Authoritarian Personality

I provide a review of the authors' dissection of authoritarianism into its fundamental theoretical components. I recommend exploring connections between Alexis de Tocqueville and Theodor Adorno's late epistemologies and the concept of self-incurred tutelage as outlined by Immanuel Kant and Michel Foucault in future research.

What does the backlash against Critical Race Theory, the Capitol insurrection, Trumpism, Twitter, and neo-Nazis have in common? From Twitter to Capitol Hill:  Far-right Authoritarian Populist Discourses, Social Media, and Critical Pedagogy delves deep into conservative social media and far-right extremist platforms to understand the revival and proliferation of far-right authoritarian populist discourses after Trump’s ascent to power. After the January 6th Capitol insurrection and the role social media have played in normalizing and promoting far-right populist authoritarianism, there is a renewed interest to study digital discursive aggression. Inspired by Critical Theory, Panayota Gounari masterfully uses Critical Discourse Studies to analyze social media data and articulate a discursive, pedagogical and historical project.

In „The Authoritarian Personality“ von Theodor W. Adorno, Else Frenkel-Brunswik, Daniel J. Levinson und R. Nevitt Sanford waren Fragebögen- und Tiefeninterviews mit Gefangenen des kalifornisches Gefängnisses San Quentin eine wichtige empirische Grundlage für theoretische Interpretationen. „Kriminelle“ seien besonders autoritär eingestellt und damit der „recruiting ground for a fascist movement“. Die Rekonstruktion des methodologischen Vorgehens in San Quentin legt allerdings Mängel frei, die der für die Forschung verantwortliche William R. Morrow in Memoranden teilweise thematisiert hatte: Die Antworten der Gefangenen waren u. a. ihrer Zustimmung zur psychiatrischen Respektsperson in einer autoritären Situation und den Bedingungen einer hierarchisierten Häftlingsgesellschaft geschuldet. Der Beitrag geht der Frage nach, wie die Lebens- und Interviewsituation der Gefangenen deren Antworten inhaltlich beeinflusste, und fragt so nach der Anregung, die die Autoritarismus-Studien der Kritischen Theorie der heutigen kritischen Kriminologie bieten können.

The uploaded file is the author's uncorrected proof. The published version can be downloaded here: https://content-select.com/de/portal/media/view/6037c7e0-7ba0-4c4e-88ce-3b0eb0dd2d03

While leadership scholars increasingly acknowledge the influence of followers in the leadership process, less attention has been paid to their role in the destructive leadership process. Specifically, the current debate lacks a broad-based understanding of different susceptible follower types that synthesizes related research across academic domains. Expanding on Padilla, Hogan, and Kaiser's (2007) toxic triangle model of destructive leadership, we integrate research and theory across various academic literatures to derive a cohesive taxonomy of vulnerable followers that we call the susceptible circle. We describe the core characteristics of each follower type, drawing on Barbuto's (2000) theory of follower compliance to highlight the psychological processes that motivate each follower to comply with destructive leaders. We then conclude by discussing theoretical and practical implications, as well as avenues for future research.

