Racialization

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

This article reckons with the figure of Blackness in the US military prison at Guantánamo Bay, from captives who are racialized as both Muslim and Black to the invocations of racism and slavery in discourses incited by the prison. Broad continuities between the War on Terror and various forms of anti-Black state violence have long been observed by critical commentators, but this article aims to theorize these relationships with greater precision through the analytic of captivity. As a modality of racialization, captivity entails mobility across contexts as well as encounters of captivation through public narrative. This approach offers a distinctive vantage point on how the War on Terror's racialization of Muslims cross-cuts diverse geographies of Blackness, including in Muslim-majority societies. This essay follows the memoirs of Mohamedou Ould Slahi (Mauritania) and Walid Muhammad al-Hajj (Sudan) and is informed by the author's experiences as an attorney and activist working to close the prison.

This outline of the theoretical and historical parameters of my recently published Famine Irish and the American Racial State synthesizes the work of Nicos Poulantzas, Michel Foucault, Antonio Gramsci, and David Theo Goldberg, among others. In so doing, it advances a model of the nineteenth-century US state-in-formation that demonstrates how the legal status of the transatlantic Famine Irish took on greater significance than any cultural differences with White Anglo Saxon Protestant America. Key concepts are explored, such as citizenship, nationality, race, ethnicity, the fractional state, the racial state, and the Black and Green Atlantic. Introduced, moreover, is one of the most important yet most overlooked American patriots of the nineteenth century, Irish-born Archbishop John Hughes of New York, whose efforts helped to mold the corporate Catholic Church into a major ideological apparatus of the US state.

This chapter argues that incorporating children’s radical subjectivities and perspectives is necessary to re-imagine and enact justice and the good life in ways heretofore unseen.  I first demonstrate how race/child/learning/human are entangled in a tragic knot that constructs the individualized hierarchical subject that severs humans from their relations with other humans and more-than-human others.  I then review current theorizations that redefine any of these conceptions, exploring how they disrupt this assemblage by implicitly redefining other terms within this knot.  The conceptual resources include Black studies, childhood studies, Indigenous Studies, postmodern curriculum studies, anthropology of sociality, and posthumanism.  Integrating these insights entails an epistemic break that centers learning as a continual process of being and becoming convivial with children to allow liberatory figurations of being human to flourish

“Education is not the filling of a pail, but the lighting of a fire.” —William Butler Yeats (1889)

Welcome to our course, “Race and Ethnicity”!  These are not, needless to say, normal circumstances. This is the first time in four decades of teaching that I am doing so “online.”  It may be a new experience for you as well.  There are bound to be glitches (not to mention Murphy’s Law) as we adapt to the new conditions and challenges... but I have no doubt that we will overcome them together.  Our course, which begins on March 31, 2020, is being held in the context of the historic crisis we are all engulfed in, a once-in-a-century global pandemic that is not only bordering on a public health apocalypse but shaking all aspects of our lives and of our worlds (interpersonal, educational, occupational, financial, economic, political, residential, medical, social, cultural, psychological, familial)—requiring adaptations to rapidly changing and unpredictable circumstances.  (Like this online course, for instance!)  It is precisely in such moments of crisis—which shake our taken for granted notions and routines to their foundation, revealing the artifices of our social constructions of “reality” (including what we construct as “race” and “ethnicity”)—that a sociological imagination flourishes.  A folk saying has it that “when life gives you lemons, make lemonade.”  I look forward to making sociological lemonade with you this quarter.  The pandemic will not hit everyone alike, but will be patterned along hard lines of social and economic inequality and disadvantage—including race and ethnicity and immigration status.  Not everyone can “stay at home.”  Harsh realities are being exposed anew by this public health catastrophe... including the fact that SYSTEMIC RACISM IS A PUBLIC HEALTH ISSUE... along with possibilities to reshape the structure of our societies in the calamitous aftermath. (But as Frederick Douglass famously said long ago: “Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will.”)

We will read 1 book during our 11-week course: Race in America, by Matthew Desmond and Mustafa Emirbayer.
This is one of the very best textbooks on the subject that I have seen. The book is made up of 11 chapters, each about 40 pages (including many images, maps and graphics); you’ll be reading a chapter a week on average. 
The first 2 chapters spell out key concepts and address the historical invention and institutionalization of “race.” The next 8 core chapters (#3-10) focus on separate (but interconnected) fields of social life: political, economic, residential, legal, educational, aesthetic, associational, and intimate spheres (family, self, identity).  The last one, chapter 11, looks to the future: “Toward Racial Democracy.” In addition to the text, you will read a few supplementary readings, listed in the syllabus and course agenda.  In tandem with the course readings, over the next ten weeks I will regularly email you selected articles, reports, and analyses seeking to connect what you are studying to the breaking news of the day; while we cannot know now what may come in the coming months, we can be pretty certain that the issues addressed by our course will be at the heart of the historic crisis (or crises) that will engulf us.  By the end of the class you will have effectively a “curated” set of such accompanying relevant readings.

Tuesday March 31 is the start of our class.  Saturday April 4 marks the anniversary of the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.  As I do every year at that time, as well as on the anniversary of his birth on January 15, I send my students an annual message of remembrance.  Please take time to read and reflect on it.

