachte Formel zuspitzen: Während das politische Projekt des " Anti-Genderismus " auf eine Begrenzung von Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität zielt, setzen sich viele Akteur_innen aus den Gender Studies für die Entgrenzung von Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität ein. Auffällig ist nun, dass die Auseinandersetzung zwischen Anti-Genderismus und Gender Studies nicht mithilfe des zwanglosen Zwangs des besseren Arguments geführt wird. Ganz im Gegenteil: Statt mit kommunikativem Handeln wird die Auseinandersetzung vor allem von Seiten des Anti-Genderismus mit den Mitteln sprachlicher Gewalt betrieben. Es sind dabei vor allem die Mittel der Demütigung, der Kränkung und der Diffamierung, die dazu dienen, die politischen Opponent_innen zum Schweigen zu bringen und aus der politischen Arena auszuschließen. Bevor ich es mir im Folgenden zur Aufgabe mache, diese drei Formen der sprachlichen Gewalt genauer zu analysieren, möchte ich zeigen, dass der Einsatz sprachlicher Gewalt von Seiten des Anti-Genderismus nicht einfach auf einen allgemeinen Verfall der öffentlichen Debattenkultur zurückzuführen ist, sondern vielmehr symptomatischen Charakter hat. Die Position des Anti-Genderismus, so möchte ich nämlich zeigen, ist der Sache nach gar nicht dazu in der Lage, sich mit den Gender Studies in einen politischen Wettstreit zu begeben, da die Pluralität von Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität das nicht anerkennbare Andere des eigenen politischen Diskurses bildet. Die Diffamierung der Gender Studies mit den Mitteln der sprachlichen Gewalt, so meine These, ist daher nicht dem Verfall der öffentlichen Debattenkultur geschuldet, sondern vielmehr eine inhärente Konsequenz der Positionen des Anti-Genderismus selbst.

'Populism' constitutes one of the most hotly debated topics in contemporary politics and academia. The concept is used to describe a series of heterogeneous phenomena: on the one hand, Donald Trump, BREXIT supporters and the European Far... more

This paper provides a reflection analysis of three methods of discourse theory namely; Wetherell and Potter’s Discursive Psychology, Mouffe and Laclau’s Discourse Analysis and Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA).

Chantal Mouffe has long been regarded as one of the pinnacle authors of radical democratic theory which aims to offer a left, alternative, model of democracy. In this paper a discussion of one of the most fundamental elements of... more

The political theory of ideologies proposes a distinct way of conceiving of and analysing political thought, especially as it appears ‘in the wild’. Exploring the claim that there is a form or mode of thinking specific and proper to... more

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- by Alan Finlayson
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- 8
  Rhetoric, Political Theory, Ideology, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe

Neoliberalism, Media and the Political presents a novel critical analysis of the condition of media and journalism in neoliberal cultures. Emphasizing neoliberalism's status as a political ideology that is simultaneously hostile to... more

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- by Sean Phelan
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- 11
  Critical Theory, Cultural Studies, Media Sociology, Political Theory

In the theoretical discussion of populism, two main options can be identified: a perspective conceives the populism as a thin-centered ideology; a second perspective believes that populism is a set of rhetorical, stylistic and... more

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- by Damiano Palano
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- 6
  Ideology, Populism, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Chantal Mouffe

Many have noted how the Bush administration’s linking of Iraq to the war on terror lent a certain degree of legitimacy to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Few scholars who have noted this linkage, however, have theorised about the specific... more

Incluido en un monofráfico de la revista Riff-Raff, editada por el Departamento de Filosofía de la Universidad de Zaragoza (Elvira Burgos, coord.) sobre Políticas feministas. Debate sobre la construcción de la identidad, desde el... more

Este trabajo analiza la relación entre formas de representación y política en el caso particular de los primeros años de la Revolución Rusa y de los debates llevados a cabo en el interior del Partido Comunista Argentino (PCA) durante la... more

