War on Terror

This paper analyzes the prehistory of the War on Terror to explore how the meanings counterterrorists attributed to “terrorism” in the 1990s. A Tom Clancy novel, Rainbow Six, read in the context American cultural shifts in the 1990s surrounding capitalism, technology, globalization, and gender, reveal a counterterrorist fantast of mirroring terrorist dissociation from state institutions to engage in extralegal practices. These tactics range from breaking international law to torture, anticipating the War on Terror. The paper concludes with a consideration of the possibility that 9/11 may have slipped into a pre-existing cultural narrative rather than starting a new one.

This work is a beguiling prospect for anyone who has been involved in South Asia or has an interest in the region. The idea of analysing so many distinct insurgencies and counter-insurgency (COIN) campaigns within the covers of a single book is both ambitious and tantalising. Unfortunately, and in spite of occasional good moments, this book provides few of the answers. It has a clunky structure, is peppered with editorial and factual errors and unsupported statements. The British General Templer in Malaya argued that COIN should only be 25% shooting. The remainder should be winning "hearts and minds". Sadly this has all too rarely been the case in South Asia where many of the COIN campaigns have been heavy-handed and brutal. Partly this is a function of capability; effective COIN needs excellent intelligence and highly trained and equipped Special Forces. Yet it is interesting to reflect that two "successful" COIN operations of recent years; the Indian defeat of the Khalistan movement and President Rajapaksa's suppression of the Tamil Tigers owed little to Templer or the proponents of minimum force

This is a course reader compiling articles from the _Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus_ to make them accessible to undergraduate students. I provide the introductory chapter and chapter introductions along with my own chapter on the Japanese hostages captured in Iraq in 2004. (200 pages)

The frequent Boko Haram insurgences in the North-Eastern  part of the country is still the latest act of terrorism in the country. The tactics, strategies and mode of operations adopted by these terrorists are similar and professional in line with terrorist ideologies and practices found elsewhere around the world. The ugly phenomenon of terrorism has dented the image and credibility Nigeria among other nations of the world.

Although suicide attacks have been carried out for hundreds of years, suicide bombings have only been a permanent feature of conflicts since the 1980s. In recent years, though, their use has dramatically escalated. AOAV, which collects data on explosive violence, has recorded a total of 1,191 suicide bombings globally between 2011 and 2015, resulting in 31,477 civilian deaths and injuries.

The vast majority of suicide bombings within these years have been carried out by international Salafi-Jihadi terrorist organisations.

In light of this, AOAV’s extensive report Understanding the rising cult of the suicide bomber investigates what makes individuals give their lives, and take others, for causes propagated by these transnational terrorist groups.

It also looks at what effect such attacks have had on local and regional conflicts, as well as on the communities exposed to them.

Furthermore, the report proposes how states and other actors in the international community might seek to prevent their use and further escalation based on the reports’ findings.

The report is based on extensive field-work, as well as a thorough mapping and investigation of specific suicide bombings and the individuals that perpetrated them.

Otto and B.D.G., a black and desi gay couple in the film Loins of Punjab Presents (Manish Acharya, 2007), are an exceptional representation of interracial desire in South Asian diasporic cultural production. Beyond the novelty of their representation, they use a variety of black and South Asian performance styles to critique normative and disciplinary systems that surround them. This essay explores the unconventional ways through which Otto and B.D.G.’s intimacies are depicted, and analyzes the performance styles they use to express critical perspectives on racism, homophobia, and Islamophobia. I argue that Otto and B.D.G.’s performances offer alternative ways to think through contemporary conversations around cultural appropriation and interracial desire in ways that decenter whiteness or a white desiring subject. However, I also observe how their critical deployments of hypermasculinity potentially skew public conversations about racialized violence.

This article reckons with the figure of Blackness in the US military prison at Guantánamo Bay, from captives who are racialized as both Muslim and Black to the invocations of racism and slavery in discourses incited by the prison. Broad continuities between the War on Terror and various forms of anti-Black state violence have long been observed by critical commentators, but this article aims to theorize these relationships with greater precision through the analytic of captivity. As a modality of racialization, captivity entails mobility across contexts as well as encounters of captivation through public narrative. This approach offers a distinctive vantage point on how the War on Terror's racialization of Muslims cross-cuts diverse geographies of Blackness, including in Muslim-majority societies. This essay follows the memoirs of Mohamedou Ould Slahi (Mauritania) and Walid Muhammad al-Hajj (Sudan) and is informed by the author's experiences as an attorney and activist working to close the prison.