The goal of this class is to broaden your intellectual horizons; to study stress, not to cause it; to invite you to a memorable sociological adventure amid a global crisis that you and I will still be talking about many years from now.  And remember: Our course will end in June, but not our role and responsibility as members of the polis, as citizens as well as sociologists confronted by historic crises.  The critically informed citizen—whose voice is heard, who acts and votes and remains civically engaged—is racism’s worst enemy.  Becoming a critically informed citizen, ending racial domination and making a more just world is a lifetime commitment that never ends.  Silence is not an option at this (potential) turning point in the history of American democracy and racial justice, even amid a once-in-a-century pandemic.  Know that history.  Voice that history.  Read-think-write... and act.

"Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere... Justice too long delayed is justice denied." —Martin Luther King, Jr.,  Letter from Birmingham Jail (1963)

These poems, composed in Somali and in English, provide a poetic reflection of the recently emerged debate on the theme of Caddaan Studies which means "White Studies". The criticism and counter-criticism contained in the debate dug so deep into life nerve of Somali Studies that over a thousand people participated. The poems, under the title "Inaugurating Caddaan Studies" were composed with a critical observation of the debate.

In the spring of 2006, millions of Latinos across the country participated in the largest civil rights demonstrations in American history. In this timely and highly anticipated book, Chris Zepeda-Millán analyzes the background, course, and impacts of this unprecedented wave of protests, highlighting their unique local, national, and demographic dynamics. He finds that because of the particular ways the issue of immigrant illegality was racialized, federally proposed anti-immigrant legislation (H.R. 4437) helped transform Latinos' sense of latent group membership into the racial group consciousness that incited their engagement in large-scale collective action. Zepeda-Millán shows how nativist policy threats against disenfranchised undocumented immigrants can provoke a political backlash - on the streets and at the ballot box - from not only 'people without papers', but also naturalized and US-born citizens. Latino Mass Mobilization is an important intervention into contemporary debates regarding immigration policy, the immigrant rights movement, and racial politics in the United States.

The article was published in the volume Moduri de Apropiere și Rezistență Socială. Modes of Appropriation and Social Resistance", edited by Gabriel Troca and Bogdan Iancu, 2015,  Conference proceedings, Tritonic, Bucuresti, 35-61. The text is a combination of ideas discussed in two papers presented at the Conference of the Romanian Society of Cultural and Social Anthropology, organized at Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca in November 2014 ('Neoliberal housing policies and the process of dehumanization' within the panel 'Post-socialist neoliberalism and the dispossession of personhood'; and 'Entrepreneurial development and its effects on the marginalization of Roma', from the panel 'Roma Resistance in the Context of Development and Policy Interventions'. Moreover, it is informed by the research 'Spatialization and racialization of Roma exclusion: The social and cultural formation  of "Gypsy ghettos" in Romania in a European context’ (www.sparex-ro.eu), supported by the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research, CNCS – UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-ID-PCE-2011-3-0354). This article discusses about the politics of culture, rights, social inclusion and development as practices of subjectification, and about how are they instrumentalized in the process of  racialization of 'the Roma'. It briefly describes attempts of Romani nation- and minority-building, and the demands for universal human rights for Roma, highlighting how are the resulting subject positions interpreted in a racist frame as 'The inferior' nation or 'The different' minority or 'The Other' European citizen. Afterwards, the paper allocates more space to the analysis of how are the politics of social inclusion policies and of entrepreneurial development taking part in the racialization of 'the Roma' to the extent to which they are used to create a category of 'sub-human' who, due to its presumably biological and cultural characteristics, is 'poor' and 'non-competitive', i.e. does not fit into the (ideal) personhood of the regime. The analysis reveals all these evolutions as dynamics that create subaltern/ marginalized/ exploited subject positions for Roma in the broader power structure of capitalism within which they operate (referring to Romania viewed in a European context). It highlights the function of these politics of subjectification in the capitalist political economy, due to the fact that they disguise both the structural causes of marginalization and the role of racialization in the maintenance of the unjust social order, but as well as their own political nature, pretending that they are neutral policies aiming to solve 'technical problems'. Last, but not least, the paper suggests the need for a new politics of empowerment as transformative subjectification, which would enable one to act from a subject position created for him/her by the economic and cultural system in a way that changes the system itself.

This paper's goal it's to do a review, for the first time in Spanish, of A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America by the Historian Ronald Takaki (1939-2009). Takaki’s works were key for the incorporation, into the American historical narrative of the multiculturalism and of the recognition of ethnic and cultural diversity in the American society.
Also I aim to do a presentation or at least to remind him, and his Historical approach to the Spanish speaking academic community.

