Dictatorships

While the canonical literature on oil wealth suggests that hydrocarbon windfalls encourage repressive despotism, Kuwait provides a case of an oil-rich autocracy governing instead through popular rentierism-that is, through a broad coalition of social forces, one that furnishes enduring loyalty from below while constraining abuses of state power from above. This paper provides a theoretically guided explanation for this exceptional outcome. I argue that the Kuwaiti regime's coalitional bargains originated in the pre-oil era, when domestic opposition and geopolitical constrictions compelled it to forge new social alliances at the dawn of modern statehood. This inclusionary strategy mediated the subsequent effect of oil rents, which the regime used to institutionalize its mass base with costly material and symbolic side payments. Such popular incorporation bound large constituent classes to the regime's survival, precluding the need for widespread repression. After 50 years, these coalitional bargains have also proven remarkably resilient, as social actors have continued to endorse the autocratic leadership despite economic crisis and wartime defeat.

Hitler, bir süre sonra kendisini doğuran II Wilhelm'i zehirletip Führer oldu. Meclisi yaktı, başkan oldu. Orduyu korkuttu. Kontrol bitti ve yıkımı kimse engelleyemedi. Allah, Malikül Mülk'tür. Gasp ettiğiniz mülk sizin değil, Allah'ın mülkü. Öğrendiğiniz ilim Allah'ın, Alimdir, Allemdir. İddianız nedir? Nietzsche öldü, Tanrı ölmedi. Hitler ve Stalin, 65 milyon insanın ölümüne yol açtı. Almanya 2 defa yıkıldı. Nietzsche: Despotluğun sonu ölümdür. Ölümlerin vebalidir. Erdoğan ile yol açılan skandal global ölçekli. Nietzsche, Mistik ve Sufi geleneğe hakimdi, transcendence ile insanların süper insan olabildiğini biliyordu. O halde Hitler neye lazımdı? Her birey ayrı bir dünyadır ve bir Tiran’ın kölesi olmayı ebedi ruhlar kabul edemez. İsyan çıkacaktır.
Nietzsche'nin çözüm önerilerinden biri şuydu. Yüksek İnsan. Bu maddi değildi, maneviydi. İdeolojileri çöpe atmış, özgür insan kazanacaktır, insanlık ölmedi, mertlik ölmedi. Hizmet camiası bunu ispatlıyor. Erenler sabırlarıyla isyan etmeyerek zalimlere en büyük dersi veriyor. Yaptıkları zulümler, ölümler ve yıkımlarla Stalin ve Hitler, Nietzsche'yi haklı çıkardı. Bu firavunlar insanların inançlarını yok etti. Erdoğan kadar insanları münafıklığa ve dinsizliğe sevk eden ikinci bir Süfyan tarihte olmadığı için Büyük Süfyan diyorum. Ahirzamandaki Deccal.
Nietzsche, Kral II Wilhelm'in Hitler'i doğuracağını gördü. Bizde Erdoğan Hitlerini Çevik Bir doğurdu ama görmek istemiyor AKPli domuzlar! Çıkarlarına göre yontuyorlar herşeyi. İslam davaları yok, Allahları yok, imanları gösteriş budalalığından ibaret. İç savaşı kim kazanır diye soruyorlar. Nietzsche'ye göre siz toplum olarak TSK içinde toptan kaybetmişsiniz bunca domuzluklara susarak. Dilsiz şeytan oldunuz. Tüm maskaralıklar sergilenirken,  Askeri Vesayet, ÖKK yapısını Türkiye geneline yaydı ve sayısı 40 bine çıktı. TSK'nın dindarlarını 15 Temmuz tiyatrosuyla domuzca kesti. Ordu da olan budur. Profesyonel ordu için zaten orduda personel sayısını azaltacaklardı, piyongo dindar insanlara vurdu ve Peygamber Ocağı kesildi, doğrandı. Öte yandan Özel Harp Komutanlığı aşırı büyütüldü ve darbenin merkezi oldu. ÖKK Başkanı Zekai Aksakallı bu nedenle mahkemeden kaçırılıyor ve soru sorulmasına izin verilmiyor.
Erdoğan eğer yaptığı hırsızlıklar ve tekfirci teröründe tek olsaydı, çoktan Askeri Vesayet onu yakalardı. Ancak polisleri hapse attılar! IŞİD’i yazan gazeteciler hapiste, 180 medya organı kapatıldı. 9 bin akademisyen işinde edildi. Hakimler ve savcılardan teröre karşı olanlar safdışı bırakıldı, meslekten ihraç edildi. Bunca domuzlukları cemaatcı yaftası ile örtüyorlar. Açığa alınan 140 general çıkıpta F.. ci değiliz açıkca demiyor, diyenleri de dinleyen yok. Toplum öylesine hipnoz ve uyuşmuş halde ki Melih Gökçek ve Kadir Topbaş'ın neden MİT baronlarına hemen 1 milyar dolar verdiğini sormuyor, sorgulamıyor. Yazacak gazeteci ve akademisyen kalmadı, yazsa bile okuyucuya sesleri ulaşmıyor. Sis perdesi kaldırılmıyor. Sosyolog olarak Nietzsche uzmanlık alanlarımdandır. Neden sevdiğimi anladım. Tüm teorileri bana uyuyor. Askeri Vesayet sizleri kandırdı ve bunları yazmak ilmimin borcudur. Yazmazsam uyuyamam.