After the Cold War, Obama introduced new strategic moves with intelligent power to
the US; Focused on the "Asia" continent, which is the target of New International
Policies, instead of Afghanistan or Iraq, it will follow a foreign policy on the axis of the
People's Republic of China, seen as the main competitor in the Trump-era national
strategy. Work The US, which we consider to be the "strategic persistence" policy in
the Arab-Islamic geography, decides to stay at Menbic and various other strategic
points; Although the prime target is China, why not withdraw from the Arab-Islamic
geography and menbic, emerging as non-State actors in the international arena
"armed resistance org." In addition, the content, structure and effect of the concept of
"strategic persistence" which is considered to be contributing to the literature will be
discussed.

Vladimiro Giacché, La fabbrica del falso. Strategie della menzogna nella politica contemporanea, 3a ed., Reggio Emilia, Imprimatur, 2016, rist. 2018.

I diritti di pubblicazione appartengono esclusivamente all’autore.
È consentita la riproduzione del testo o di sue parti solo a fini non commerciali.

Indice:
7    Premessa

11  Parte prima. Guerra alla verità:
15  1. Fenomenologia della menzogna
71  2. Menzogna, ideologia, informazione: iluoghi comuni della «guerra al terrore»
101 3. La Democrazia in ostaggio
131 4. La Sicurezza al primo posto
153 5. Mercato: i mille volti di un prestanome
175 6. Totalitarismo: triste storia di un non-concetto
199 7. Dialettica del Terrorismo

229  Parte seconda. La verità del falso:
233 8. Uomini e merci. Cronache dal mondo alla rovescia
261 9. Potere e regressione
291 10. La fabbrica del falso

315  Parte terza. Strategie di resistenza:
321 11. Spiragli
343 12. Dire la verità
365 13. Smascheramenti
385 14. La verità ricordata
405 15. Parliamo di noi