In the current climate of increasing antagonisms and populist discontents surrounding the visible presence of mainland mobilities in postcolonial Hong Kong, there is an acute need to understand how those from Mainland China are racialized. Lowe and Tsang's article provides an examination of the campaign against Mainlanders prevalent in Hong Kong society. The emergent conflicts between Hong Kong and Mainland Chinese migrants overlap with the duality of time or differing time-inflected cultural habits of Mainlanders and Hong Kongers. As Hong Kong's citizenry and Mainlanders contest the status of the former colony and claim rights over it in ways aberrant to both factions' national consciousness, discrimination increases as Mainlanders are castigated by Hong Kongers for grazing their territory with mannerisms deemed unsettling to Hong Kong's everyday notions of time and space. Hong Kongers' sense of collective identity is shored-up as they reject the People's Republic of China’s favoured concept of pan-Chinese ethnicity by constructing Mainlanders as the inverse of themselves.

In France, 20,000 people live in informal slums. Since the end of the 1990s, they are targeted by systematic repressive policies that have contributed to put them in forced mobility and to racialize poverty. As a consequence, the practice of squatting lands has been depoliticized through the building of the so-called " Roma question ". Thousands of migrants coming from Eastern Europe have been associated with informal slums considered as their " natural " living place and are categorized as nomads. This " Roma question " has constituted an important obstacle in France for social movements to push officials to implement alternative housing and social policies because it constitutes an obstacle against the politicization both of the policies towards slums and the practice of squatting. This chapter analyzes how informal settlements and their inhabitants have been racialized since the 1960s by the state policies and the media, and how this process has impeded the disruptive use of squatting by these groups and their supporters, while NGOS only mobilize conventional resources to stop evictions and claim for new rights, but without using illegality as a disruptive political resource. State policies have created a regime of exception that inhibits the migrants to take risk in collective action. However, the chapter also shows that slum dwellers are able to silently resist to constraints and exploit resources in order to survive in the core of the metropolitan area.

Résumé : En France, 20 000 personnes vivent dans des bidonvilles. Depuis la fin des années 1990, elles sont systématiquement victimes d'évacuations policières qui les ont forcées à la mobilité et ont contribué à la racialisation de la pauvreté urbaine. En conséquent, l'occupation illégale de l'espace urbain a été dépolitisée dans les débats autour de la dite « question rom ». Des milliers de migrants d'Europe de l'Est ont été associés aux bidonvilles alors considérés comme le lieu de vie « naturel » des pauvres et des nomades. En dépolitisant la pratique du squat, la « question rom » a constitué un important frein au développement de mouvements sociaux capables de pousser les élus à mettre en oeuvre des politiques du logement et sociales alternatives. Dans un ouvrage collectif qui cherche à étudier les éventuels liens entre squat et migration, ce chapitre, démontre en quoi la dépolitisation de l'occupation illégale de terrains via le développement de la « question rom » a empêché le développement de mouvements sociaux capables de pousser les élus à concevoir des politiques du logement et sociales alternatives aux expulsions dont les habitants sont systématiquement victimes depuis la fin des années 1990. L'Etat a conçu un régime d'exception qui empêche les migrants et les plus pauvres résidents de bidonvilles de prendre le risque de mener des actions illégales pour réclamer leurs droits et qui cantonne les ONGs à employer des modes d'action conventionnels. Mais le chapitre montre aussi que les bidonvilles sont des lieux de résistance silencieuse et d'exploitation subversive des ressources urbaines.

Racial hoaxes are becoming a popular discursive strategy to disguise racism, as well as a powerful means for triggering waves of fake news and outraged comments both on mainstream and social media. Built on grounds of plausibility and consistency with existing narratives, racial hoaxes may remain latent for a long time, and periodically emerge when negative stereotypes can be framed as actual news stories. Racial hoaxes have relevant political and social implications: spread across multiple channels, they can foster exclusionary discourse on immigration, migrants , refugees, and other minorities, with concrete consequences on people and policies. In particular, far-right movements embrace hoaxes as a great opportunity to advocate their claims and legitimate their calls for violent action. Theoretical background Racial hoaxes are becoming a popular discursive strategy to disguise racism. This concept has mainly been used in US legal and criminological fijields, aimed at exploring the connection between racial stereotypes and related practices in policing, and shifting criminal responsibility from a white offfender to a fijictional black predator (Russell, 1998). Nonetheless, this concept could be scrutinized from wider social and communicational perspectives, looking at how racial hoaxes are created and circulated, and how they afffect ethnic relations. The concept also provides powerful insights into study how prejudices and stereotypes are objectivized, and how hostility tales turn into social action. Moreover, racial hoaxes should be a relevant matter for communication studies, since they involve both mainstream and digital media, and have relevant consequences on public.

This article contributes to the study of Muslim men and masculinities by drawing attention to the usefulness of exploring the under-researched relational, emotional and intimate dimensions of Muslim men’s lives. It argues that exploring personal life facilitates critical examination of Muslim men’s affective ties by casting light on their emotional and intimate lives, beyond a narrow focus on negative emotionality. It highlights the private sphere as a domain of social life that has been neglected in understanding Muslim men’s lived experience. The article presents findings from research exploring the impact on Muslim men of a child sexual exploitation crisis in Rotherham. Drawing on interviews with men to foreground their accounts, it shows how focusing on personal life enhances understanding of changing gender and generational relations in Muslim families and shifting masculine roles and identities. It highlights the impact of experiences of racialisation on men’s personal lives w...