Nietzsche neden Tanrı öldü yazdı mezarına biliyor musunuz? Bu askeri despotların domuzluklarını gördü, sivil kuklayla oynanan oyunları da! Aynı senaryo devrede. Sonunda Nietzsche gibi davranmaya karar verdim. Çaldıklarını geri vermeyecekler, zira kullanan Askeri Vesayet hiç bu kadar güçlenmemişti. AKPli çakallar askeri darbeyi durdurduk diye kendilerini aldatıyor veya böyle avunmak işlerine geliyor. Uzun süre bunu topluma duyurup duyurmamak için kendimle savaştım. Erdoğan ve Karargah, 15 Temmuz'u neden beraber organize etti sandınız? Haramilikte terörde ortak olmasalar ülkemizde bunlar hapiste olurlardı. King Kong haline getirilen Erdoğan ile sizden gizlenen gerçek, yobazca dini istismar edilerek sizden çalınanların askeriyede kullanıldığını saklıyorlar. Bu vatanperverlik mi, değil mi? Bazılarına göre vatanseverlik. Bazılarına göre masum insanlara yapılan zulümle kanla iktidar hayvanlık.
Nietzsche, Alman gazeteci ve düşünür olarak tüm ideolojileri çöpe atmayı topluma önerdi. Aksi halde dünya savaşlarında hepsi öleceklerdi. Öyle de oldu zaten. Nietzsche, Hitler'in doğuşuna giden faşizmin yanında aşırı fonlanan Askeri yapılanmaya Militar despotizm adını verdi. Canavar doğurmuştu! Nietzsche, daha Hitler ve Stalin ortada yok iken, Alman askeri yapılanmasının dünya savaşlarına yol açacağını ve yıkım yaşanacağını gördü. Öngörülerinin hepsi doğru çıktı. Almanlar toptan battılar. Amerikan kölesi oldular 1944 sonrası. Karargah ve Erdoğan anlaşmalı olarak Military Totaliter State yapısını Başkanlıkla kuruyorlar. Büyük tiyatro çevrildi, rüyadasınız Hitler efendiler. SS’leriniz ÖKK elemanları oldu. Akeşkiyalarla tolumu korkuyup sindirip tüm günahları ve veballeri kin ve nefreti onlara yönlendirdiniz. Cemaatı günah keçisi yapı şeytanlaştırdınız. Asılşeytanar sizlersiniz. Erdoğan, siyasi ve dini rakibimi yok ediyorum diye zaten 50 yıldır kin ve nefret duyduğu Hizmet’i bitirmeyi gönüllü üstlendi. Buna Nazi Fascism and the Modern Totalitarian State deniyor... Friedrich Nietzsche'nin Military Totalitarianism teorisi, 1. ve 2. Dünya savaşlarındaki ölümler ve yıkımlarla net anlaşılmıştı.
Rus tipi diktatörlük Askeri Vesayet projesi!
Kim Allah’a ve Peygamber’e itaat ederse; işte onlar Peygamberlerle, sıddıklarla, Şehidlerle, sâlihlerle beraberdirler. (Nisâ: 69)
ALTIN SÖZ: “Öyle hâdiseler olur ki, onları mücerret imanla aşmak mümkün olamayabilir. İşte o zaman kadere rıza kurtarıcı bir simit olur" Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi.
Adaletsizliğe şahit olup göz yuman insanlar birgün haysiyetini kaybetmeye mahkumdur. Cemaatin tek suçu bu milletin mafya, harami ve sapık seviciliğini unutarak tekrar ilim, bilim,sanat,sevgi ve hoşgürüyü hatırlatmasıdır. Bir fert bile hakkını helâl etmezse katiyen Cennet'e giremezler... "Öküz Tahta çıkarsa kral olmaz ama ülke ahıra döner." Hâkim olan yalnızca Allah'tır. Eğer bu millet aklını başına alıp bu oyunu bozmazsa, Türkiye'de rejim değişecek ve ülke geriye dönüşü olmayan bir kaosun içine atılacak. 15 temmuzla -Gerçek darbeciler KHK gibi kanunlarla ülkeyi esir aldı. Kendini milletine adamış vatan evlatlarına iftirayla kumpas kurup tutuklamak istediler ama bu kumpas çökecektir. Allah'ım(cc) Hizmetimize zarar vermek isteyenler kim ise onları Sana(cc) havale ediyoruz. Tanzanya'ya Türk okullarının kapatılması karşılığında 400 km demir yolu sözü vermiş. Hayatı rüşvet ve şantaj etrafında dönüyor. Gülen Hocaefendi gibi kâmil insanların hayatları, hep hürriyet mücadelesi ile geçmiştir.
Her geçen saniye sabrediyorum... Ama o günü de bekliyorum... Yaktığınız yerden de cayır cayır yanasınız diyede Rabbime duâ ediyorum...