Hitler, bir süre sonra kendisini doğuran II Wilhelm'i zehirletip Führer oldu. Meclisi yaktı, başkan oldu. Orduyu korkuttu. Kontrol bitti ve yıkımı kimse engelleyemedi. Allah, Malikül Mülk'tür. Gasp ettiğiniz mülk sizin değil, Allah'ın mülkü. Öğrendiğiniz ilim Allah'ın, Alimdir, Allemdir. İddianız nedir? Nietzsche öldü, Tanrı ölmedi. Hitler ve Stalin, 65 milyon insanın ölümüne yol açtı. Almanya 2 defa yıkıldı. Nietzsche: Despotluğun sonu ölümdür. Ölümlerin vebalidir. Erdoğan ile yol açılan skandal global ölçekli. Nietzsche, Mistik ve Sufi geleneğe hakimdi, transcendence ile insanların süper insan olabildiğini biliyordu. O halde Hitler neye lazımdı? Her birey ayrı bir dünyadır ve bir Tiran’ın kölesi olmayı ebedi ruhlar kabul edemez. İsyan çıkacaktır.
Nietzsche'nin çözüm önerilerinden biri şuydu. Yüksek İnsan. Bu maddi değildi, maneviydi. İdeolojileri çöpe atmış, özgür insan kazanacaktır, insanlık ölmedi, mertlik ölmedi. Hizmet camiası bunu ispatlıyor. Erenler sabırlarıyla isyan etmeyerek zalimlere en büyük dersi veriyor. Yaptıkları zulümler, ölümler ve yıkımlarla Stalin ve Hitler, Nietzsche'yi haklı çıkardı. Bu firavunlar insanların inançlarını yok etti. Erdoğan kadar insanları münafıklığa ve dinsizliğe sevk eden ikinci bir Süfyan tarihte olmadığı için Büyük Süfyan diyorum. Ahirzamandaki Deccal.
Nietzsche, Kral II Wilhelm'in Hitler'i doğuracağını gördü. Bizde Erdoğan Hitlerini Çevik Bir doğurdu ama görmek istemiyor AKPli domuzlar! Çıkarlarına göre yontuyorlar herşeyi. İslam davaları yok, Allahları yok, imanları gösteriş budalalığından ibaret. İç savaşı kim kazanır diye soruyorlar. Nietzsche'ye göre siz toplum olarak TSK içinde toptan kaybetmişsiniz bunca domuzluklara susarak. Dilsiz şeytan oldunuz. Tüm maskaralıklar sergilenirken,  Askeri Vesayet, ÖKK yapısını Türkiye geneline yaydı ve sayısı 40 bine çıktı. TSK'nın dindarlarını 15 Temmuz tiyatrosuyla domuzca kesti. Ordu da olan budur. Profesyonel ordu için zaten orduda personel sayısını azaltacaklardı, piyongo dindar insanlara vurdu ve Peygamber Ocağı kesildi, doğrandı. Öte yandan Özel Harp Komutanlığı aşırı büyütüldü ve darbenin merkezi oldu. ÖKK Başkanı Zekai Aksakallı bu nedenle mahkemeden kaçırılıyor ve soru sorulmasına izin verilmiyor.
Erdoğan eğer yaptığı hırsızlıklar ve tekfirci teröründe tek olsaydı, çoktan Askeri Vesayet onu yakalardı. Ancak polisleri hapse attılar! IŞİD’i yazan gazeteciler hapiste, 180 medya organı kapatıldı. 9 bin akademisyen işinde edildi. Hakimler ve savcılardan teröre karşı olanlar safdışı bırakıldı, meslekten ihraç edildi. Bunca domuzlukları cemaatcı yaftası ile örtüyorlar. Açığa alınan 140 general çıkıpta F.. ci değiliz açıkca demiyor, diyenleri de dinleyen yok. Toplum öylesine hipnoz ve uyuşmuş halde ki Melih Gökçek ve Kadir Topbaş'ın neden MİT baronlarına hemen 1 milyar dolar verdiğini sormuyor, sorgulamıyor. Yazacak gazeteci ve akademisyen kalmadı, yazsa bile okuyucuya sesleri ulaşmıyor. Sis perdesi kaldırılmıyor. Sosyolog olarak Nietzsche uzmanlık alanlarımdandır. Neden sevdiğimi anladım. Tüm teorileri bana uyuyor. Askeri Vesayet sizleri kandırdı ve bunları yazmak ilmimin borcudur. Yazmazsam uyuyamam.
Nietzsche neden Tanrı öldü yazdı mezarına biliyor musunuz? Bu askeri despotların domuzluklarını gördü, sivil kuklayla oynanan oyunları da! Aynı senaryo devrede. Sonunda Nietzsche gibi davranmaya karar verdim. Çaldıklarını geri vermeyecekler, zira kullanan Askeri Vesayet hiç bu kadar güçlenmemişti. AKPli çakallar askeri darbeyi durdurduk diye kendilerini aldatıyor veya böyle avunmak işlerine geliyor. Uzun süre bunu topluma duyurup duyurmamak için kendimle savaştım. Erdoğan ve Karargah, 15 Temmuz'u neden beraber organize etti sandınız? Haramilikte terörde ortak olmasalar ülkemizde bunlar hapiste olurlardı. King Kong haline getirilen Erdoğan ile sizden gizlenen gerçek, yobazca dini istismar edilerek sizden çalınanların askeriyede kullanıldığını saklıyorlar. Bu vatanperverlik mi, değil mi? Bazılarına göre vatanseverlik. Bazılarına göre masum insanlara yapılan zulümle kanla iktidar hayvanlık.
Nietzsche, Alman gazeteci ve düşünür olarak tüm ideolojileri çöpe atmayı topluma önerdi. Aksi halde dünya savaşlarında hepsi öleceklerdi. Öyle de oldu zaten. Nietzsche, Hitler'in doğuşuna giden faşizmin yanında aşırı fonlanan Askeri yapılanmaya Militar despotizm adını verdi. Canavar doğurmuştu! Nietzsche, daha Hitler ve Stalin ortada yok iken, Alman askeri yapılanmasının dünya savaşlarına yol açacağını ve yıkım yaşanacağını gördü. Öngörülerinin hepsi doğru çıktı. Almanlar toptan battılar. Amerikan kölesi oldular 1944 sonrası. Karargah ve Erdoğan anlaşmalı olarak Military Totaliter State yapısını Başkanlıkla kuruyorlar. Büyük tiyatro çevrildi, rüyadasınız Hitler efendiler. SS’leriniz ÖKK elemanları oldu. Akeşkiyalarla tolumu korkuyup sindirip tüm günahları ve veballeri kin ve nefreti onlara yönlendirdiniz. Cemaatı günah keçisi yapı şeytanlaştırdınız. Asılşeytanar sizlersiniz. Erdoğan, siyasi ve dini rakibimi yok ediyorum diye zaten 50 yıldır kin ve nefret duyduğu Hizmet’i bitirmeyi gönüllü üstlendi. Buna Nazi Fascism and the Modern Totalitarian State deniyor... Friedrich Nietzsche'nin Military Totalitarianism teorisi, 1. ve 2. Dünya savaşlarındaki ölümler ve yıkımlarla net anlaşılmıştı.
Rus tipi diktatörlük Askeri Vesayet projesi!
Kim Allah’a ve Peygamber’e itaat ederse; işte onlar Peygamberlerle, sıddıklarla, Şehidlerle, sâlihlerle beraberdirler. (Nisâ: 69)
ALTIN SÖZ: “Öyle hâdiseler olur ki, onları mücerret imanla aşmak mümkün olamayabilir. İşte o zaman kadere rıza kurtarıcı bir simit olur" Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi.
Adaletsizliğe şahit olup göz yuman insanlar birgün haysiyetini kaybetmeye mahkumdur. Cemaatin tek suçu bu milletin mafya, harami ve sapık seviciliğini unutarak tekrar ilim, bilim,sanat,sevgi ve hoşgürüyü hatırlatmasıdır. Bir fert bile hakkını helâl etmezse katiyen Cennet'e giremezler... "Öküz Tahta çıkarsa kral olmaz ama ülke ahıra döner." Hâkim olan yalnızca Allah'tır. Eğer bu millet aklını başına alıp bu oyunu bozmazsa, Türkiye'de rejim değişecek ve ülke geriye dönüşü olmayan bir kaosun içine atılacak. 15 temmuzla -Gerçek darbeciler KHK gibi kanunlarla ülkeyi esir aldı. Kendini milletine adamış vatan evlatlarına iftirayla kumpas kurup tutuklamak istediler ama bu kumpas çökecektir. Allah'ım(cc) Hizmetimize zarar vermek isteyenler kim ise onları Sana(cc) havale ediyoruz. Tanzanya'ya Türk okullarının kapatılması karşılığında 400 km demir yolu sözü vermiş. Hayatı rüşvet ve şantaj etrafında dönüyor. Gülen Hocaefendi gibi kâmil insanların hayatları, hep hürriyet mücadelesi ile geçmiştir.
Her geçen saniye sabrediyorum... Ama o günü de bekliyorum... Yaktığınız yerden de cayır cayır yanasınız diyede Rabbime duâ ediyorum...