Este artículo pretende arrojar luz sobre las diferencias y conexiones íntimas entre los términos racialización, racialismo y racismo. Con ello pretende ofrecer algo de claridad sobre formas de pensar y operar poco repasadas. Este análisis se
detiene primero en definir el concepto matriz de racialización, sus acepciones y las consecuencias
políticas y epistémicas de su contenido. Posteriormente, el texto se dedica a analizar el poco
discutido término racialismo. En una tercera sección los esfuerzos de este análisis se concentran
en examinar el concepto de racismo y en describir las estrechas relaciones que éste tiene con los
conceptos anteriores. A modo de conclusión se reflexiona sobre la utilidad de este ejercicio de
discernimiento para las políticas del anti-racismo.

espanolEl objetivo de este estudio fue analizar los mecanismos cotidianos de racializacion y las barreras linguisticas que enfrentan las ninas y los ninos migrantes haitianos durante su proceso de insercion en las escuelas chilenas. La investigacion se fundamenta en el enfoque de los racismos estructurales que generan relaciones de jerarquizacion y racializacion que recaen sobre determinados cuerpos y provienen desde la ideologia colonialista en los estados latinoamericanos. El estudio se llevo a cabo desde la metodologia cualitativa; se aplicaron entrevistas semiestructuradas a docentes que dictan clases en escuelas publicas con presencia de ninas y ninos migrantes. Se concluye que la infancia migrante haitiana experimenta procesos de racializacion durante su insercion cotidiana en las escuelas chilenas, donde se reconstruyen visiones estereotipadas y vulnerabilizadoras de los sujetos sociales, a quienes se les situa como alteridad. A su vez, la ninez haitiana se enfrenta a la barr...

This article analyzes the discourse of the Spanish school system on immigrant children and also the new culturalist approach that conceals old classist and racist models. By means of extensive ethnographic research on schools in the outskirts of Barcelona, the study provides evidence of the processes of racialization and educational exclusion of a specific migrant group: Dominican youth. In the host society, this population discovers the role of the negro – the racialized subaltern
subject – which is represented by the Haitian population in their country of origin. Race is here conceptualized as a social and political construction – an invention – embodied and thus made real by the biographies of racialized subjects. The study considers various theoretical perspectives, privileging approaches that link
discourses about race with those about class. The concept of class racism that emerges from this framework allows a reflection on how the subaltern migrant comes to embody the new racialized subject. An analysis is carried out of the stigmatising educational practices – concealed practices in several cases– applied in the host school, as well as the experience of subaltern schooling of the Dominican
population, the protagonist of educational and social exclusion processes in Spain.
Keywords: school ethnography, immigration, racialization, school inferiorization, educational exclusion

During the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, countless slaves from culturally diverse communities in the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia journeyed to Mexico on the ships of the Manila Galleon. Upon arrival in Mexico, they were grouped together and categorized as chinos. Their experience illustrates the interconnectedness of Spain's colonies and the reach of the crown, which brought people together from Africa, the Americas, Asia and Europe in a historically unprecedented way. In time, chinos in Mexico came to be treated under the law as Indians, becoming indigenous vassals of the Spanish crown after 1672. The implications of this legal change were enormous: as Indians, rather than chinos, they could no longer be held as slaves. Tatiana Seijas tracks chinos’ complex journey from the slave market in Manila to the streets of Mexico City, and from bondage to liberty. In doing so, she challenges commonly held assumptions about the uniformity of the slave experience in the Americas.

Youth Gangs, Racism, and Schooling examines Vietnamese American youth gang formation in Southern California, with an emphasis on the experiences of those heavily involved in the 1990s. Lam traces the genealogy of the Vietnamese American youth gang phenomenon as part of the conflict in Southeast Asia. He describes the consequences of war and migration for youth as well as their racialization as "Asian American" subjects. Grounded in the critical narratives of three gang members, Lam addresses themes of racism, violence, class struggle, style, and schooling in an era of anti-youth legislation in the state and nationally. In this dehumanizing context, Lam frames Vietnamese and Southeast Asian American gang members as post-colonial subjects, offering an alternative analysis toward humanization and decolonization.

Reviews:
"Youth Gangs, Racism, and Schooling is a pioneering book about the interplay of colonialism, racism, and the production of Vietnamese youth gangs in Southern California. Lam’s narrative is moving, rigorous, and deeply compelling. Weaving his own personal experiences with the poisonous dynamics of American imperialism, diaspora, displacement and the reconfiguration of place and agency, Lam provides a searing commentary on Vietnamese American youth gang subculture, the dynamics of racism, disruption, and poverty that now mark a notable chapter and offshoot of American domestic and foreign policy. The subculture of youth gangs is understood by Lam as a way not only to analyse a politics of disposability and state racism and violence, but also to connect the related matters of empire, immigration, geopolitics, and education. This is a brilliant book which should be required reading by everyone concerned about politics, power, and what it means to take seriously learning from historical memory in order to treat youth in general as part of the project and promise of a radical democracy."
- Henry A. Giroux, McMaster University Chair for Scholarship in the Public Interest, The Paulo Freire Distinguished Scholar in Critical Pedagogy, and Professor of English and Cultural Studies, McMaster University, Canada