Este trabajo analiza la relación entre formas de representación y política en el caso particular de los primeros años de la Revolución Rusa y de los debates llevados a cabo en el interior del Partido Comunista Argentino (PCA) durante la década del 40.
Los artistas de vanguardia participaron activamente de la Revolución Rusa durante sus primeros años. Futuristas, constructivistas y suprematistas se encargaron de la propaganda, diseñaron grandes obras, dictaron clases en talleres y escuelas de arte estatales y fueron funcionarios. Sin embargo, con la llegada de Stalin, el realismo se volvió la única estética aceptada. Los artistas de vanguardia debieron abrazarlo y dedicarse a la propaganda del régimen o marcharse de la Unión Soviética.
Durante los años 20, Buenos Aires fue testigo del debate entre los escritores de Martín Fierro y los de Claridad. Mientras los martinfierristas defendían el arte por el arte y la estética de vanguardia, los escritores sociales promovían un humanismo que denunciaba los abusos que sufría el proletariado.
En 1944 aparece Arturo. Revista de artes abstractas. Sus miembros quieren conciliar el pensamiento marxista con el abstraccionismo. Para ello, establecen una serie de relaciones con artistas extranjeros que les permite distinguirse de la vanguardia martinfierrista de los años 20, considerada burguesa y “deshumanizada”. Desarrollan también un aparato teórico en el que, utilizando herramientas del materialismo histórico, sostienen que el abstraccionismo y la invención son el movimiento necesario en el devenir temporal de la historia del arte.
Sin embargo, a pesar de la puesta en juego de estas estrategias, el PCA, finalmente, los expulsará de sus filas.
Así, "lo verdadero" y "lo humano" son puntos nodales (Laclau y Mouffe, 1987) de este debate en el que alcanza la hegemonía el mismo discurso que se había impuesto pocos años antes en la Unión Soviética.

Palabras claves: Partido Comunista Argentino - Arte de vanguardia - puntos nodales

Disponible en http://www.redcomunicacion.org/memorias/p_jornadas_p.php?id=1714&idj=15

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- by Gimena Crena
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- 2
  Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Vanguardia

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- by Ernesto Castro
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- 9
  Political Philosophy, Populism, Argentina, European Union

What is “critical” theory and how is it relevant to the study of the city? How can it help us understand the geographies of urbanization and social change? Urbanist Neil Brenner writes that critical urban theory “insists that another,... more

What is “critical” theory and how is it relevant to the study of the city? How can it help us understand the geographies of urbanization and social change? Urbanist Neil Brenner writes that critical urban theory “insists that another, more democratic, socially just and sustainable form of urbanization is possible” and “involves the critique of ideology and the critique of power, inequality, injustice and exploitation, at once within and among cities.” The approaches we use to do so, however, are widely debated. This reading-intensive, discussion-centered graduate seminar will expose students to a variety of critical social theories relevant to the study of cities and the social process that shape them.

In this course, we’ll reflect on how various social theories – including those of Marx, Polanyi, Bourdieu, Foucault, and the more recent work of feminist, critical race, and Indigenous scholars – can inform our understanding of cities as social and material spaces produced and reshaped by flows of capital, as well as the way that such processes are mediated by the state and social class, through hegemonic conceptions of, race, and gender, land and property. Running through much of this work are reflections on social change, how it arises, and how it can be mobilized.

We’ll begin with some foundational building blocks of Marxian political economy, drawing on Marx and Harvey, to think about how capital manifests spatially through urbanization. We’ll move on to scholars who have pushed beyond these structural understandings by rethinking political economic categories such as markets (Polanyi), power (Foucault), and class (Bourdieu). We’ll then draw on work that demonstrates how capitalism works through social constructions (and their lived and material manifestations) of gender (McDowell, Federici, and others), race (Omi & Winant, Robinson, McKittrick, Woods and others), and property (Blomley, Coulthard, Hern). Throughout the course, we’ll complement our readings of these theoretical frameworks with new and recent empirical scholarship, primarily from geography, urban studies, sociology, and planning, but also from anthropology and ethnic studies.