מאמר זה מבקש לתאר ולהגדיר את תפיסת התכסית האנושית, שהתפתחה
בצבא האמריקאי לאור ניסיונו באפגניסטן ובעיראק. המאמר יעמוד על הסיבות
שהובילו את הצבא האמריקאי לפתח תפיסה זאת; יתמקד בתשתית התיאורטית
ובזיקות שבין התכסית האנושית לבין מודיעין תרבותי ואינטליגנציה תרבותית.
כל אלה, לאור הניסיון האמריקאי והישראלי בזירות העימות השונות.

In this paper we follow our earlier work on the mathematical and computational modeling of biological warfare and its potential extensions to nuclear terrorism. In particular
we review Dr. Parnell’s earlier critique of the proper and improper use of probabilities, scenarios and the emergent properties of terrorism undertaken in conjunction with the National Academy of Sciences, the National Academy of Engineers and the National Institute of Health. As indicated in the earlier report published by the National Academies Press
(http://books.nap.edu/openbook.php?record_id=12206&page=3) we extend the argument that:
―The DHS (2006) report and DHS presentations of its content use inconsistent, imprecise technical language and do not define many key terms.

Cross-border solidarity has captured the interest and imagination of scholars, activists and a range of political actors in such contested areas as the US-Mexico border and Guantanamo Bay. Chandra Russo examines how justice-seeking solidarity drives activist communities contesting US torture, militarism and immigration policies. Through compelling and fresh ethnographic accounts, Russo follows these activists as they engage in unusual and high risk forms of activism (fasting, pilgrimage, civil disobedience). She explores their ideas of solidarity and witnessing, which are central to how the activists explain their activities. This book adds to our understanding of solidarity activism under new global arrangements, and illuminates the features of movement activity that deepen activists' commitment by helping their lives feel more humane, just and meaningful. Based on participant observation, interviews, surveys and hundreds of courtroom statements, Russo develops a new theorization of solidarity that will take a central place in social movement studies.