"Lam is a new voice in critical education. In this rich account, Lam provides compelling analysis of Vietnamese gang formation in a framework that combines studies of political economy, racialization, and empire. Stuck between model minority and gang-banger status, Vietnamese youth seek meaning as criminalized and perpetual strangers in the US. As Lam shows, they are neither victims of their circumstances nor freely acting subjects. We peer into a world of contradictions where hope resides as a concrete possibility through Lam's retelling of their migration and social struggle."
– Zeus Leonardo, Professor and Affiliated Faculty Member of the Critical Theory Designated Emphasis, Graduate School of Education, University of California, Berkeley, USA

http://www.palgrave.com/us/book/9781137475589#otherversion=9781349581382

In this chapter, we discuss in detail the role of discourse in creating race and racialized categories, providing examples from recent research where applicable. We provide a historical overview of the topic, with an emphasis on two main theoretical approaches pertaining to discourse in this area: racial discourse and racialized linguistic practices. Throughout this chapter we highlight the flexible, contextual nature of discourse and racialization and the need to analyze its effects on racialized subjects, as its content is always shifting.

Brown v. Board of Education (1954) was a landmark decision that was the result of decades of efforts by grassroots activists and civil rights organizations to end legalized segregation. A less well-known effort challenged the extralegal segregation of Mexican American students in the Southwest. I combine original research and research synthesis to explore the connections between these legal campaigns. Three key differences between African American and Mexican American segregation had important implications for the legal strategies in the latter: (a) de jure versus extralegal segregation; (b) the legal whiteness of Mexican Americans; and (c) the racialization of language. While both sets of lawsuits drew on social science research to challenge segregation, differences in timing and legal arguments seem to have prevented sustained connections between the two efforts.

Angela Mitropoulos is a political theorist, academic, and activist based in Sydney, Australia. Her work has appeared in journals such as New Formations, Social Text, South Atlantic Quarterly, Borderlands, Mute, and ephemera. She is the author of Contract & Contagion: From Biopolitics to Oikonomia, in which she examines post-Fordism and neoliberalism through a critical history of the contract in relation to the shifting politics of the household. In her capacities as both an academic and an activist, Mitropoulos continues to confront the complex and evolving relationships between political economy, border control, and critical theory. Her current project is titled “Infrastructures Of Uncommon Forms.” The following interview was conducted over email between 25 February and 25 May 2016.

Sind antimuslimische Diskurse Ausdruck einer aktuellen Form des Rassismus?
Anhand von Fallbeispielen – darunter auflagenstarke Buchpublikationen, Zeitungsartikel, Webseiten und Zuschriften an muslimische Verbände – geht Yasemin Shooman den antimuslimischen Narrativen und ihren Funktionen nach. Sie untersucht die artikulierten Selbst- und Fremdbilder ebenso wie die Rolle historischer Bezüge und arbeitet das Repertoire dominanter antimuslimischer Stereotype und Topoi heraus. Die empirische Analyse trägt auch zur Theoriebildung in dem relativ jungen Forschungsfeld bei und zeigt, dass eine Rassifizierung religiöser Zugehörigkeit zu beobachten ist, die auf dem Ineinandergreifen der Kategorien Kultur, Religion, Ethnizität, Geschlecht und Klasse basiert.

A racial division of labour, or a social distribution of productive tasks between categories and groups of people defined racially, ethnically, or nationally, can occur within nations, between nations, and/or globally. I will argue that racial divisions of labour are only possible under capitalism, but their relationship to concrete class-formations is complex and not reducible to the effects of a separate ‘economic base.’ It is not the case that they are determined by economic self-interest on either the part of capitalists or workers: rather, insofar as capitalism maintains itself as a system, i.e., through nation-states in a global states-system, it tends to encourage the formation of racial distinctions tied to specific occupational categories. I thus compare and contrast classical and contemporary Marxist accounts of the formation of ‘race’ in the global political economy, with neo-Marxist and post-Marxist theories which have drawn on diverse inter-disciplinary methods and ontologies to critique ‘class-reductionism.' Despite some common ground, I argue that a more generous interpretation of Marx’s historical materialism can address this apparent impasse as well as respond to current developments in the race-class nexus.

The article analyses the politics of ‘double discourse’ in relation to Roma that has evolved in contemporary neoliberal Europe. On the one hand, the double discourse promotes the integration, rights and equal opportunities of Roma, on the other, it denies recognition of, and ways to address, enduring structural violence and rising social insecurity. The article argues that the politics of ‘double discourse’, as a neoliberal approach towards Roma, is structured by two contradictory discourses that speak to different audiences, using duplicitous approaches to create anti-Roma consensus and maintain the critical difference and subordinated position of the racialised Romani populations in Europe. By
studying the representation of Roma in the cases of so-called 'child theft' in Greece and Ireland, and in the recent ‘refugee crisis’, the paper identifies and discusses three dimensions of contemporary neoliberal double discourse: racialised deEuropeanisation, neoliberal  undeservingness and (dis)articulation of citizenship.