Under the Bush administration, the US has aggressively promoted democracy in the Middle East and North Africa.  By replacing repressive tyrants with moderate liberals and giving voice to hitherto suppressed social forces, US-backed democratization would drain the swamp of ideological extremism and reduce violent conflict, all while underscoring the role of America as a moral beacon of international enlightenment.  However, as this chapter argues, the project of encouraging Arab democracy faltered under a devastating self-contradiction. Democratization requires that autocratic incumbents surrender their monopolies over executive authority to legal opposition groups ensconced in parliaments and civic institutions. Yet, in the Arab world, this would likely bring into power Islamist groups that evoke fierce hostility toward Washington’s vital strategic interests. An Arab spring of democracy might thus result in a winter of discontent for U.S. policymakers bound by stringent imperatives, such as sponsoring Israeli policies and securing regional oil reserves. Such dissonance has exposed American democracy promotion as an ideological cloak for a darker agenda: paying lip service to gradual reform while quietly sustaining long-standing support for  autocratic allies. The theoretical lesson is stark: observers should expect not the imminent breakdown or even the slow erosion of Arab authoritarianism, but rather its renewed durability in an era of continuing patron-client ties.

Jie-Hyun Lim: Rezension zu: De Baets, Antoon: Crimes against History London  2018. ISBN 978-1138574229, in: Connections. A Journal for Historians and Area Specialists, 17.07.2020, <www.connections.clio-online.net/publicationreview/id/reb-28422>.

Esse artigo propõe-se a analisar o filme "Operação Cajueiro – Um carnaval de torturas" (2014). A partir disso, busca apresentar argumentos que evidenciem o papel da obra na fixação de uma contranarrativa que tensiona a versão estatal construída à época da operação militar, resgatada recentemente, e contribui na disputa pela formação de uma memória coletiva sobre o período de ditadura militar no Brasil e em Sergipe. Para tanto, realizou-se análise fílmica e pesquisa bibliográfica. Por fim, constatou-se que este documentário expressa o tema em consonância com o conhecimento historiográfico disponível, resgata memórias subterrâneas e é mais um instrumento apto a propiciar a reestruturação da memória coletiva, ao expor uma narrativa que contrasta com o discurso estatal do período ditatorial.

OPEN LETTER TO PM MODI
SIR, YOU RESPECT DIVERSITY BUT RSS MOURNS IT, WHOM DO WE BELIEVE?
My Dear Prime Minister Modi ji,
Namaskar.
It is heartening to note that you as PM of our democratic-secular state have underlined the great diversities in the Indian nation which needed to be celebrated. While addressing a conference on 'Islamic Heritage: Promoting Understanding and Moderation' in the presence of the King of Jordan, Abdullah II in Delhi on March 1, 2018 you were kind enough to declare that India's democracy was "a celebration of our age-old plurality" recalling that "religions and beliefs from all over the world" flourished in the country. It was great to hear you to commit that "We Indians are proud of our diversity." While specially addressing the Muslim youth of India you were kind enough to advise them to hold Quran in one hand and computer in the other for an all-inclusive progress and welfare. However, I would beg to say that this call for Quran or any other scripture in one hand is a risky proposition. The US taught Afghan youth Quran in one hand and AK47 in other hand and what price Afghan Muslims paid for it is well known.
Read the whole letter....

Based on documents recently declassified by the Brazilian Truth Commission, this article investigates the economic and diplomatic relations between Brazil and Chile during the last years of Salvador Allende’s government and the first days of the Chilean military dictatorship. Despite the common sense notion that the United Stated was the one and only supporter of the Chilean September 11, the Brazilian influence was also instrumental to the overthrowing of Allende and to the confirmation of a military dictatorship in Chile. This article looks at two central figures of this process : the Brazilian Ministry of Planning, Roberto Campos, and the Brazilian Ambassador in Santiago, Antonio da Câmara Canto. One of the most influential Brazilian economists, Campos disagreed with the state-based policies that characterized the Brazilian military regime. Instead of nationalization and price control, Campos believed in the strength of the free market and private institutions, a perspective similar to the one implemented by the Chicago Boys in Chile. Câmara Canto’s anti-communist ideas were central to his fight against the Allende regime and support to the dictatorship. These two figures are part of a much larger influence that, 40 years after the Chilean coup, begins to be investigated.

