Books by Giorgos Katsambekis
"The ‘Arab spring’, the Spanish ‘Indignados’, the Greek ‘Aganaktismenoi’ and the ‘Occupy Wall Str... more "The ‘Arab spring’, the Spanish ‘Indignados’, the Greek ‘Aganaktismenoi’ and the ‘Occupy Wall Street’ movement all share a number of distinctive traits. They made extensive use of social networking and were committed to the direct democratic participation of all as they co-ordinated and conducted their actions. Leaderless and self-organised, they were socially and ideologically heterogeneous, dismissing fixed agendas or ideologies. Still, the assembled multitudes that animated these mobilisations often claimed to speak in the name of ‘the people’, and they aspired to empowered forms of egalitarian self-government in common.
Similar features have marked collective resistances from the Zapatistas and the Seattle protests onwards, giving rise to theoretical and practical debates over the importance of these ideological and political forms. By engaging with the controversy between the autonomous, biopolitical ‘multitude’ of Hardt and Negri and the arguments in favour of the hegemony of ‘the people’ advanced by J. Rancière, E. Laclau, C. Mouffe and S. Žižek the central aim of this book is to discuss these instances of collective mobilisation, to probe the innovative practices and ideas they have developed and to debate their potential to reinvigorate democracy whilst seeking something better than ‘disaster capitalism’.
***
Contents: Introduction: radical democracy and collective movements today: responding to the challenges of kairos, Alexandros Kioupkiolis and Giorgos Katsambekis; Post-hegemony: politics outside the usual post-Marxist paradigm, Benjamin Arditi; Letter to a Greek anarchist: on multitudes, peoples, and new empires, Richard J.F. Day and Nick Montgomery; Sovereignty of the people, Jodi Dean; Occupy and autonomous political life, Saul Newman; Hegemony or post-hegemony? Discourse, representation and the revenge(s) of the real, Yannis Stavrakakis; Generalised antagonism and political ontology in the debate between Laclau and Negri, Paul Rekret; A hegemony of the multitude: muddling the lines, Alexandros Kioupkiolis; The multitudinous moment(s) of the people: democratic agency disrupting established binarisms, Giorgos Katsambekis; Representation and political space in Laclau and Hardt and Negri, Andy Knott; Autonomy and hegemony in the squares: the 2011 protests in Greece and Spain, Marina Prentoulis and Lasse Thomassen; Index.
***
Reviews:
‘People or Multitude, Hegemony or Autonomy, Laclau or Negri? This is the crucial dilemma the “age of resistance” we have entered poses to theory and politics. This sophisticated volume brings together some of the most interesting younger scholars to examine the many aspects of the dilemma. The alternatives are mapped in their full complexity and are backed with detailed empirical evidence from the movements in Spain, Greece and Occupy. This collection will become a classic in radical political philosophy.’
--Costas Douzinas, Birkbeck, University of London, UK
‘At a time when we have to make sense of the worldwide protests unfolding since 2011 this book comes at exactly the right moment. Intervening into the heated debates around the question of political representation and the necessity of constructing a new left wing hegemony, this book is a must-read for everyone interested in the topic of collective protest.’
--Oliver Marchart, Düsseldorf Art Academy, Germany"
Papers by Giorgos Katsambekis
Populism has often been described as a great challenge and threat to Western democracies. Not sur... more Populism has often been described as a great challenge and threat to Western democracies. Not surprisingly, at a time in which we are witnessing a significant rise in populist actors in Europe and the US, scientific analyses and commentary regarding populism have become particularly popular and, indeed, necessary. My aim in this article is to offer a brief yet comprehensive overview of the ongoing debates in a bid to problematise the supposed 'immi-nent threat' of populism in light of recent developments within the political systems and societies of established democracies, especially under conditions of crisis. I understand pop-ulism as a specific type of discourse, and thus as a way—among others—of doing politics and appealing to groups of people. Thus, I highlight the varying orientations that populist movements might take, depending on the ideological traditions with which they are closely articulated and the sociopolitical environment in which they manifest. Last, I relate the 'populist surge' to discussions regarding post-democracy.
Interrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a... more Interrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.
El sorprendente ascenso al poder del que alguna vez fue un partido marginal, la Coalición de la I... more El sorprendente ascenso al poder del que alguna vez fue un partido marginal, la Coalición de la Izquierda Radical (Syriza), ha sido uno de los principales subproductos de la severa crisis socioeconómica que afectó a Grecia en 2009. Formada, en un inicio, como una coalición de los partidos de izquierda y grupos políticos, Syriza tomó impulso en los años de austeridad, pasando, en 2009, de un mero 4,6% en las urnas al 36,4%, en 2015. En este artículo, ofrecemos un breve estudio de la evolución de su discurso y estrategia, lo que podría ayudar a dilucidar las condiciones de su aparición en la escena política y su emergencia al poder.
Ο λαϊκισμός αποτελεί ένα από τα πλέον επίκαιρα αντικείμενα στη σύγχρονη πολιτική έρευνα. Ωστόσο, ... more Ο λαϊκισμός αποτελεί ένα από τα πλέον επίκαιρα αντικείμενα στη σύγχρονη πολιτική έρευνα. Ωστόσο, η ετερογένεια των σύγχρονων εκφάνσεών του σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο –και εμφατικά πλέον στο ευρωπαϊκό πλαίσιο– καθιστούν αναγκαία την ανανέωση της επιστημονικής διερεύνησής του. Στο πλαίσιο της έρευνάς μας επιχειρήσαμε την ανάπτυξη ενός ευέλικτου αλλά συνεκτικού θεωρητικού πλαισίου για τη δοκιμότερη ταυτοποίηση
και συγκριτική ανάλυση των λαϊκιστικών φαινομένων. Μεθοδολογική βάση αποτέλεσε η ανάλυση λόγου και ειδικότερα η «Σχολή του Essex», η οποία κατόπιν συσχετίσθηκε με άλλες ποιοτικές, ποσοτικές και λεξικομετρικές μεθόδους. Στο επίκεντρο της εμπειρικής διερεύνησης τέθηκαν: (1) ο σύγχρονος αριστερός λαϊκισμός στη Λατινική Αμερική, (2) ο ακροδεξιός λαϊκισμός στην Ευρώπη, (3) η αντίθεση λαϊκισμού/αντιλαϊκισμού σε συνθήκες κρίσης. Το ανά χείρας κείμενο παρακολουθεί συνοπτικά το
σύνολο της έρευνας που πραγματοποιήθηκε, δίνοντας έμφαση στα τελικά της πορίσματα.
Due to its electoral performance in the 2012 general elections, SYRIZA, a previously unknown Gree... more Due to its electoral performance in the 2012 general elections, SYRIZA, a previously unknown Greek political formation of the radical left, gained unprecedented visibility within the European public sphere. How is this strong showing and the political message articulated by SYRIZA to be interpreted? Utilizing a discursive methodology, this paper puts to test the two assumptions predominating in most available analyses, namely that SYRIZA articulates a populist rhetoric, that it constitutes a predominantly populist force; and, given the near-exclusive association of populism with extreme right-wing movements, that SYRIZA constitutes a populist danger for Europe. Our analysis concludes that SYRIZA’s discourse is indeed a distinct articulation of left-wing populism. However, this by no means vindicates the second part of the prevailing wisdom: SYRIZA’s portrayal as a dangerous force threatening fundamental European values. If, however, this is the case, then mainstream research orientations in the study of European populism may have to be reviewed.