Under the Bush administration, the US has aggressively promoted democracy in the Middle East and North Africa.  By replacing repressive tyrants with moderate liberals and giving voice to hitherto suppressed social forces, US-backed democratization would drain the swamp of ideological extremism and reduce violent conflict, all while underscoring the role of America as a moral beacon of international enlightenment.  However, as this chapter argues, the project of encouraging Arab democracy faltered under a devastating self-contradiction. Democratization requires that autocratic incumbents surrender their monopolies over executive authority to legal opposition groups ensconced in parliaments and civic institutions. Yet, in the Arab world, this would likely bring into power Islamist groups that evoke fierce hostility toward Washington’s vital strategic interests. An Arab spring of democracy might thus result in a winter of discontent for U.S. policymakers bound by stringent imperatives, such as sponsoring Israeli policies and securing regional oil reserves. Such dissonance has exposed American democracy promotion as an ideological cloak for a darker agenda: paying lip service to gradual reform while quietly sustaining long-standing support for  autocratic allies. The theoretical lesson is stark: observers should expect not the imminent breakdown or even the slow erosion of Arab authoritarianism, but rather its renewed durability in an era of continuing patron-client ties.

Introduction In recent years, looking for an answer to the question what is behind the rise of political Islam and the terrorist attacks by the hand of a few of its advocates, a number of authors have put forward the view that some Muslims feel that their culture is superior, but at the same time fear that in today's world their way of life is threatened and that their honor is at stake. Presumably, the resulting feelings of humiliation are among the causes of the terrorist attacks we have witnessed in recent years.

Sometimes we encounter an event that compels us to ask: how did that happen? When first hearing about a US citizen being sent to prison for seventeen years for translating publicly available documents, this was my reaction, and not mine alone. Tarek Mehanna’s 2011 trial and conviction (for ‘providing material support to terrorism’) were immediately controversial, inviting alternative and opposed explanatory frameworks. Working off, challenging and synthesizing these explanations, I decided to study the case in depth, through an Actor-Network theory (ANT) methodology, in order to more rigorously and comprehensively address this question of ‘how?’ As a methodology, ANT’s utility comes from how it pushes the researcher to confront the systematic, or relational, character of causality, the contingency of world-making networks, and the artificiality of institutionally produced truths. In this paper, I bring ANT into the courtroom to better understand the assemblage of elements, or actants, that played a role in the construction of the guilty verdict in Mehanna’s trial. I do so to lend insight into a series of important sociological and legal questions, such as: does the legal architecture of the War on Terror circumscribe the constitutional rights of US citizens? If so, which laws, which rights, and how? How does legal argument-making rely on cultural commonsense, which is often tinged with racist assumptions and expectations? How are material things and (supposedly nonmaterial) ideas conceptualized by the US Government in a way that makes them categorically different objects of governance? In what ways does this bifurcated conceptualization become problematic and confusing when challenged in a courtroom setting?  I hope such an understanding helps us appreciate the ontological heterogeneity involved in reproducing social life; particularly how culture (commonsense, tropes and discourses) and the law (in this case, Section 2339 of the US Code) come together in a courtroom setting. It is my contention that this trial shows how out of these entangled agencies emerges a US Government capable of regulating speech, association and even thought itself, insofar as they (conceivably) relate to the War on Terror.

While  nation-states  often  claim  that  refugees  threaten  their  political  and  territorial integrity, this chapter shows how the opposite can be true: sometimes states need refugees. In late 2014 and early 2015, when parts of Iraq and Syria were overtaken by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), people seeking refuge in semiautonomous Iraqi Kurdistan became central to the public story told about Kurdish sovereignty. Their ethnic or regional group affiliation determined their integration or rejection by the Kurdish authorities. For example, on the one hand, Anbari people were suspected of being ISIS supporters because of their regional origin. They found themselves the target of suspicion, even as they were provided with refugee status and aid. On the other hand, minorities such as Yazidi and Kurds were brought into camps that looked more like planned cities.Ultimately, refugee presence in Kurdistan reinforced a garrisoned security state. In the name of protecting refugees, Kurdistan received international humanitarian support, but also a major thrust of military expertise and supplies by which to enforce its borders. By 2017, the Pentagon signed an agreement to give the Kurdish army, known as the Peshmerga, US$415 million (Al Jazeera 2016), along with part of the US$13 billion it was spending in the fight against ISIS. Defining and placing refugees became a core alibi to the construction of a security state that held the potential of becoming a U.S.-backed independent Kurdistan.  This  was  ultimately  not  the  case,  and  the  United  States  quickly  withdrew its support for Kurdistan after ISIS was officially defeated. Nevertheless, the centrality of refugees in the story of a weak nation-state reveals insights about the political role of refugees more broadly, even for states whose status is less tenuous or less obviously linked to refugee protection.