By providing a foundation in the political economy of capitalist urbanization and an introduction to a number of critical theorists and their principal contributions, the course serves as a point of embarkation into the world of critical urbanism. Some of the theoretical lenses we discuss may prove particularly relevant to thesis or dissertation research addressing relationships between urban processes, (in)equity, and action. Course content is primarily of interest to urban studies, planning, geography, sociology, and anthropology graduate students, but may also be of interest to doctoral students in social work, education, and health seeking to understand the urban contexts in which they work.

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- by Nathan McClintock
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- 12
  Urban Geography, Marxism, Urban Studies, Jacques Rancière

En este artículo trataremos de reconstruir brevemente el contexto histórico- político al que las izquierdas modernas de la segunda mitad del siglo XX trataron de hacer frente, como paso previo para enmarcar la obra del teórico político... more

Book Review เกี่ยวกับ On the Political ของ Chantal Mouffe

Resenha do livro Camaradas, de Jodi Dean

Este capítulo parte da hipótese da emergência de um novo regime de sexualidade, apresentada por Carrara (2015), para propor uma ampliação dos elementos e estratégias de análise sobre a trajetória das políticas de gênero e sexualidade na... more

This paper, by focusing on the different views of the constructivist and discursive camps on topics including agency, consciousness, causality and by reference to the literature on various forms of social identities such as gender, sexual... more

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- by Daniel Rotstein
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- 7
  Cultural Studies, Louis Althusser, Cultural Identity, Michel Foucault

"The ‘Arab spring’, the Spanish ‘Indignados’, the Greek ‘Aganaktismenoi’ and the ‘Occupy Wall Street’ movement all share a number of distinctive traits. They made extensive use of social networking and were committed to the direct... more

"The ‘Arab spring’, the Spanish ‘Indignados’, the Greek ‘Aganaktismenoi’ and the ‘Occupy Wall Street’ movement all share a number of distinctive traits. They made extensive use of social networking and were committed to the direct democratic participation of all as they co-ordinated and conducted their actions. Leaderless and self-organised, they were socially and ideologically heterogeneous, dismissing fixed agendas or ideologies. Still, the assembled multitudes that animated these mobilisations often claimed to speak in the name of ‘the people’, and they aspired to empowered forms of egalitarian self-government in common.

Similar features have marked collective resistances from the Zapatistas and the Seattle protests onwards, giving rise to theoretical and practical debates over the importance of these ideological and political forms. By engaging with the controversy between the autonomous, biopolitical ‘multitude’ of Hardt and Negri and the arguments in favour of the hegemony of ‘the people’ advanced by J. Rancière, E. Laclau, C. Mouffe and S. Žižek the central aim of this book is to discuss these instances of collective mobilisation, to probe the innovative practices and ideas they have developed and to debate their potential to reinvigorate democracy whilst seeking something better than ‘disaster capitalism’.

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Contents: Introduction: radical democracy and collective movements today: responding to the challenges of kairos, Alexandros Kioupkiolis and Giorgos Katsambekis; Post-hegemony: politics outside the usual post-Marxist paradigm, Benjamin Arditi; Letter to a Greek anarchist: on multitudes, peoples, and new empires, Richard J.F. Day and Nick Montgomery; Sovereignty of the people, Jodi Dean; Occupy and autonomous political life, Saul Newman; Hegemony or post-hegemony? Discourse, representation and the revenge(s) of the real, Yannis Stavrakakis; Generalised antagonism and political ontology in the debate between Laclau and Negri, Paul Rekret; A hegemony of the multitude: muddling the lines, Alexandros Kioupkiolis; The multitudinous moment(s) of the people: democratic agency disrupting established binarisms, Giorgos Katsambekis; Representation and political space in Laclau and Hardt and Negri, Andy Knott; Autonomy and hegemony in the squares: the 2011 protests in Greece and Spain, Marina Prentoulis and Lasse Thomassen; Index.