In this paper we present the findings of research designed to test if and how populist attitudes ... more In this paper we present the findings of research designed to test if and how populist attitudes among political elites as well as voters (supply and demand) can be measured by including a battery of items in a survey questionnaire producing particular indices. Combining these two perspectives regarding populist attitudes may enhance our ability to assess the position of each political actor and its constituency within the political system. From this point of view, our inquiry unfolds along two complementary axes: (a) do parties (supply side) that are identified as ‘populist’ present a distinct discursive profile that can be quantitatively measured towards the public/voters?, and (b) do the voters of populist and other parties (supply side) present attitudes that can be clearly related to a populist or a non-populist outlook?
The aim of this article is to investigate “antipopulism” as a distinct discursive repertoire that... more The aim of this article is to investigate “antipopulism” as a distinct discursive repertoire that marginalizes “the people” as the legitimizing cornerstone of democracy. After providing an account of the Greek post-democratic transition from the mid-nineties onwards, I will then delve into what could be described as the “populism/anti-populism” ideologicopolitical divide, as it manifests in the Greek political system and also on the European level during the past few years, and especially withinthe ongoing crisis. The main hypothesis is that “anti-populism” can be seen as a crucial aspect of post-democracy, introducing what could be described as a peculiar Ideological State Apparatus in the Althusserian sense; a way to marginalize disagreement and democratic dissensus and discipline a public sphere in an age dominated by technocratic virtue, expert knowledge and ‘consensus politics’.
Key words: the people – populism – anti-populism – post-democracy – Greece
Resumen
El propósito del artículo es investigar el “antipopulismo” como un repertorio discursivo diferenciado que marginaliza a “el pueblo” como la piedra angular legitimadora de la democracia. Luego de dar cuenta de la transición postdemocrática en curso en Grecia desde la mitad de los 90, ahondo en lo que puede describirse como la división ideológica-política “populismo/antipopulismo” tal como se ha manifestado en el sistema político griego, y también a nivel europeo, en los últimos años y especialmente en la crisis en curso. La principal hipótesis es que el “anti-populismo” puede ser visto como un aspecto crucial de la postdemocracia, introduciendo lo que puede ser descripto como un peculiar Aparato Ideológico del Estado en el sentido althusseriano; una manera de marginalizar el desacuerdo y los disensos democráticos y de disciplinar la esfera pública en una época dominada por la virtud tecnocrática, el conocimiento experto y los “consensos políticos”.
Palabras clave: pueblo – populismo – antipopulismo – postdemocracia – Grecia
For more than two decades the debate around European populism, both in its journalistic and its a... more For more than two decades the debate around European populism, both in its journalistic and its academic context, has been almost monopolized by the extreme right-wing parties that followed the impressive rise of Le Pen’s Front National in France (late 1980’s). Hence, in the European context, populism soon became almost synonymous with the extreme right, denoting xenophobic, nationalist, anti-democratic and/or anti-European tendencies. But this picture was soon destabilized and diversified by the emergence of various movements and parties that did not fit the ‘extreme-right’ banner. In fact, not few of them could be clearly identified as left-wing or even radical left (e.g. Front de Gauche in France, Die Linke in Germany, Podemos in Spain, SYRIZA in Greece; not to mention here the ‘square movements’ in Greece and Spain that can be described as grassroots populist movements). In my presentation I purport to show that it is through a discursive framework that we can register these latest developments in populist politics and comparatively assess the significance of each case and its relation to democracy, in a way that is both theoretically consistent and analytically operational. Empirical examples from the European political landscape will be used in order to illustrate the importance for this shift in populism’s research.
Journal of Political Ideologies, 2014
Due to its electoral performance in the 2012 general elections, SYRIZA, a previously unknown Gree... more Due to its electoral performance in the 2012 general elections, SYRIZA, a previously unknown Greek political formation of the radical left, gained unprecedented visibility within the European public sphere. How is this strong showing and the political message articulated by SYRIZA to be interpreted? Utilizing a discursive methodology, this paper puts to the test the two assumptions predominating in most available analyses, namely that SYRIZA articulates a populist rhetoric, that it constitutes a predominantly populist force; and, given the near-exclusive association of populism with extreme right-wing movements, that SYRIZA constitutes a populist danger for Europe. Our analysis concludes that SYRIZA's discourse is indeed a distinct articulation of left-wing populism. However, this by no means vindicates the second part of the prevailing wisdom: SYRIZA's portrayal as a dangerous force threatening fundamental European values. If, however, this is the case, then mainstream research orientations in the study of European populism may have to be reviewed.