Vào những thập niên cuối thế kỷ XX, sự phát triển thành công ngoạn mục trong các lĩnh vục đời sống xã hội của các nước và vùng lãnh thổ Đông Á như Nhật Bản, Hàn Quốc, Singapore, Đài Loan, Hồng Kông, và ở chừng mực thấp hơn như Malaysia, Thái Lan, đã lôi cuốn sự chú ý của giới nghiên cứu và bình luận chính trị - xã hội. Một thực tế khó phủ nhận là, giai đoạn phát triển cao (thành công của công nghiệp hóa - hiện đại hóa đất nước), trừ Nhật Bản, đều gắn liền với một cấu trúc chính trị tập trung quyền lực cao độ trong tay một cá nhân hay một nhóm cá nhân, mà giới khoa học gọi là Chế độ độc tài. Thông thường, người ta quan niệm “Độc tài” đối lập với “Dân chủ”, đối lập với “Phản tiến bộ”, “Phản phát triển”, tức một hình thái chính trị gắn liền với phá hủy, tàn bạo và tội ác! Với cách đặt vấn đề như vậy, người viết cho rằng, từ thực tiễn Hàn Quốc, rất cần thiết nhìn nhận một cách nghiêm túc, khách quan và khoa học các căn nguyên của các chế độ độc tài như nguồn gốc, đặc trưng, vị trí lịch sử và vai trò của nó trong phát triển. Tác giả tập trung hai vần đề:
Xuất hiện chế độ độc tài ở Hàn Quốc - sự lựa chọn tất yếu mô hình quản lý xã hội tập trung quyền lực?
Chế độ độc tài Park Chung-hee với tiến trình hiện đại hóa đất nước - thành công và bi kịch.

Presentamos a continuación, dos significativas Resoluciones del Ministerio de Educación y Cultura (MEC), de la República del Paraguay. Las mismas fueron halladas entre una gran cantidad de documentaciones que datan de mediados de 1940 a fines de 1980, en el Departamento de Archivo del mencionado ministerio. Allí, los documentos se hallan en condiciones inadecuadas e insalubres, se mantienen sin ningún método de conservación, además aún no han sido digitalizados. La mayoría de ellos están en hojas sueltas, dentro de carpetas, expuestos al rápido deterioro y al extravío. Tras un primer repaso de los mismos, nos topamos con que sus contenidos eran mayormente administrativos (compraventas, licitaciones, concursos, nombramientos, permisos y retiros, etc.). Sin embargo, hemos podido encontrar importantes fuentes que revelan la ideología aplicada en aquel entonces y sustentan esta primera caracterización de la Educación en tiempos de Stroessner. La primera es la Resolución No. 74 del 16 de Mayo de 1956: "Por la cual se autoriza el funcionamiento de una Escuela Particular en Paraguarí con el nombre de "Presidente Alfredo Stroessner". Paradójicamente, es un Cura Párroco el que solicita que una escuela parroquial particular lleve el nombre del Dictador. El ejercicio del Derecho a la Educación es condicionado por el requisito previo congraciarse con el régimen stronista y más aún directamente con el ego del caudillo, he allí la causa de la elección del nombre de esta Escuela. La noción de "derecho" es desplazada por la de "privilegio" concedido por el Dictador. La burocracia aparece como un aparato depurador de las iniciativas que no sean consecuentes con el régimen imperante. El Stronismo se caracterizó por su patrimonialismo, fundando desde ciudades (Res. 2479/71, 24479/72), hasta instituciones educativas con su nombre (Res. 17361/71, 18386/71, 20200/71, 21496/71, 3980/74), e incluso con el de su madre (Res. 559 de 1969), de su esposa (Res. 25139/72, 13895/75), y todo aquel que se destaque por su lealtad para con el Dictador (Res. 5 de 1971). La "res publica" era administrada como patrimonio privado, según los antojos del Jefe, beneficiándose a sí mismo y a sus privilegiados. Si las escuelas públicas eran nombradas como propiedad del Dictador públicamente y con alevosía, ¿qué se podría esperar de los lineamientos educativos que eran establecidos entre cuatro paredes y que no constan en los registros? Posteriormente, hallamos la Resolución No. 291 del Ministerio de Educación y Culto de la República del Paraguay, de fecha 26 de Agosto de 1963: "Por la cual se felicita a La educación en tiempos de Stroessner y la legitimación de lo Anti-Republicano.