Race and Racism in Modern East Asia juxtaposes Western racial constructions of East Asians with constructions of race and their outcomes in modern East Asia. It is the first endeavor to explicitly and coherently link constructions of race and racism in both regions. These constructions have not only played a decisive role in shaping the relations between the West and East Asia since the mid nineteenth century, but also exert substantial influence on current relations and mutual images in both the East-West nexus and East Asia. Written by some of the field's leading authorities, this groundbreaking 21-chapter volume offers an analysis of these constructions, their evolution and their interrelations.


REVIEWS
"In the field of race studies, race and racism in East Asia has generally been little explored. These two books [Michael Keevak’s Becoming Yellow as well] each works to address that gap in scholarship. As a pair they go a long ways toward furthering our understanding of the historical, political, and social significance of the role of race in East Asia. Most significantly, these books help us to understand how prominent a factor race was in armed conflicts in twentieth-century East Asia. The volume is divided into two parts. Part One deals with Western conceptions of East Asians. Part Two, fully half of the volume, deals with questions of race and racism from perspectives located within East Asia, whether China, Korea, or Japan. The format of an edited volume allows for a large scope of overall inquiry as well as a significant degree of specificity within individual essay. …The juxtaposition of essays in Part One brings to light a number of important topics for reflection and future research, not least the large and thorny question of just how inextricably intertwined the connections between racism and rear of decline actually are. … Part two “East Asia Race Theories, Racial Policies and Racism” breaks new ground in the field of race studies in that it is devoted to race from entirely East Asian perspectives (and there are many!)."
— Laura Hostetler, Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal 37 (2015): 74-84.

"Within the historical research on the topic of racism, East Asia has barely played any role. This volume, the outcome of a multi-year project closes this research lacuna. ... Overall, the volume is superbly edited and easy to read and will undoubtedly remain, until further notice, the standard work on the subject of race in East Asia. For those interested in the historical development of the concept of race and wish to go beyond the European framework, this volume is highly recommended."
— Sven Saaler, Historische Zeitschrift (2014)

"A gigantic volume, its real strong point is its variety, with papers probing such interesting and understudied topics ... The scholarly summaries are very accomplished and provide a wealth of material for understanding that race is neither a fixed nor an atemporal construct, nor is it one that can be simply transferred from Western contexts into Eastern ones. ... The essays represent starting points for a variety of new work as such they are very valuable contributions to the burgeoning field. Highly recommended."
— Michael Keevak, Asian Ethnicity (2014)

"This collection of scholarly works explores racial constructions of East Asians from both external and internal perspectives. ... Not only does this book help readers understand how racial constructions of the West and East Asia interacted in shaping their relationships in the past, but also, more importantly, how these constructions still influence their current relationships in the 21st century. Summing up: Recommended. All levels/libraries."
— A.Y. Lee, Choice, 2013


TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Illustrations and Tables
Conventions
Preface

1. Modern East Asia and the Rise of Racial Thought: Possible Links, Unique Features, and Unsettled Issues
Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel

PART I: WESTERN RACE THEORIES, RACIAL IMAGES AND RACISM
2. Early Modern European Divisions of Mankind and East Asians, 1500-1750 50
Walter Demel and Rotem Kowner
3. How the “Mongoloid Race” Came into Being: Late Eighteenth-Century Constructions of East Asians in Europe
Walter Demel
4. Between Contempt and Fear: Western Racial Constructions of East Asians since 1800
Rotem Kowner
5. “A Very Great Gulf”: Late Victorian British Diplomacy and Race in East Asia
T.G. Otte
6. Pan-Mongolians at Twilight: East Asia and Race in Russian Modernism, 1890-1921
Susanna Soojung Lim
7. National Identity and Race in Post-Revolutionary Russia: Pil’niak’s Travelogues from Japan and China
Alexander Bukh
8. Class, Race, Floating Signifier: American Media Imagine the Chinese, 1870-1900
Lenore Metrick-Chen
9. Racism for Beginners: Constructions of Chinese in Twentieth Century Belgian Comics
Idesbald Goddeeris
10. Race, Imperialism, and Reconstructing Selves: Late Nineteenth Century Korea in European Travel Literature
Huajeong Seok
11. Race, Culture and the Reaction to the Japanese Victory of 1905 in the English-Speaking World
Philip Towle

PART II: EAST ASIAN RACE THEORIES, RACIAL POLICIES AND RACISM
12. A Certain Whiteness of Being: Chinese Perceptions of Self by the Beginning of European Contact
Don J. Wyatt
13. Racial Discourse and Utopian Visions in Nineteenth Century China
Sufen Sophia Lai
14. The Discourse of Race in Twentieth-Century China
Frank Dikötter
15. Racist South Korea? Diverse but not Tolerant of Diversity
Gi-Wook Shin
16. Skin Color Melancholy in Modern Japan: Male Elites' Racial Experiences Abroad, 1880s-1950s
Ayu Majima
17. Anatomically Speaking: The Kubo Incident and the Paradox of Race in Colonial Korea
Hoi-eun Kim
18. Who Classified Whom, and for What Purpose? The “Japanese” in Northeast China in the Age of Empire
Mariko Asano Tamanoi
19. Race and International Law in Japan’s New Order in East Asia, 1938-1945
Urs Matthias Zachmann
20. East Asia’s “Melting-Pot”: Reevaluating Race Relations in Japan’s Colonial Empire 583
Yukiko Koshiro
21. Categorical Confusion: President Obama as a Case Study of Racialized Practices in Contemporary Japan
Christine R. Yano

Contributors
Bibliography
Index

Environmental activist and ardent advocate for children’s rights and well-being, Jamaican laureate of the 2008 Jamaican National Literature awards, Diana McCaulay, published her critically acclaimed debut novel Dog-Heart in 2010. This paper will first focus on the legacy of colonial racism in Jamaica, before addressing the main characters’ quest for identity in a crime-ridden society.