Until recently the concept of ʽpost-democracyʼ was only marginally used by radical political theo... more Until recently the concept of ʽpost-democracyʼ was only marginally used by radical political theorists and sociologists. Today, amidst an unprecedented crisis (that isnʼt necessarily limited to Europe), it has almost become a commonsense term found in scientific analyses, in newspapers or even in politiciansʼ discourses when describing our current predicament. One of the main symptoms of the post-democratic transition, according to the elaborations of thinkers like Jacques Ranciere, Chantal Mouffe and Colin Crouch, is the marginalization of ʽthe peopleʼ as the very subject legitimizing any democratic polity. In this context anyone that speaks in the name, or calls upon the ʽpeopleʼ can be easily dismissed as ʽpopulistʼ or a ʽdemagogueʼ. That is especially the case in Greece where the debt crisis has struck harder than anywhere else in Europe. The informal ʽstate of exceptionʼ that the political elite has imposed in its effort to implement a series of harsh and unpopular austerity measures, has led to the articulation of a political discourse that rejects disagreement and democratic dissent as virtually harmful to the ʽnationʼs salvationʼ. Popular will was thusly abrogated in the name of ʽeconomic necessityʼ and almost any opposition was simultaneously branded ʽpopulistʼ. The public sphere was consequently flooded with versions of the Thatcherite ʽthere is no alternativeʼ doctrine. What we could call ʽanti-populismʼ emerged in this way as a distinct discursive repertoire, or even a ʽpolitical weaponʼ intended to delegitimize disagreement and democratic dissent. Starting from a brief account of post-democratic theory and the discussion around populism, our aim in our paper will be to clarify the relation of ʽanti-populismʼ to post-democracy in the Greek case. By delving into what we could call the ʽpopulist/anti-populistʼ divide in the Greek political system, our hypothesis will be that ʽanti-populismʼ can be perceived as another name for post-politics or post-democracy; another way to marginalize disagreement and democratic dissensus in an age dominated by technocratic virtue, expert knowledge and a managerial ethos. Moreover, by focusing on the Greek case, we purport to offer some general theoretical conclusions on the state of the ʽactually existingʼ democracies and the discussion of an ongoing post-democratic turn.
Recent instances of collective mobilisation across the globe have brought renewed attention to th... more Recent instances of collective mobilisation across the globe have brought renewed attention to the question of collective subjectivity and its potential for radical political change or counter-hegemonic ruptures. Tahrir square in Egypt, the ‘Indignados’ in Spain and the ‘Aganaktismenoi’ in Greece, Tottenham riots in Britain and the ongoing ‘Occupy Wall Street’ movement in the U.S.A. are only some of the most debated manifestations of new collective subjects of political change and mobilisation. In these instances some would recognise the rise of the biopolitical ‘multitude’, while others would see the resurgence of ‘the people’ or even signs of the ‘mob’, the ‘crowd’ or the ‘masses’. But what is really at stake here from the standpoint of political theory, and more specifically from the standpoint of a theory which seeks to uphold a project of radical and plural democracy? If the task of political thought is neither to conceptualise subjects into being, nor to produce a mere phenomenology, what is the actual effect of naming a political subject on a theoretical and empirical level? In engaging with the debate between hegemonic and post-hegemonic conceptions of political agency the aim of this paper will be twofold: on a theoretical level, it will delve into the controversy between E. Laclau and C. Mouffe, on the one hand, and T. Negri and M. Hardt, on the other, to trace out possible lines of convergence between the two approaches which could provide adequate answers to our questions. Then it will try to test its theoretical arguments through an empirical analysis focussed on the ‘indignant squares’ in Greece.