Hannah Arendt stutzt. Sie sitzt im Jerusalemer Gerichtssaal und sieht den Mann, der gerade in den Glaskasten geführt wird – einen unscheinbaren, schmächtigen, behornbrillten Mann mit leicht zerzaustem, spärlichem Haar. Dieser Mann soll für die Ermordung von Millionen Juden mitverantwortlich sein? Hier erscheint kein Monster, sondern ein Spießer, ja ein Niemand – „ein Gespenst, das noch dazu Schnupfen hat und gleichsam von Minute zu Minute in seinem Glaskasten an Sub-stantialität verliert.“ (BJ, 471) Arendt ist irritiert und hat offenbar eine Erfahrung gemacht, denn man sieht es ihr am Gesicht an, dass Ihre Erwartungen enttäuscht wurden. Soweit eine Szene in Margarete von Trottas Film Hannah Arendt.
Ich kann nicht beurteilen, ob es sich so zugetragen hat. Allerdings wäre es zu-mindest verwunderlich, wenn, wie auch Elisabeth Young-Bruehl meint, „[d]er ‚leibhaftige‘ Eichmann“ Arendt etwas Neues „gelehrt“ hätte.  Es ist viel plausibler, anzunehmen, dass sie hier nur das sieht, was sie schon seit 20 Jahren zu wissen meint.  Denn das in Eichmann in Jerusalem etablierte Täterkonzept findet sich schon im Bild der Täter des modernen Verwaltungsmassenmordes, das Arendt seit 1945 gezeichnet hat. Dieses Täterbild ist aufs Engste mit Arendts Moderne-Verständnis verbunden, speziell mit dem schillernden Konzept einer „Herrschaft des Niemand“ bzw. dem, was man ihre Depersonalisierungsdiagnose nennen kann.
Im Folgenden werde ich dieser Diagnose nachgehen und fragen, ob es Arendt gelingt, das Besondere der Täter der Shoah damit zu fassen. Dabei möchte ich vorab Umrisse von Arendts Modernebegriff skizzieren, in dem bereits die Arbeit, das Interesse, das Man und die große Zahl als Momente anonymer Herrschaft auftauchen.
Im zweiten Teil wird dann die Totalitarismustheorie einbezogen, in der die Herrschaft des Niemand in drei miteinander verbundenen Bedeutungen als Ursache der Massenverbrechen des 20. Jahrhunderts begriffen wird. 1. Bürokratische Herrschaft als übergesetzliche „Herrschaft des Niemand“, die 2. im Namen eines „Nie-mandsland[es] übermenschlicher Kräfte“ (E, 743) ausgeübt wird und 3. „das größte […] Böse“ bewirkt, „das von Niemanden begangen wurde, das heißt, von menschlichen Wesen, die sich weigern, Personen zu sein.“ (ÜB, 101). Die Idee der Niemandsherrschaft wird sich damit auch als Grundlage für die berühmte „Banalität des Bösen“ erweisen, die Arendt Eichmann attestiert.

This essay outlines the characteristics of what I call the ‘totalitarian mindset’. Under certain circumstances, human beings engage in patterns of thinking and behavior that are extremely closed and intolerant of difference and pluralism. These patterns of thinking and behaving lead us towards totalitarian, anti-pluralistic futures. An awareness of how these patterns arise, how individuals and groups can be manipulated through the use of fear, and how totalitarianism plays into the desire in human beings for ‘absolute’ answers and solutions, can be helpful in preventing attempts at manipulation and from the dangers of actively wanting to succumb to totalitarian, simplistic, black-and-white solutions in times of stress and anxiety. I present a broad outline of an agenda for education for a pluralistic future. The lived experience of pluralism is still largely unfamiliar and anxiety inducing, and that the phenomenon is generally not understood, with many myths of purity and racial or cultural superiority still prevalent. Finally, as part of that agenda for education, I stress the importance of creativity as an adaptive capacity, an attitude that allows us to see pluralism as an opportunity for growth and positive change rather than simply conflict.

This is an extended review essay on "The Politics of Unreason: The Frankfurt School and the Origins of Modern Antisemitism" by Lars Rensmann (2017), the new Verso edition of "The Authoritarian Personality" by Theodor W. Adorno et al. (2019), and "Aspekte des neuen Rechtsradikalismus" by Theodor W. Adorno (2019). It principally reconstructs psychoanalytic conceptions of the authoritarian or potentially fascist subject that ground the Frankfurt School's empirical and theoretical studies from the 1930s to the 1950s. It assesses Rensmann's overall theory of antisemitism and criticizes it for being overly concerned with the specificity of antisemitism and Jews, which unfortunately closes off close psychological, sociological, and historical links between antisemitism and other forms of racism and othering that the Frankfurt School illuminated in their studies conducted in exile in America. It also goes further than Rensmann's book in contrasting Horkheimer and Adorno's influential theory of antisemitism as "false projection" with alternate theories of their time offered by Jean-Paul Sartre and Hannah Arendt. The essay concludes that other cultural approaches to antisemitism like that of David Nirenberg, who is more sympathetic to Horkheimer and Adorno than Rensmann, are ultimately more compelling.

Concerns over the rise of fascism have been preoccupied with the Trump presidency and the Brexit vote in the UK, yet, globally, we are witnessing a turn towards anti-democratic and illiberal forces.

From the tragic denouement of the Egyptian Revolution to the consolidation of the so-called Gujarat Model in India under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the consolidation of the power of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, to the recent election of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, fascist ideology, aesthetics and fascist personalities appear across the globe.