Too little consideration has been given to conceptualizing race within mainstream criminological scholarship. One consequence of this oversight is the existence of a stale debate over the causes of racial disparities in crime and criminal justice outcomes. This article draws upon intersectionality to present an historical analysis of the policing of African Americans. The article argues that the concept of dehumanization helps explain the structural inequalities that produce crime within African American communities and the presence of racism within law enforcement agencies. The discipline may advance research in this area by adopting a constructionist racialization framework.

Debating arguably trivialised notions of ‘beauty’, ‘beauty ideals’ and ‘skin-care’ should not be considered irrelevant within the broader, complex sphere of psychosocial and postcolonial studies. This is because the industry that has grown up around ideas and ideals of ‘beauty’ perpetually reproduces colonial inventions and constructions of ‘blackness’ and ‘whiteness’, and because ‘beauty’ itself contains signifiers of social, cultural, political and economic ‘value’ that are narrowly defined by dominant groups. For this reason, it is paramount that the links between ‘beauty’ and ‘racial difference’ are continually explored and revealed in the newest, often ‘unsuspected’ forms they assume in our contemporary times, in order to debunk racial ‘myths’ that reinforce established structures of inequality.
Although I acknowledge that notions of differences among ‘races’ inform several different types of ‘beauty’ practices – such as hair straightening and cosmetic surgery – in this essay I will exclusively discuss skin-whitening among non-white women. Despite a substantial body of literature existing which attempts to connect the dots between ‘female beauty’, ‘racialisation of bodies’ and ‘skin-whitening’, a large part of the research (Hunter, 2011; Poitevin, 2011; Cain, 2008) seems to neglect some crucial issues. I refer to the necessity to highlight the pervasive use of ‘science’ – informed by underlying racial assumptions of ‘beauty’ which derive from a foregoing colonial system – in support of skin-whitening practices, and its interconnection with ‘colourism’. It is paramount to unravel how the belief in Western scientific ‘superiority’ – which I will identify as contemporary ‘scientific racism’ – endorses practices of skin-whitening, and how these practices attest to a globalised ‘preference’ for fair-skinned women in the domains of work, leisure and sentimental or sexual life. The message conveyed by skin-whitening practices, in fact, is that ‘white is right’, and by attaining ‘whiteness’ one can automatically unlock privileges and opportunities that are not accorded to non-whites. 
This essay will aim at filling this knowledge gap by discussing the cooperation and intersection between colourism and contemporary scientific racism in today’s discourses around skin-whitening. I will illustrate how colonial ideas of ‘beauty’ being a ‘privilege’ of fair-skinned women only are still rife today and have boosted the popularity of skin-whitening products that are the product of Western ‘scientific’ research and innovation.
Ultimately, this essay will argue that ‘beauty’ needs to be understood as a socio-political object, and that behind apparently ‘banal’ skin-care practices lies a wide, long-standing range of notions around different ‘races’ inextricably intertwined with ideas about the unchallengeable authority of the West.

Nine years later, Hurricane Katrina and its aftermath are the subject of a sizeable body of social science literature arguing that this disaster was anything but natural. Vincanne Adams’ new ethnography, Markets of Sorrow, Labors of Faith, joins this literature with a much-needed examination of the horrors experienced by ordinary New Orleanians at the hands of a “recovery effort” marred by embezzlement and dispossession at a staggering scale. Adams, a medical anthropologist, explores the devastated post-Katrina landscape with the sensibilities of her subfield, paying special attention to the affective phenomena produced by the hurricane and its aftermath. Though not particularly innovative theoretically, this brief ethnography is eloquent in its empathetic evocation of the spectrum of socially generated and mobilized emotion animating the New Orleans landscape, ranging from mourning, depression, and anger to hope, faith, and solidarity. The book will be of interest to students of New Orleans and the American South; to those studying the effects of neoliberal policies on lived experience; and to investigators of the growing significance of philanthropy in public life. It is a swift, accessible read, at times moving and enraging throughout.

This contribution interprets the east-central European post-liberal governments’
recent anti-immigrant, anti-refugee and anti-human-rights hysteria in the context of the increasing dependence of the region’s societies for livelihood on employment in the western EU, the widespread racialization of east European labor in the western EU, and the refusal of east European political elites and societies at large to consider possible “Left” critiques of the EU. Given those circumstances, and laboring under related anxieties, post-state-socialist political elites and societies have assumed a fundamentalist-racialist posture. They redirect their repressed anger toward incoming refugees, claim an ahistorical, essential kind of Whiteness and contribute to rigidifying European discussions of “race.”