Book Chapters by Giorgos Katsambekis
Published in Alexandros Kioupkiolis & Giorgos Katsambekis (eds) Radical Democracy and Collective ... more Published in Alexandros Kioupkiolis & Giorgos Katsambekis (eds) Radical Democracy and Collective Movements Today: The Biopolitics of the Multitude versus the Hegemony of the People, Farnham: Ashgate, 2014, pp. 169-190.
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Books by Giorgos Katsambekis
Similar features have marked collective resistances from the Zapatistas and the Seattle protests onwards, giving rise to theoretical and practical debates over the importance of these ideological and political forms. By engaging with the controversy between the autonomous, biopolitical ‘multitude’ of Hardt and Negri and the arguments in favour of the hegemony of ‘the people’ advanced by J. Rancière, E. Laclau, C. Mouffe and S. Žižek the central aim of this book is to discuss these instances of collective mobilisation, to probe the innovative practices and ideas they have developed and to debate their potential to reinvigorate democracy whilst seeking something better than ‘disaster capitalism’.
***
Contents: Introduction: radical democracy and collective movements today: responding to the challenges of kairos, Alexandros Kioupkiolis and Giorgos Katsambekis; Post-hegemony: politics outside the usual post-Marxist paradigm, Benjamin Arditi; Letter to a Greek anarchist: on multitudes, peoples, and new empires, Richard J.F. Day and Nick Montgomery; Sovereignty of the people, Jodi Dean; Occupy and autonomous political life, Saul Newman; Hegemony or post-hegemony? Discourse, representation and the revenge(s) of the real, Yannis Stavrakakis; Generalised antagonism and political ontology in the debate between Laclau and Negri, Paul Rekret; A hegemony of the multitude: muddling the lines, Alexandros Kioupkiolis; The multitudinous moment(s) of the people: democratic agency disrupting established binarisms, Giorgos Katsambekis; Representation and political space in Laclau and Hardt and Negri, Andy Knott; Autonomy and hegemony in the squares: the 2011 protests in Greece and Spain, Marina Prentoulis and Lasse Thomassen; Index.
***
Reviews:
‘People or Multitude, Hegemony or Autonomy, Laclau or Negri? This is the crucial dilemma the “age of resistance” we have entered poses to theory and politics. This sophisticated volume brings together some of the most interesting younger scholars to examine the many aspects of the dilemma. The alternatives are mapped in their full complexity and are backed with detailed empirical evidence from the movements in Spain, Greece and Occupy. This collection will become a classic in radical political philosophy.’
--Costas Douzinas, Birkbeck, University of London, UK
‘At a time when we have to make sense of the worldwide protests unfolding since 2011 this book comes at exactly the right moment. Intervening into the heated debates around the question of political representation and the necessity of constructing a new left wing hegemony, this book is a must-read for everyone interested in the topic of collective protest.’
--Oliver Marchart, Düsseldorf Art Academy, Germany"
Papers by Giorgos Katsambekis
και συγκριτική ανάλυση των λαϊκιστικών φαινομένων. Μεθοδολογική βάση αποτέλεσε η ανάλυση λόγου και ειδικότερα η «Σχολή του Essex», η οποία κατόπιν συσχετίσθηκε με άλλες ποιοτικές, ποσοτικές και λεξικομετρικές μεθόδους. Στο επίκεντρο της εμπειρικής διερεύνησης τέθηκαν: (1) ο σύγχρονος αριστερός λαϊκισμός στη Λατινική Αμερική, (2) ο ακροδεξιός λαϊκισμός στην Ευρώπη, (3) η αντίθεση λαϊκισμού/αντιλαϊκισμού σε συνθήκες κρίσης. Το ανά χείρας κείμενο παρακολουθεί συνοπτικά το
σύνολο της έρευνας που πραγματοποιήθηκε, δίνοντας έμφαση στα τελικά της πορίσματα.