American efforts to promote democracy in the Middle East under the Bush administration have floundered.  This article explains why.  First, American policymakers have proven unwilling to sponsor electoral openings that might favor the ascendance of potentially hostile Islamist groups. Second, they have refused to attach negative conditionality to reform demands made to strategic autocratic allies-that is, punishing noncompliance by withdrawing economic aid, military assistance,
and other forms of support. Both obstacles reflect the reality that America's overarching strategic goals, in particular the preservation of Israel's security
and regional hydrocarbon reserves, require a vision of regional stability that unpredictable regime shifts would endanger. Hence today's paradox of why the democratizing intentions of a unilateral superpower -- one with unmatched political and military power -- have been effectively stymied by its smaller, weaker, and poorer authoritarian allies.

The purpose of this Article is to examine the facts associated with the prison abuse at Abu Ghraib and to discuss the applicable legal and policy lessons learned as a result of the scandal. Was the prison abuse a reflection of a systemic policy-either de jure or de facto-on the part of the United States to illegally extract information from detainees or was the abuse simply isolated acts of criminal behavior on the part of a handful of soldiers amplified by an incompetent tactical chain of command at the prison facility?

‘Het overlijden van een oorlogsfotograaf is meer dan
alleen een persoonlijke tragedie voor familie, vrienden,
en collega’s. Het tast ook onze zintuigen aan’, zegt
onderzoeker Wilco Versteeg. Hij werkt aan een
proefschrift over hedendaagse oorlogsfotografie aan de
Université Paris Diderot.

Fortunately, there is a science-based approach that can protect Pakistan from both internal and external threats. It is appropriately termed, Invincible Defence Technology (IDT), because it assures invincibility, peace and even economic progress, to the nation and the military that employ it.

Its methods have been proven and adopted as part of the training of America's future commanders at Norwich University, a nationally respected and oldest military academy in the USA. IDT is further validated by 23 peer-reviewed studies carried out in both developed and developing nations. Its coherence-creating effect has also been documented on a global scale in a study published in the Journal of Offender Rehabilitation. When large assemblies of civilian IDT experts gathered during the years 1983 - 1985, international conflict decreased 32%, terrorism-related casualties decreased 72%, and overall violence was reduced in nations without intrusion by other governments.

Kulisy bliskiej współpracy komunistycznych służb z międzynarodowymi ugrupowaniami terrorystycznymi przez wiele lat należały do najpilniej strzeżonych sekretów PRL. Radykałowie z Bliskiego Wschodu oraz skrajnie lewicowi ekstremiści z Europy Zachodniej traktowali Polskę jako sprawdzonego sojusznika i bezpieczną przystań, gdzie można było skutecznie ukrywać się przed agentami służb zachodnich i w spokoju przygotowywać kolejne zamachy. Dzięki tajnym układom z peerelowskimi służbami cywilnymi i wojskowymi, terroryści czuli się w Polsce bezpiecznie. Omijali procedury wizowe, przysyłali rannych bojowników na odpoczynek, otrzymywali stypendia, otwierali własne firmy, handlowali bronią, a na nielegalnych interesach z państwowymi przedsiębiorstwami zarabiali miliony dolarów. Abu Nidal, Monzer Al-Kassar, Abu Dawud i Abu Abbas to tylko niektórzy z czołówki najgroźniejszych światowych terrorystów ostatniej dekady zimnej wojny, którzy nie tylko korzystali z gościny peerelowskich służb, ale traktowali Polskę jako ważne ogniwo przestępczej działalności. Dzięki drobiazgowym poszukiwaniom archiwalnym Autorowi udało się zrekonstruować najważniejsze siatki terrorystyczne operujące na terenie komunistycznej Polski oraz naświetlić okoliczności ich sekretnych powiązań z funkcjonariuszami aparatu bezpieczeństwa PRL.
https://ksiegarnia.pwn.pl/Zabojcze-uklady,713077485,p.html