Democracy in a post-colonial Africa has not replicated the “Westminster model” that was inoculated upon the continent by its former colonial masters. African democracy, which is flawed mainly in comparison to the West, has posed different characteristics mostly, an extended stay in power by some of its leaders. The emergence of the strong man leader has been a critical point of debate as scholars in the field of comparative politics and government continue to wrestle with the question of how African dictators have maintained a stronghold on power. These extended incumbencies, which are becoming the norm, are best understood if they are analyzed using the theoretical frameworks of; cooptation, coercion, repression, colonial legacies, and elements of foreign direct investment/ influence. To put democracy and dictatorship in conversation, this paper examines Libya’s Muammar Gadhafi, whose rule discombobulated the young nation. Gadhafi’s reign, in its nativity, was a harbinger for hopes of democracy in Africa as it promised participation of all citizens; however, relations soured throughout what was an egregious 42-year presidency.

Este artículo reconstruye y analiza el rol desempeñado por algunos miembros del catolicismo local (obispo, sacerdotes y laicos) en la conformación y el accionar de las organizaciones de derechos humanos en Neuquén durante la última dictadura militar. Se argumenta que la lucha pro derechos humanos estuvo condicionada tanto por la modalidad represiva como por la historia de la sociedad, generándose obstáculos concretos que influyeron en los niveles de participación así como también en la capacidad y efectividad de las organizaciones para visibilizar su denuncia y hacer llegar su mensaje a los destinatarios. Se destaca que el catolicismo fue un aliado clave y que, a pesar de las tensiones internas, pudo actuar como fuente, facilitador y potenciador del movimiento de derechos humanos a nivel local prestándole sus estructuras de organización y comunicación, dinero, personal y organizaciones mediadoras que comunicaban habilidades, tácticas y visiones.

The  aim  of  this  paper  is  to  analyse  the  newspaper  made by the opposition to Francoism in the Canaries in the period 1959 - 1975.
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Este  artículo  recopila  y  analiza  las  publicaciones  periódicas realizadas por la oposición al franquismo en  Canarias en el período 1959 - 1975.

Este artículo analiza, en primer lugar, la magnitud del déficit de viviendas en buenas condiciones de habitabilidad desde los días de la posguerra. A continuación, se centra en el discurso y las motivaciones del régimen franquista para poner en marcha la política de construcción de casas baratas, especialmente en los años sesenta, así como en su alcance tanto cuantitativo como cualitativo. Por último, aborda la recepción “a ras de suelo” de esta política social de la dictadura y su potencial para generar consentimiento entre la población, tratando de dilucidar quiénes fueron los beneficiarios y qué papel desempeñó la propaganda dictatorial.

Η αποπείρα του Ανδρέα Παπανδρέου να συμβάλλει στην αναζήτηση μιας λύσης Καραμανλή για την δικτατορία των συνταγματών χούντας στο έτος καπμής του 1969.

Κεφαλαίο 4 απο το σύντομο βιβλίο που δημοσιεύτηκε σαν ένθετο στην "Εφημερίδα των Συντακτών" στις 2 Σεπτεμβρίου 2017.

In recent days, the Tajik government has dramatically increased pressure on family members and relatives of political activists still living in Tajikistan in order to force exiled activists to end to their political, legal and media activities. Government representatives have detained and interrogated the relatives of political exiles, organized and sent groups of young people and women to protest in front of their houses, held meetings of people of the town or village where they accused activists of propagating against the government. Such psychological punishment for family members and other acts have become the routine work of Tajik security officials and authorities these days across the country. These acts, that have taken place across the country, are not carried out arbitrarily, but are, according to reliable sources, planned and monitored by authorities at the highest level. The Executive Council of the IRPT strongly condemns the systematic abuses of the authorities against elderly persons and innocent children, considering these acts as crimes and an example of state terrorism. Due to its continuing failure in the field of domestic and international politics, Tajikistan's government shows its real ruthless and oppressive face and it is now taking revenge on elderly persons and the defenseless. The authorities threaten those they target with harsher treatment if they inform international organizations or embassies or the media about what the authorities have done against them. According to the authorities, the only way of avoiding oppression for family members and relatives is to convince their beloved ones to cease their engagement in politics.

De 1982 a 1984, o jornalista Juvêncio Mazzarollo foi preso sob a Lei de Segurança Nacional. Durante um período no qual o Brasil supostamente vivia um processo de democratização, a repressão injusta sobre Mazzarollo o transformou em símbolo das contradições da abertura. Conhecido como “o último preso político”, Mazzarollo exemplifica as complexidades da transição e aprofunda o nosso entendimento de como as forças populares – tanto nacionais como locais – negociaram e contestaram o processo de abertura.

Are large landowners, especially those engaged in labor-dependent agriculture, detrimental to democratization and subsequent democratic survival? This assumption is at the heart of both canonical and recent influential work on regime transition and durability. Using an original panel dataset on the extent of labor-dependent agriculture in countries across the world since 1930, I find that labor-dependent agriculture was historically bad for democratic stability and stunted suffrage extension, parliamentary independence, and free and fair elections. However, the negative influence of labor-dependent agriculture on democracy started to turn positive around the time of democracy's Third Wave. The dual threats of land reform and costly domestic insurgencies in that period – often with more potent consequences under dictators – plausibly prompted landowners to push for democracy with strong horizontal constraints and favorable institutions that could protect their property over the long term with more reliability than dictatorship. The shift in support for democracy by labor-dependent landowners is a major untold story of democracy's Third Wave, and helps explain the persistent democratic deficit in many new democracies.