Key words: the people – populism – anti-populism – post-democracy – Greece
Resumen
El propósito del artículo es investigar el “antipopulismo” como un repertorio discursivo diferenciado que marginaliza a “el pueblo” como la piedra angular legitimadora de la democracia. Luego de dar cuenta de la transición postdemocrática en curso en Grecia desde la mitad de los 90, ahondo en lo que puede describirse como la división ideológica-política “populismo/antipopulismo” tal como se ha manifestado en el sistema político griego, y también a nivel europeo, en los últimos años y especialmente en la crisis en curso. La principal hipótesis es que el “anti-populismo” puede ser visto como un aspecto crucial de la postdemocracia, introduciendo lo que puede ser descripto como un peculiar Aparato Ideológico del Estado en el sentido althusseriano; una manera de marginalizar el desacuerdo y los disensos democráticos y de disciplinar la esfera pública en una época dominada por la virtud tecnocrática, el conocimiento experto y los “consensos políticos”.
Palabras clave: pueblo – populismo – antipopulismo – postdemocracia – Grecia
Book Chapters by Giorgos Katsambekis
Similar features have marked collective resistances from the Zapatistas and the Seattle protests onwards, giving rise to theoretical and practical debates over the importance of these ideological and political forms. By engaging with the controversy between the autonomous, biopolitical ‘multitude’ of Hardt and Negri and the arguments in favour of the hegemony of ‘the people’ advanced by J. Rancière, E. Laclau, C. Mouffe and S. Žižek the central aim of this book is to discuss these instances of collective mobilisation, to probe the innovative practices and ideas they have developed and to debate their potential to reinvigorate democracy whilst seeking something better than ‘disaster capitalism’.
***
Contents: Introduction: radical democracy and collective movements today: responding to the challenges of kairos, Alexandros Kioupkiolis and Giorgos Katsambekis; Post-hegemony: politics outside the usual post-Marxist paradigm, Benjamin Arditi; Letter to a Greek anarchist: on multitudes, peoples, and new empires, Richard J.F. Day and Nick Montgomery; Sovereignty of the people, Jodi Dean; Occupy and autonomous political life, Saul Newman; Hegemony or post-hegemony? Discourse, representation and the revenge(s) of the real, Yannis Stavrakakis; Generalised antagonism and political ontology in the debate between Laclau and Negri, Paul Rekret; A hegemony of the multitude: muddling the lines, Alexandros Kioupkiolis; The multitudinous moment(s) of the people: democratic agency disrupting established binarisms, Giorgos Katsambekis; Representation and political space in Laclau and Hardt and Negri, Andy Knott; Autonomy and hegemony in the squares: the 2011 protests in Greece and Spain, Marina Prentoulis and Lasse Thomassen; Index.
***
Reviews:
‘People or Multitude, Hegemony or Autonomy, Laclau or Negri? This is the crucial dilemma the “age of resistance” we have entered poses to theory and politics. This sophisticated volume brings together some of the most interesting younger scholars to examine the many aspects of the dilemma. The alternatives are mapped in their full complexity and are backed with detailed empirical evidence from the movements in Spain, Greece and Occupy. This collection will become a classic in radical political philosophy.’
--Costas Douzinas, Birkbeck, University of London, UK
‘At a time when we have to make sense of the worldwide protests unfolding since 2011 this book comes at exactly the right moment. Intervening into the heated debates around the question of political representation and the necessity of constructing a new left wing hegemony, this book is a must-read for everyone interested in the topic of collective protest.’