Spectres of Fascism makes a significant contribution to the unfolding discussion on whether what we are witnessing today is best understood as a return to classic twentieth-century ‘fascism,’ or some species of what has been called ‘post-fascism.’ Applying a uniquely global perspective, it combines analyses of historical contexts, theoretical approaches and contemporary geopolitics.

In the past 30 years there have been dramatic changes in the discourse and practices of creativity has changed dramatically. New transdisciplinary perspectives are providing a more complex view of creativity that is not limited to individual genius. I explore some of the historical assumptions about creativity and the implications of an emerging view that sees creativity not as a marginal phenomenon but as the very heart of existence.

Institut für Praxis der Philosophie e.V. (IPPh)
Symposium: Der Mensch in unserer Zeit

3.1.22           
14.30-15.30 Vorstellung
15.30-16.30 1. Vortrag Gernot Böhme: Gut Mensch sein.
16.30-17.00 Kaffeepause
17.00-18.00 2. Vortrag Christoph Rehmann: Leben als Prozess und Ereignis: Deutungsmuster des Ephemeren
18.00-19.00 3. Vortrag Fabian Heubel: Wer seine Helle kennt, sich in sein Dunkel hüllt. Das Kapitel 28 des Laozi (Laotse) transkulturell gelesen

4.1.22
9.00-10.00 4. Vortrag Philipp Thomas:  Nichtintentionale Vernunft und philosophisch-ethische Bil-dung.
10.00-11.00 5. Vortrag Ute Gahlings: Else Voigtländer über sexuelle Differenz - eine Gendertheorie im frühen 20. Jahrhundert?
11.00-11.30 Kaffeepause
11.30-12.30 6. Vortrag Alexandra Manzei: Geschlecht als individuelle Konstruktion? Eine sozialtheo-retische Kritik geschlechtlicher Subjektivität in der entgrenzten Moderne.
12.30-13.30 Imbiß
13.30-14.30 7. Vortrag Dieter Mersch: Künstliche Intelligenz und Kreativität
14.30.-15.30 8. Vortrag. Gregor Schiemann: Transparente Entzauberung. Die Sinnfreiheit und Durchsichtigkeit der wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnis"

Ort: Literaturhaus, Kasinostr. 3, 64293 Darmstadt

Rev. Shaji George Kochuthara invited Aaron Milavec to present a guest lecture at his four-day International Conference, "Vatican II, the Papacy, and Freedom of Religious Inquiry - Inflicting Pain in order to Impose 'Orthodoxy,'" Revisiting Vatican II: 50 Years of Renewal (Bangalore, Dharmaram Vidya Kshetram, Bangalore, India 560029, 02 Feb 2013). 

This paper was expanded and later published as “Collegiality Versus Papal Absolutism Following Vatican II,” Revisiting Vatican II: 50 Years of Renewal, Vol. II, ed. Shaji George Kochuthara, Bangalore: Dharmaram Publications, 2015, 138-154.

2., durchgesehene Auflage 2022

Eine Theorie der Faschisierung des Subjekts steht nach wie vor aus. Emanuel Kapfinger entwickelt eine solche in der Kritik von Heideggers »Freiheit zum Tode« in seinem Hauptwerk Sein und Zeit. Im Zuge dessen beantwortet er auch die Frage, was eine faschistische Philosophie ist. Er weist nach, dass die Theorie des autoritären Charakters die zentralen Phänomene des Faschismus – namentlich den Vernichtungswillen – nicht fassen kann und stützt sich dabei auf die Dialektik der Aufklärung. Schließlich versucht Kapfinger, in Reflexion dieser Analysen, ein allgemeines dialektisches Modell von Faschisierung zu skizzieren. Durch diese Verallgemeinerung trägt er auch zur Einschätzung des heutigen Rechtsextremismus bei.

Mit einem Vorwort von Micha Brumlik

This article questions the theoretical background to Jean-Paul Sartre’s thesis, formulated in Anti-Semite and Jew, that antisemitism is “a free and total choice of oneself” by arguing against interpretations that emphasize the everyday meaning of the words “choice” and “responsibility”, which leads some to invoke Sartre as a key witness for the total responsibility of actors for their antisemitic attitudes. On the contrary, this article argues that antisemitism, if one takes Sartre’s decisionist theory of freedom seriously, mutates into a blind, inexplicable, and incomprehensible fate, and that the alleged total responsibility for antisemitism as a mode of “bad faith” (mauvaise foi) turns into total unfreedom.