Global rates of terrorism have skyrocketed since 9/11, yet the aggregate increase tells us very little about the distribution of attacks across different regime types. Contrary to the traditional scholarly view and popular perceptions in the West, my new article in the Journal of Democracy demonstrates that reasonably high-quality democracies enjoy a robust and growing "triple democracy advantage" in facing the scourge of Islamist terrorism. Not only are liberal democracies and polyarchies less prone to terrorist attacks than all other regime types, but the rate of increase in the number of attacks among these democracies is substantially lower in comparison to other regime types, and they are significantly better at minimizing casualties.

Muralism is one of the most striking expressions of one of Chile's most emblematic working-class neighborhoods, La Victoria, which is known for the land takeover in which it originated and its resistance to the military dictatorship. Muralism served as the physical carrier of messages of resistance during the dictatorship and later consolidated an imaginary of political condemnation and venting in the face of repression. With democracy , muralism has made the memory of the neighborhood graphic, propitiated a dialogue between the experience of the land occupation and the dictatorship, and generated a discourse that, emerging from the popular, continues to confront the mechanisms of forgetting circulated by the official truths imposed by the compromised democratic transition. El muralismo es una de las expresiones más propias de uno de los barrios populares más emblemáticos de Chile: La Victoria, conocida por la toma que le dio origen y por su resis-tencia a la dictadura militar. El muralismo cumplió la función de ser el soporte físico de mensajes de resistencia durante la dictadura, consolidando posteriormente un imaginario de denuncia política y de desahogo frente a la represión. Con la democracia, el muralismo ha tenido la función de hacer gráfica la memoria de la población, propiciando un diálogo entre la experiencia de la toma y de la dictadura, generándose una discursividad que, desde lo popular, continúa enfrentando los dispositivos de desmemoria accionados por las ver-dades oficiales impuestas por la transición democrática pactada.

Este artículo reformula un análisis de Machuca (2004) de Andrés Wood como una película de género(s), reconsiderando los aspectos melodramáticos y a la vez, examinando estrategias narrativas del cine de horror. Machuca produce una reacción emocional y física. El público, según entrevistas y datos etnográficos, reaccionó con el cuerpo (lágrimas y sollozos).2 Mi énfasis en el artículo será consolidar los vínculos entre la película y el pasado histórico/testimonial, vinculando el largometraje con la novela autobiográfica Tres años para nacer (2002) del poeta-profesor Amante Eledín Parraguez (1956).3 Se hará una lectura atenta (close reading) y reflexiones del efecto perturbador u horroroso del final. Será contextualizado a la actualidad (2019) de las marchas y protestas en Chile.

This book presents an innovative model linking insights from democratization, development and conflict studies to explain personalist behavior and their violent transitions.

Based on multiple case studies from Sub Saharan Africa, the author maps and predicts regime transitions, presenting examples of how states can avoid such vicious circles of conflict and tyranny. By integrating decades of specialist literature from various subfields of political science, the book models personalist behavior, its impact on the states they govern, and their future transitions. By systematizing regime behavior (coup-proofing, gatekeeping, repression and hoarding), the model identifies the mechanics on how personalist regimes establish vicious circles of personalism and explains how exactly they end up again in authoritarianism or in new personalist tyrannies after their demise, and so seldom transition to democracy.

This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of African politics, democratization and democratic consolidation, authoritarian rule and more broadly to political science, comparative politics, area studies, political leadership, peace and conflict studies and development studies.