--Oliver Marchart, Düsseldorf Art Academy, Germany"
και συγκριτική ανάλυση των λαϊκιστικών φαινομένων. Μεθοδολογική βάση αποτέλεσε η ανάλυση λόγου και ειδικότερα η «Σχολή του Essex», η οποία κατόπιν συσχετίσθηκε με άλλες ποιοτικές, ποσοτικές και λεξικομετρικές μεθόδους. Στο επίκεντρο της εμπειρικής διερεύνησης τέθηκαν: (1) ο σύγχρονος αριστερός λαϊκισμός στη Λατινική Αμερική, (2) ο ακροδεξιός λαϊκισμός στην Ευρώπη, (3) η αντίθεση λαϊκισμού/αντιλαϊκισμού σε συνθήκες κρίσης. Το ανά χείρας κείμενο παρακολουθεί συνοπτικά το
σύνολο της έρευνας που πραγματοποιήθηκε, δίνοντας έμφαση στα τελικά της πορίσματα.
Key words: the people – populism – anti-populism – post-democracy – Greece
Resumen
El propósito del artículo es investigar el “antipopulismo” como un repertorio discursivo diferenciado que marginaliza a “el pueblo” como la piedra angular legitimadora de la democracia. Luego de dar cuenta de la transición postdemocrática en curso en Grecia desde la mitad de los 90, ahondo en lo que puede describirse como la división ideológica-política “populismo/antipopulismo” tal como se ha manifestado en el sistema político griego, y también a nivel europeo, en los últimos años y especialmente en la crisis en curso. La principal hipótesis es que el “anti-populismo” puede ser visto como un aspecto crucial de la postdemocracia, introduciendo lo que puede ser descripto como un peculiar Aparato Ideológico del Estado en el sentido althusseriano; una manera de marginalizar el desacuerdo y los disensos democráticos y de disciplinar la esfera pública en una época dominada por la virtud tecnocrática, el conocimiento experto y los “consensos políticos”.
Palabras clave: pueblo – populismo – antipopulismo – postdemocracia – Grecia
See http://www.greeninstitute.gr/populism_political_ecology_and_balkans/
"Philosophy and Resistance in the Crisis"
Costas Douzinas (Cambridge, Polity, 2013), 220 pp., ISBN 9780745665443
"Declaration"
Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (New York, Argo Navis Author Services, 2012), 111 pp., ISBN 9780786752904
"Resistance in the Age of Austerity: Nationalism, the Failure of the Left and the Return of God"
Owen Worth (New York, Zed Books, 2013), 176 pp., ISBN: 9781780323350
In a bid to shed more light in the current situation, Giorgos Katsambekis discusses with the Argentinian scholar Paula Biglieri.
on 26 September 2014 at the University of Groningen. The transcript of the interview has
been edited for publication, with the agreement of Professor Voerman.
It features interviews with Giorgio Agamben, Wendy Brown, Moise Postone and Serhat Karakayali, conducted by Giorgos Katsambekis, Akis Gavriilidis and Loukia Mano.
The Workshop was organised by the POPULISMUS team (Yannis Stavrakakis, Alexandros Kioupkiolis, Nikos Nikisianis, Giorgos Katsambekis, Thomas Siomos, Ioanna Garefi).
• How have populist actors reacted to the COVID-19 pandemic when in
government or opposition?
• Has their ideological position on the left or right, or indeed somewhere inbetween, played a role to that reaction?
• How have the rates of approval and vote intensions for populist actors
developed during that period?
• More generally, how have discussions around ‘populism’ and the role of ‘experts’ and ‘science’ developed in each country during this time? Have they reproduced standard anti-populist stereotypes?
In order to shed light on these crucial aspects of the discussion and set the agenda for future comparative research as well as conceptual enquiry, we approached a series of well established scholars, along with several dynamic younger researchers specialising on both populism and the study of politics in different countries and regions. This gave us a sum of sixteen (16) case studies of countries and political actors from across the world, making the scope of our report truly global, extending from Australia to Sweden and from the Philippines to Brazil and the United States.