To access the article, please follow the link to the publisher https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/slavic-review/article/unbearable-whiteness-of-the-polish-plumber-and-the-hungarian-peacock-dance-around-race/59244B15CB295020E51DF252BDA76604.

If the above link does not work, please look up Slavic Review in your own institution's library website and download the paper from there.

If that fails, please contact the authors at jborocz@rutgers.edu or jborocz@gmail.com or msarkar@binghamton.edu and they will be happy to provide a copy. Sorry for the inconvenience.

Die Idee ›farbiger Rassen‹ wurde im Zeitalter der Aufklärung systematisiert und hat sich im Alltagsbewusstsein bis heute erhalten. Demnach wären die ›Farben der Rassen‹ von Natur aus gegeben. Dass diese Vorstellung auf einem Irrtum beruht, zeigt der vorliegende Band am deutschen Beispiel. Er diskutiert anschaulich die vielfältigen Auffassungen unterschiedlicher Hautfarben seit den Kreuzzügen und dem Kolonialismus und verfolgt die Entwicklung rassistischer Diskriminierungen (von Juden, Muslimen, Slawen, Roma, Afrikanern, Asiaten und anderen) bis in die Gegenwart.

The idea of ›coloured races‹ was systematized in the age of Enlightenment and has survived in everyday consciousness until today. According to it, the ›colours of races‹ are constituted by nature. That this notion rests upon a delusion is shown in this volume using Germany as an example. The text illustratively debates the various conceptions of different skin colours since the crusades and colonialism, and traces the development of racist discriminations (of Jews, Muslims, Slavs, Roma, Africans, Asians, and others) up to the present.

Here I use a biohistorical approach to examine the connection between 19th-century nation building in the United States and physicians’ collection of crania, notably “specimens” amassed by Dr. Samuel Morton. Globally disparate places are represented in the Morton Collection, though roughly 25% are Native Americans. Morton acquired these decedents as a result of colonial expansion and military conflicts that revised the national borders of the U.S. Events precipitating removal of natives from the Southeast, paying special attention to Florida, are demonstrative. During this process, “White” Americans’ retellings of interactions with “Indians” solidified into official history, while Morton’s craniometric studies reified racialized categories. This two-pronged “bio-political strategy” produced hegemonic notions of American citizenship that privileged Whiteness. In returning to the Morton Collection, however, I also identify traces—archival and skeletal—of past events and peoples that counterpoise official histories and, in so doing, point to the fragility of this nationalist project and racialization processes.

Presentatia in kader van webinar "Dekolonisatie: het belang van de woordkeuze", November 16, 2020. CNCD-11.11.11 en 11.11.11

Taal reflecteert en vormt ons wereldbeeld. Woorden zijn niet gewoon etiketten die we plakken op dingen, want taal is niet gewoon een weergave van de wereld maar een interpretatie. Wij bepalen aan de hand van woorden welke dingen relevant zijn, hoe ze gezien worden, welke grenzen we trekken. Taal is dus niet neutraal. Taal is, zoals Franz Fanon (1952) stelde, een machtstechnologie en aangezien dekoloniseren in essentie betekent dat we de macht willen herverdelen, kan taal een mechanisme zijn om dat te doen. Maar dat is nog maar het begin.

Abstract: This article aims to contribute to social work scholarship about LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer) migrants by drawing from a community- based research project about the experiences of queer and trans refugees living in Canada. We aim to explore the findings from this project by employing critical intersectionality analysis, with a particular focus on structural intersectionality. This intersectional analysis will be linked with key aspects of queer, trans, and critical race theory, in order to reveal the ways heteronormativity, cisnormativity,
and processes of racialization shape and organize the everyday lives of queer andtrans refugees. In addition, we will explore the implications of the findings and analysis, for those providing services and/or engaging in community organizing with queer and trans people with refugee experiences. Our aim is to draw from and synthesize the perspectives of the social workers and community organizers
interviewed for this project, in order to introduce an anti-oppressive practice model for supporting queer and trans refugees in Canada.

During the past several years a growing body of literature has encouraged sociologists to examine the intersection of race and Islam as a distinct form of racialization. What is further needed is an understanding of the experiences of racialization of Muslims through the prism of intersectionality. Applying and expanding Selod’s (2018a, 2018b) conceptualization of “gendered racialization” we argue American and international Muslim college women in the United States experience racialization at the intersection of nationality-culture; how their corporeal bodies are gendered and racially signified; religious-political expression; and legal-political policies and practices. Using data from 34 Muslim women college students we argue, first, that they are being racialized in similar practices and feel un-American and that they do not belong but how they mitigate racialization differs based on their intersecting identities. Specifically, the intersecting forces of nationality, gender and racial body signification, and religious-political expression are pertinent. Second, Muslim women college students negotiate their racialization with different coping strategies informed by their intersecting identities, notably their nationality and how they are bodily signified. These findings expose how whiteness is a malleable process for Muslim college women and choosing how to navigate racialization is determined by competing identities.