Born in Surakarta, W.S. Rendra (7 November 1935–6 August 2009) was an Indonesian theatre director, actor, playwright and poet. A complex personality in a difficult period, Rendra represents one of the most important, and loved, figures in contemporary Indonesian theatre and literature. He remains barely known outside Indonesia. Crucial to consider is Rendra’s public criticism of Soekarno and Communism, and later of Suharto’s dictatorship. He was arrested several times during the early 1960s. In 1978 he was imprisoned for several months and then banned from performing until 1985. These events reflect both this delicate political period in Indonesia as well as Rendra’s involvement in the cultural and political scenes.
From the early 1960s, Rendra began adapting Western plays for the Indonesian context. He was experimenting with a mixture of theatrical traditions and intercultural techniques. His Yogyakarta-based drama club Lingkar Studi Drama Mahasiswa was a crossroad of experiences, a workshop involving other individuals who also became later prominent figures of the Indonesian culture, as Arifin C Noer and Putu Wijaya. Together with his social commitment, public speaking, and perform- ing, Rendra was already being noticed as rebellious by the authorities. The political tensions in the country and Rendra’s arrest on several occasions during the early 1960s influenced his decision to depart for the US in 1964. He joined an international humanities seminar for anti-communist youth at Harvard University, then studied social sciences and humanities at New York University “where he began to think of art related to ‘structural analysis’ and communal activism” (Winet 2010, p. 152). He attended the American Academy of Dramatic Arts (AADA), which represents the first and only formal training he ever received in theatre and performing.
The American period between 1964 and 1967, and in particular his experience at AADA, were crucial to Rendra’s human and artistic development. Little previous research has investigated this dimension of Rendra’s development. Moreover, at that time,American theatre was interconnected with European theatre, and the interest in cross-cultural and multi-ethnical ensembles was growing exponentially. Given his interest in the avant-garde in his early career, while in the US Rendra had the opportunity to touch those trends.
Considering the above, this essay explores certain dimensions of Rendra’s back- ground to highlight specific facets of his work, compare it to others better known, and thereby contribute to a better international appreciation of his work. I choose here to focus on the actor, training and the human processes that precede the creation of a character. In this attempt to understand certain features of Rendra’s work, I collect, consider and interpolate relevant information.
I begin by exploring important aspects regarding the AADA, and highlight key influences Rendra could have received. I do so through pertinent bibliographical sources and via direct email correspondence with the Academy and reputed US acting coach Harry Mastrogeorge. I contextualize some information directly collected through discussions and interviews with key people via email, phone calls, or in person. Particularly important are Rendra’s eldest son, Teddy and senior actors of the Bengkel Teater, especially I Gede Tapa Sudana. Interviewed at several stages during the research process, we discussed theatre, meditation and other aspects of Rendra’s work. The language used for interviews was English, along with some Indonesian phrases. Quotations most relevant to this investigation are provided with minimal “editing” to preserve each voice.
I suggest correspondences between the American and Indonesian debates around Stanislavsky. I confront some aspects of Rendra’s theatre with facets of Stanislavsky. I then discuss the possible presence of, or similarity with, some of Stanislavsky’s principles in Rendra’s works. I compare Rendra with other prominent personalities of twentieth-century theatre. Historical documents and press are reported where appropriate. Finally, I glimpse at the significance of Rendra’s work today in Indonesia.

The project was initiated by the South Korean historian Jie-Hyun Lim in 2003 and ran until 2016. The outcome are three volumes in Korean, since 2004, and six volumes in English, published between 2010 and 2016. The topic is challenging as it proposes against the dominant description of mass democracy the notion of mass dictatorship during the terrible 20th century – and which continues well into the 21st century. Each and every volume is edited by eminent authors from different backgrounds and countries. Altogether more than 30 authors from fourteen countries contributed nearly 100 articles. The six edited volumes are – as mostly – of different quality and interest, the topics are: Gender Politics and Mass Dictatorship; Imaging Mass Dictatorships; Mass Dictatorship and Modernity; Mass Dictatorship and Memory as Ever Present Past; Everydaylife in Mass Dictatorship, and The Palgrave Handbook of Mass Dictatorship. In conclusion, the six volumes on mass dictatorship in the twentieth century shed definitely a new light on the recent history. In its focus are the two most prominent examples, i.e. the Soviet Union and Nazi-Germany, although other examples are covered as well. A certain bias is not to be overlooked. So, unfortunately cases in Latin America, Africa or other parts of Asia are neglected. This bias is also reflected by the choice of contributors, who come mainly from South Korea, North America and Western Europe. The approach is concerned with the everyday history and cultural studies, so social sciences and especially economics are marginal. That leads to a certain narrowing of the argument.

Man möchte es nicht glauben, doch ist all das Schreckliche, was Mächtige dieser Welt im Zeitraum von nur 100 Jahren angerichtet haben, nichts als nackte Realität. Die Autoren der „Gesichter des Bösen“ gelangen zu einem traurigen Schluss: Die Bilanz des 20. Jahrhunderts, das auf vielen Gebieten enormen technischen Fortschritt gebracht hat, ist erschreckend. Die schlimmsten Verbrecher samt ihren Untaten gegen die Menschlichkeit sind in einer „Schandhalle des Bösen“ versammelt und beschrieben: 168 Männer, bekannte und unbekannte, unter ihnen Diktatoren, Regierungschefs, Massenmörder, Staatsverbrecher, Revoluzzer, Großgangster aus der Mafia. Kein genozidaler Vorgang ist übersehen oder aus irgendwelchen Vorurteilen oder Verschiedenheiten weginterpretiert. Zahlreiche Fotos und Texte aus dem Umfeld der Gegner von Völkermord und Kriegsverbrechen dokumentieren den Widerstand gegen Beutegier, Ausrottungsorgien und Terrorismus.
Ist der Mensch fähig, aus der Geschichte zu lernen? Es gibt einen bedeutsamen Anfang, der, wenn auch eher einem Rinnsal als einem mächtigen Strom gleichend, einen Hoffnungsschimmer bereithält. „Es stimmt nicht mehr“, so Heribert Prantl in seinem Geleitwort, „dass Macht, finanzielle und politische Macht, vor Recht geht. Dieses Bewusstsein hilft einem, die bittere und notwendige Lektüre des Buches über die ‚Gesichter des Bösen‘ zu ertragen. Das Buch macht den Leser zu einem glühenden Anhänger der Weltstrafjustiz.“