In this book, Timothy Snyder (Professor of History at Yale University) shows how the rhetoric of US President Donald J. Trump channels the propaganda of the infamous dictators of the twentieth century.  Snyder is an expert on twentieth-century totalitarianism and has written several scholarly books about that subject.

The currently changing political landscape in Europe and the United
States gives rise to the question of what the tasks of Bildung are right now. Are the
humanities able to engender a conversation about the deep divisions between
liberals, conservatives, and even anti-liberals? Do they have the wisdom to reach
out equally to Obama voters with progressive values, to conservatives who
believe strongly in family, the nation, and God, and to supporters of populist
parties with strong anti-liberal tendencies? The article addresses these questions
by arguing for a political Bildungsroman and scrutinizing political subjectivity as
meticulously as Freud interpreted dreams in psychoanalysis.

Actualmente existe un amplio consenso respecto a la conceptualización del fenómeno del autoritarismo en los términos propuestos por Altemeyer (1981, 1996), como la covariación de tres conglomerados actitudinales: la agresión autoritaria, la sumisión autoritaria y el convencionalismo. Estudios recientes indican una inconsistencia entre esa propuesta teórica para definir al constructo y su correlato empírico, dado que si el autoritarismo se compone de tres dimensiones diferenciadas, resulta contradictorio que la escala RWA original sea unidimensional. El objetivo principal de este trabajo fue explorar la dimensionalidad de la escala RWA en el contexto argentino. Se trabajó con una muestra compuesta por 449 estudiantes universitarios (36,2% hombres y 63,8% mujeres). El rango etario de los participantes fue de 18 a 42 años. Los resultados principales indican propiedades psicométricas adecuadas para una escala bidimensional, compuesta por los conglomerados Agresión y Sumisión autoritaria por un lado y Convencionalismo por otro. A partir de estos resultados y en convergencia con estudios previos, se concluye que es necesario revisar la conceptualización teórica del autoritarismo.

SE PRESENTA UN CASO DE ANÁLISIS INSTITUCIONAL ANTE UNA DEMANDA URGENTE, QUE SE HIZO MEDIANTE LA TÉCNICA DE H.S. FOULKES DE GRUPOS CHICOS Y GRUPOS GRANDES, CON PARTICULAR ÉNFASIS EN ELEJE TRASFERENCIAL GRUPAL Y LA CONTRATRANSFERENCIA DEL EQUIPO DE PSICOANALISTAS IMPLICADOS.

This chapter argues that one key legacy of the US effort to bring democracy to Iraq has been that many elements within Iraq’s Shia Arab political elite have viewed democracy through the lens of a cynical majoritarianism and manipulated it to catapult themselves to power. This has had a further legacy, enabling the democratically elected government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to utilise his incumbency to maintain the veneer of democracy while becoming increasingly dictatorial and authoritarian. Although Maliki has been widely criticised for deploying a host of authoritarian strategies to retain power – including blatant sectarianism, undermining key state institutions, the creation of a shadow state loyal to himself, and the concentration of military and political power in his own hands – this chapter focuses on his less well-known efforts to shatter the unity of his Shia Arab political opponents. It focuses on his first two terms in power and examines the ways in which he has been able to systematically fracture the Shia political elite to such an extent that once tenuously united factions now stand bitterly divided. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the reasoning behind such an approach and the prospects of Iraq’s democracy moving beyond the blatant power grab of the Maliki government.