Met de weerzinwekkende aanslagen op de luchthaven van Zaventem en het metrostation van Maalbeek werd België in een nieuw tijdperk geloodst. Europa reageerde – zeer begrijpelijk – met onbegrip, angst, ongeloof en woede. Indien men zulke aanslagen in de toekomst wenst te vermijden, mag het echter niet bij gevoelens en emoties blijven. Er moeten serieuze vragen gesteld worden en duidelijke antwoorden voorgelegd worden door mensen die een grondige kennis van de islam, de Europese getto’s en de moslimwereld bezitten. In deze reeks vraag-en-antwoorden wordt een oplossing geboden voor het bestrijden van radicalisme binnen de moslimgemeenschap.

Using an English School approach, the article discusses the impact of the ‘War on Terror’ on the primary institutions of international society. The claim of the article is that a silent revolution has been happening that have challenged the traditional conception of meaningful political entities in world politics.

Following the events of 9/11, the Bush Administration launched the Global War on Terror. Abroad, U.S. Forces aggressively pursued alleged terrorist organizations and supporters in Central Asia and the Middle East – beginning with Afghanistan and Iraq. These military operations coincided with a rise in anti-privacy legislation and government surveillance operations at home – see, for example, the Combating Terrorism Act, the Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act (USA PATRIOT Act), the Cyber Security Enhancement Act, Operation Terrorist Information and Prevention System, and the Total Information Awareness (TIA) tracking system – as well as a resurgence of wartime propaganda. News programs and television series covered the Global War on Terror in both domestic and international settings, bombarding the American public with images of war in the form of information and entertainment. Media thus performed a propagandistic function: limiting, censoring, and presenting war content in both fiction and non-fiction programs.

The purpose of this paper is to examine propaganda, in particular wartime propaganda, in a post-9/11 context in order to understand the complex role that television plays as a tool of social control and mass persuasion. In doing so, this paper begins with an in-depth study of propaganda which explores the target audience and scope of propagandistic campaigns, the functions and objectives of propaganda, and, finally, the techniques and features employed in such campaigns. In order to distinguish between propaganda and other forms of promotional discourse, a discussion on the ethics of propaganda is conducted.

After establishing a solid definition of the concept and techniques of propaganda, it is further examined in the context of wartime operations. An emphasis is placed upon the techniques and objectives of wartime communication campaigns in order to determine how war propaganda can be employed to influence attitudes and beliefs. In doing so, this paper will also explore how ideologies and values can be employed to promote particular agendas.

Finally, a case study focusing on the television series 24 is conducted to illustrate how patriotic and idealistic images can be used to mobilize support for the American military establishment and its strategic operations, including the acceptance of morally questionable conduct. This case study demonstrates the influential role that television can play in the context of wartime operations by encouraging support for the military and law enforcement agencies.

Since the end of the Cold War we witnessed a change in the nature on conflict: increasing number of civil conflicts over interstate wars, rising of PMCs and privatization, terrorism, new technologies, great influence of international actors. But are these trends  truly new? My answer is no. I argue that these transformations already started in a significant number during the Cold War period and that now what we are witnessing is a quantative rather than a qualitative change in conflict dynamics, also due to new and more sophisticated theoretical lenses.

“War is socially sanctioned brutalities to achieve  political goals. War is dark valley, which pour magic of power in the minds of brutal kings and dictators. they drink this bitter taste thing and increase power  by hook or by crook, even spoil sweat and pure nature .this is very painful thing that innocent, sweat and unspeakable animals also victims of brutal war. War is cannibals who eat flesh blood of humans and animals. History, literature, religion ,media politics¬¬¬¬---------all resources that humans could invoke for their support¬¬¬¬¬¬¬¬¬¬¬¬¬¬------were manipulated to forward empirical, political agenda through war in the name of civilization and culture. War was the symbol of glory in past especially in roman and Greek era.  It was also symbol of glory in Muslims,  Christians and for all nations. But painful thing is that this terrible disease find in abundance even in postmodern era .Asurdbism is human tendency to seek meaning and purpose in life and can’t to do so. War is absurd thing and, an existential crises stems from several factor, sense of being alone, awareness of freedom, realization of morality. This article explores absurdity and brutality of war through ‘Arms and man, the prince, catch 22, Absurdism’ and through history .this article also identify war in modern era and somehow its solution.