The Spanish Civil War, fought between 1936 and 1939, was the first battle against fascism in Europe. Five months after the victory of dictator Francisco Franco in Spain the conflict moved to Europe with the outbreak of the Second World War. Fascism and anti-fascism again faced each other on the battlefield. Amid the heat of the Nazi invasions in Europe, anti-fascist resistance groups formed by ordinary citizens emerged in virtually all European countries. Although the Franco dictatorship was not directly involved in the Second World War, in Spain an anti-Franco resistance movement was organised in 1939 and lasted until 1952. Although the Spanish resistance constituted the first and last antifascist resistance movement in Europe, the Spanish case has been consistently overlooked by international studies.
This book inserts the Spanish anti-Franco resistance into the European context, proposing a new narrative of anti-fascist resistances (plural and in lower case) in Europe. At the same time, the book offers a new interpretation of guerrilla phenomena with a strongly peasant character, as was the case of the resistance in Spain. The author underlines the Importance of primary groups (kinship, neighbourhood, friendship) and secondary groups (camaraderie and political loyalties) in the mobilization and organization of armed groups. For this study, the author established twelve variables that permitted him to distinguish between ‘neighbours in arms’ and ‘modern guerrilla’. Using all of these elements, the author shows the plurality of the identities and cultures of the antifascist resistance in Spain.

The term &#39;fascism&#39; continues to be very much in currency in Philippines society. To the Filipino people, its meaning is often drawn from pained memory of wholesale deprivation of democratic rights and large-scale human rights abuses. Yet, to many, the fear of fascism has still to give way to a deeper understanding of this menace. This may hold true even among those belonging to the progressive movement.

Precies twee jaar na de mislukte coup tegen Erdoğan vaardigde het Turkse regime op 15 juli 2018 een decreet uit dat de autonomie van alle kunstenaars aan staatsinstellingen aan banden legt. Het is een zoveelste aanval tegen de vrije kunsten in Turkije, terwijl de politieke ruimte intussen één groot theater lijkt te worden. Wat staat er tussen de macht en het verzet op het spel?

This article takes a closer look at the internal evolution of the North Korean political system and how it has been subjugated to the personalist regime of the Kim family. The author argues that North Korea should no longer be perceived as a totalitarian regime since it is now a fully entrenched personal regime in the first place. The author investigates how this process of personalization took place in the institutional, ideological and mobilizational dimensions of the DPRK as well as the influence on its international relations (gatekeeping). Based on these insights the author provides some scenarios for endogenous transitions from this regime type and how hereditary succession and personalism affect its survival strategies..

For the latter half of the 20th century, the world’s best known Haitian was François Duvalier—popularly known as “Papa Doc”—a vicious, vengeful, dictator who remained in power through a series of unfortunate coincidences, popular disaffection, and most importantly, by remaining on the anti-communist side of the Cold War in a world where Cuba was considered a political threat to the United States.

En el campo de las narraciones sobre la militancia armada
de los setenta en Argentina, existe una serie compuesta por
elaboraciones estéticas producidas por la generación de las
hijas e hijos de militantes, en algunos casos desaparecidos.
Estas obras instalan una mirada crítica sobre la militancia
de sus padres al interrogarse sobre sus elecciones políticas,
personales y familiares, desafiando un pasado construido
como mítico y heroico. En el presente trabajo analizo tres de
esas obras: los documentales M de Nicolás Prividera (2007) y
Encontrando a Víctor de Natalia Bruschtein (2004) y la novela
La casa de los conejos de Laura Alcoba (2008). Mi lectura se
organiza alrededor de la pregunta por las relaciones que
entablan estas construcciones simbólicas tanto con los
discursos producidos en los años setenta, como con las
narraciones elaboradas (posteriormente) por los integrantes
de la generación de sus padres. En su revisita al pasado, ¿qué
escogen estos jóvenes, qué interpretan, qué barren, qué
repiten?, ¿qué modalidades adoptan para acercarse a ese
pasado?

This entry examines state violence in South America, and how civil society reacts to this phenomenon, especially in the recent decades since the military dictatorships. The systematic state violence during military dictatorships from the 1960s to 1990s devastated the social fabric, leading to approximately 40,000 deaths and disappearances and 100,000 tortured people (Loveman 2011), including political leaders who would later become presidents in their countries.