Il presente file, titolo: Republicanismvs Geopoliticvs Fontes Origenes et Via, contiene testi e link di Massimo Morigi sull’estetizzazione della politica e sul ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’. Il ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’ è una dottrina politologica e filosofico-politica elaborata negli ultimi anni dall’ autore  in cui i sette paper copia-incollati nelle  pagine di questo file costituiscono l’elaborazione storico-filosofica che ha portato all’elaborazione finale del ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’,  di cui si potrà prendere visione cliccando nei link posti nella parte finale del file al termine dei sette paper copia-incollati nel file. In questi precedenti paper era stato messo a fuoco, fra le altre cose,  un nuovo tipo di repubblicanesimo profondamente debitore delle suggestioni dell’estetizzazione della politica, con le sue luci delle avanguardie artistiche e con le sue terribili ombre dei regimi totalitari, così come si era manifestata nel corso del Novecento (il numero della nota a piè di pagina che all’inizio di ogni nuovo paper non riparte da 1 ma aggiunge 1 all’ultimo numero di nota del precedente paper pur essendo dovuto ad un automatismo del copia-incolla è, se vogliamo, anche un accidente altamente simbolico del filo rosso, fra riflessioni sul repubblicanesimo e sulla estetizzazione della politica, che attraversa tutti questi interventi). Il ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’ raccoglie queste suggestioni ed intende innestarle nel tronco della tradizione realista della Geopolitica. Un realismo politico quello del ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’ che però, rinnovato dalla scuola costruttivista delle relazioni internazionali (Alexander Wendt), pone in primo piano una spazialità non solo geografica  ma anche di natura mentale, rappresentativa e culturale (in fondo la moderna noopolitik non è che una riscrittura postmoderna dell’estetizzazione della politica novecentesca)  e che, proprio perché strettamente vincolato in senso machiavelliano all’effettualità, rifiuta con irrisione tutte le ingenue, quando non interessate, visioni  liberal-neopositivistiche alla Popper e si riallaccia direttamente ai grandi pensatori dialettici Hegel e Marx (da questo punto di vista, il ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’ si distacca drasticamente da tutte le vulgate neomarxiste: in primo luogo perché integralmente dialettico, in secondo luogo perché non cerca surrogati salvifici alla classe operaia ma individua, sulla scia di Gianfranco La Grassa, negli agenti strategici interni ed internazionali gli autentici operatori dell’evoluzione delle società capitalistiche – ma a differenza della versione lagrassiana del marxismo, il ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’ si tiene ben stretta, ed intende sviluppare, la visione dialettica hegelo-marxiana della realtà). Possiamo così affermare che generare una profonda dialettica fra realismo politico e le mai sopite pulsioni verso l’estetizzazione della politica (impresa alla quale fu dedicata la vita del più grande rappresentante della filosofia politica del Novecento, Hannah Arendt, alla quale però fece sempre velo la sua formazione kantiana) sia il compito che si prefigge il ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’. Un repubblicanesimo, quello geopolitico, che ha pertanto definitivamente abbandonato una visione della libertà intesa come non dominio che ha segnato – ed estenuato – le ormai  vecchie ed attardate  vulgate del neorepubblicaneismo e che è invece fermamente indirizzato alla realizzazione di una autentica, profonda ed intima Vita Activa.

Massimo Morigi – Ravenna, 8 ottobre 2014

This essay discusses new formations of authoritarianism emerging globally and how they are uniting older blocs of power into a new form which i name narcissistic  authoritarian statism. I am interested in this as a hegemonic bloc vis-a-vis the role of contemporary visual arts, in mimicking them, but most importantly creating counter-hegemonic power blocs that propose a redistribution of power. It is a note on the current rise of alt-right and Neo-fascists schemes of power that are to be seen not only in regimes but also liberal democracies. The first part of the essay is exploring an axis of ego and eco state narcissistic authoritarian statism.

"Seeking for speculative induction: Philosophy and empirical research according to Adorno and Horkheimer": It became a current opinion among several critics that Adorno and Horkheimer had abandoned the original proposal of the Institute for Social Research, of mediating empirical social sciences and the philosophy when they began to write the "Dialectic of Enlightenment". From that time on, according to their critics, both thinkers have devoted themselves to a philosophical and radical critique of Western modern culture always more disconnected from empirical reality's knowledge, although the Institute went on - under external demands - researching about social issues without any evident mediation with the theoretical part of their work. This article intends to show in which measure the empirical research did by Adorno and Horkheimer in the forties and fifties can be (and ought to be) understood in connection with their philosophical positions and that the apparent lack of mediation is indebted more to a failure of interpretation than to something inscribed in philosophing's style of the so called "Critical Theory" itself.