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Reviews:

‘People or Multitude, Hegemony or Autonomy, Laclau or Negri? This is the crucial dilemma the “age of resistance” we have entered poses to theory and politics. This sophisticated volume brings together some of the most interesting younger scholars to examine the many aspects of the dilemma. The alternatives are mapped in their full complexity and are backed with detailed empirical evidence from the movements in Spain, Greece and Occupy. This collection will become a classic in radical political philosophy.’
--Costas Douzinas, Birkbeck, University of London, UK

‘At a time when we have to make sense of the worldwide protests unfolding since 2011 this book comes at exactly the right moment. Intervening into the heated debates around the question of political representation and the necessity of constructing a new left wing hegemony, this book is a must-read for everyone interested in the topic of collective protest.’
--Oliver Marchart, Düsseldorf Art Academy, Germany"

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- by Giorgos Katsambekis and +1
  Alexandros Kioupkiolis
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- 22
  Social Movements, Post-Marxism, Slavoj Žižek, Antonio Negri

Neste artigo procuramos apresentar os elementos que possibilitam a constituição das identidades coletivas a partir de quatro conceitos fundamentais: a demanda, o significante vazio, a identificação e o gozo (la jouissance). Primeiro,... more

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- by Alexandre Starnino
- •
- 13
  Psychology, Jacques Lacan, Sigmund Freud, Freud and Lacan

Este trabajo es una aproximación a la historia política conceptual. El planteamiento central es que el estudio de lo político desde esta perspectiva exige transitar desde la historia de los conceptos políticos a la historia de los... more

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- by Edwin Cruz Rodríguez
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- 24
  History, Historiography, Theory of History, Michel Foucault

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- by David Rear and +1
  Alan Jones
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- 13
  Discourse Analysis, Policy Analysis/Policy Studies, Japanese Language And Culture, Political Science

Эрнесто Лаклау и Шантал Муфф. Гегемония и социалистическая стратегия: К радикальной демократической политике. Предисловие ко второму изданию / пер. с англ. Ивана Гололобова

Resumo: A sociedade brasileira tem vivenciado um intenso embate hegemônico sobre as concepções de gênero e sexualidade articuladas nas políticas públicas de currículo e formação docente. Grupos políticos e religiosos conservadores têm... more

Resumo: A sociedade brasileira tem vivenciado um intenso embate hegemônico sobre as concepções de gênero e sexualidade articuladas nas políticas públicas de currículo e formação docente. Grupos políticos e religiosos conservadores têm desenvolvido um ataque agressivo ao que denominam “ideologia de gênero” na educação. A partir de uma análise dos processos de formação dos discursos pela igualdade de gênero e diversidade sexual nas políticas educacionais brasileiras ao longo das últimas décadas e da emergência de discursos reativos (neo)conservadores no contexto atual, o texto busca discutir as condições de (im)possibilidade desse confronto hegemônico. A análise é desenvolvida em diálogo com os debates pós-estruturalistas no campo da educação e, em especial, com a Teoria Política do Discurso
de Laclau e Mouffe. O trabalho aponta que ambos os polos discursivos engajados no conflito atual são construções históricas contingentes e que o debate no campo da educação tem sido predominantemente realizado a partir do parâmetro comum das políticas de acomodação e
gestão estratégicas das diferenças.
Palavras-chave: currículo, formação docente, gênero.

Abstract: Brazilian society has been experiencing an intense hegemonic clash over the conceptions of gender and sexuality articulated in the public policies of curriculum and teacher training. Conservative political and religious groups have settled an aggressive attack on what
they call “gender ideology” in education. Analyzing the constitution of discourses promoting gender equality and sexual diversity in Brazilian educational policies over the last decades and the emergence of reactive (neo)conservative discourses in the current scenario, the text
seeks to discuss the conditions of (im)possibility of this hegemonic confrontation. The analysis is developed in dialogue with post-structuralist education theories, and especially with Laclau
and Mouffe’s Political Theory of Discourse. The paper points out that both the discursive poles engaged in the current conflict are contingent historical constructs, and that the debate in the field of education has been predominantly carried out from the common parameter of the
policies of accommodation and strategic management of differences.
Keywords: curriculum, teachers training, gender.

Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe

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