In this paper we argue that recent research on the emergent Tea Party has failed to pay attention to the important theoretical insights that can be gleaned from The Authoritarian Personality (Adorno et al. 1950). As supporters and critics of the Tea Party vent their accusations of the other side’s “racism,” while analysts try to understand a movement many cannot relate to, the theoretical perspective of authoritarianism provides a useful analytic tool that helps us understand the emergence of racialized sentiments that had previously remained latent. We emphasize the significance of reification in this process, drawing attention to social conditions where preexisting latent prejudice converts into manifest prejudice. Regression analyses support the theories of Adorno and his colleagues, indicating a strong correlation between authoritarianism and racism. Results also indicate that while economic threat does have an influence on manifest racial attitudes, it is mediated through an un...

"What Race Defaced does phenomenally well is delineate the inability of capitalism (especially its ‘kinder, gentler’ neoliberal incarnation) to deliver upon any meaningful form of human equality – especially since racial thinking was introduced to bolster the system – as well as the inability of current thinkers to engage with humanity in the name of the future, to imagine a better world
which we might achieve, to advance a vision independent of the anti-emancipatory paradigms of pessimism that are the standard currency. Ever a ‘hopeful subject’, one can anticipate this volume
producing a new critical turn, a critical return to the classical role of philosophers, which is not simply to outline the problems of the present order, but also to provide a feasible means by which we – all of us, together – might achieve the good life."

This two-part essay discusses new formations of authoritarianism emerging globally and how they are uniting older blocs of power into a new form which i name narcissistic  authoritarian statism. For this second part, I am focusing on the manifestations of violence that are apparent in a slow and fast axis, and juxtaposing artistic practices that are counter-acting this violence.

This paper reports on stable (or invariant) properties of human interaction networks , with benchmarks derived from public email lists. Activity, recognized through messages sent, along time and topology were observed in snapshots in a timeline, and at different scales. Our analysis shows that activity is practically the same for all networks across timescales ranging from seconds to months. The principal components of the participants in the topological metrics space remain practically unchanged as different sets of messages are considered. The activity of participants follows the expected scale-free trace, thus yielding the hub, intermediary and peripheral classes of vertices by comparison against the Erdös-Rényi model. The relative sizes of these three sectors are essentially the same for all email lists and the same along time. Typically, < 15% of the vertices are hubs, 15-45% are intermediary and > 45% are peripheral vertices. Similar results for the distribution of participants in the three sectors and for the relative importance of the topological metrics were obtained for 12 additional networks from Facebook, Twitter and ParticipaBR. These properties are consistent with the literature and may be general for human interaction networks, which has important implications for establishing a typology of participants based on quantitative criteria.

Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit gegenwärtigen Erscheinungen des Rechtspopulismus in Deutschland und den USA mit ihren fließenden Übergängen zu rechtsextremistischen Gruppen und Bewegungen. Er arbeitet die Destruktivität entsprechender Parteien und Strömungen heraus, die sich in einer aggressiven Ablehnung von Minderheiten und Flüchtlingen ebenso äußert wie in der Zerstörung demokratischer Institutionen und Verfahren. Diese destruktiven Tendenzen werden auf ein Gefühl der Kränkung und des Betrogenwerdens zurückgeführt, die auf sozialstrukturelle Verwerfungen verweisen, aber auch auf Vorstellungen einer ethnischen Suprematie beruhen, aus der angebliche Vorrechte für die Eigengruppe abgeleitet werden.

This essay deals with current manifestations of right-wing populism in Germany and the US along with their fluid transitions to right-wing extremist groups and movements. It highlights the destructiveness of corresponding parties and their social bases, which expresses itself in an aggressive rejection of minorities and refugees as well as in attacks on democratic institutions and procedures. The paper attributes these destructive tendencies to a sense of grievance and betrayal, which refers to social-structural distortions, but is also rooted in ideas of ethnic supremacy, from which alleged privileges for one’s own group are derived.

Rezensionsessay zu: Theodor W. Adorno (2019): Bemerkungen zu ‚The Authoritarian Personality‘ und weitere Texte. Herausgegeben von Eva-Maria Ziege. Berlin: suhrkamp taschenbuch wissenschaft. ISBN 978-3-518- 29900-5, € 18,00.

Rohfassung, erscheint in Zyklos 6. Jahrbuch für Theorie und Geschichte der Soziologie. Herausgeber: Endress, Martin/Moebius, Stephan.