PhD in Political Science (2022) from the Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris - Sciences Po Paris. Associate Researcher at the Centre de Recherches Politiques de Sciences Po (CEVIPOF). I have a bachelor degree in Economics from the University of São Paulo (2012) and a Master of Philosophy degree in Political Theory from the Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris - Sciences Po Paris (2016). I develop my research activity on the interdisciplinary articulation between Political Theory and Psychoanalysis, studying populist experiences, movements that criticize mechanisms of political representation, and reflecting on the role of political leadership in the construction of collective identities. Address: Paris, France
Ensaio inédito, "Do que falamos quando falamos de populismo" joga luz sobre conceito-chave presen... more Ensaio inédito, "Do que falamos quando falamos de populismo" joga luz sobre conceito-chave presente no debate político, evidenciando seus matizes e os diferentes significados atribuídos ao termo ao longo da história.
Afinal, o que é populismo, palavra usada ad nauseam nos tempos que correm? Para responder a essa pergunta, Thomás Zicman de Barros e Miguel Lago reconstituem o uso do termo ao longo dos anos, por meio de profunda pesquisa em arquivos de imprensa e de formulações intelectuais a respeito da matéria, e mostram que, em meio a imprecisões conceituais, o vocábulo nem sempre teve a conotação negativa hoje dominante, tendo sido defendido e reivindicado por atores políticos no Brasil e no mundo.
A história da polissemia da palavra, que ocupa a primeira parte deste volume, é seguida de caracterização do fenômeno e chega até um dos grandes debates da atualidade nacional: a aproximação, a partir justamente do populismo, entre Lula e Bolsonaro. Se os dois políticos poderiam ser líderes populistas, argumentam os autores, a simetria entre ambos é falsa e esconde a pluralidade que o termo abriga ― e também a complexidade de sua definição.
Ensaio original e preciso, que articula teoria política, história brasileira e análise do discurso, este livro é mais que uma resposta para a dificuldade de fixar conceitualmente o populismo, ou melhor, os populismos. É uma reflexão sobre seu modo emancipatório, que pode ser importante artifício para enfrentar os desafios da experiência democrática.
“Thomás Zicman de Barros e Miguel Lago são expoentes da jovem geração de pensadores brasileiros. Eles demonstram ter rara virtude de criar e não “reler” o já escrito. Neste livro conciso e ambicioso apresentam uma nova maneira de entender o que foi, o que é e o que pode ser o populismo na política.” ― Sérgio Abranches
This article discusses the relationship between populisms and aesthetic transgression in a contex... more This article discusses the relationship between populisms and aesthetic transgression in a context of massification, based on an analysis of Lulism and Bolsonarism in Brazil. Divided into three parts, the article first takes up Jacques Rancière's idea of aesthetics as the “partage du sensible” to discuss the link between the transgressive performances of populist leaders and the mobilisation of invisible sectors. It argues that, beyond the style of its leaders, populism generates an aesthetic crisis by bringing the invisible masses into the public sphere. The second part examines the contemporary processes of invisibilisation and massification and presents a typology of the masses in Brazil, distinguishing between the subaltern, the precarious and the mob. The third part assesses how Lulism and Bolsonarism deal with transgression and mobilise different fractions of the masses. It concludes that in order to confront Bolsonarism, the left must recover transgression and reconnect with the excluded masses.
Le mouvement des Gilets jaunes a souvent été décrit comme « populiste ». À partir d’une analyse p... more Le mouvement des Gilets jaunes a souvent été décrit comme « populiste ». À partir d’une analyse psychosociale, cet article évalue la pertinence du terme et discute de ce que l’expérience des Gilets jaunes apporte aux études sur le populisme. La première partie de l’article présente le mouvement des Gilets jaunes et discute de la justesse d’utiliser le terme de populisme pour le caractériser, en considérant notamment comment diverses approches théoriques évaluent différemment la relation entre populisme et démocratie. Tout d’abord il est affirmé que le mouvement peut être qualifié de populiste parce qu’il est capable d’inclure des secteurs subalternisés dans la politique de manière esthétiquement transgressive. Cependant, en soi, cette étiquette n’indique rien sur le caractère démocratique des manifestations. La deuxième partie de l’article présente une série d’entretiens approfondis avec vingt manifestants afin d’évaluer le caractère démocratique du mouvement. L’article conclut que les Gilets jaunes démontrent que des positions éthiques anti-démocratiques et des positions éthiques radicalement démocratiques peuvent coexister dans le même mouvement populiste.
The concept of empty signifier is possibly the most prominent among those developed by Ernesto La... more The concept of empty signifier is possibly the most prominent among those developed by Ernesto Laclau. However, despite its success among discourse theorists, this notion remains puzzling. It has been used in various contexts and different configurations, and has become polysemic. My goal is to attempt to clarify this concept. To do so, my study is divided into two parts. First, I go back to the psychoanalytic concepts that seem to have informed Laclau's earlier formulations on the empty signifier. Second, I revisit Laclau's work to highlight five different uses he made of the notion of empty signifier. In different contexts in Laclau's work, the empty signifier named (1) a symbol of the pure being of the symbolic system; (2) a particular demand that represents all other particular political struggles; (3) a 'negative' symbol that names an antagonistic other; (4) a symbol whose content is problematically poor; and (5) a symbol pointing to an open identity. Whereas I conclude that it is not possible to produce one simple definition of empty signifier, I argue that we should not reject the concept, but rather use it to grasp the complexity of processes of identification.
In the effort to articulate political theory and psychoanalysis, two psychoanalytic metaphors—sym... more In the effort to articulate political theory and psychoanalysis, two psychoanalytic metaphors—symptom and sublimation—have been separately used by political theorists to explain the emergence of populism and its relationship with democracy. Going back to the works of Freud and Lacan, this paper provides a critical reassessment of the uses of these two psychoanalytic metaphors by authors such as Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, and Benjamin Arditi. The paper concludes that the two metaphors are complementary, as the distinction between symptom and sublimation is key to differentiating between undemocratic and radical democratic constructions of popular identities.
This article argues that Ernesto Laclau’s notion of demand is problematic. By converting a demand... more This article argues that Ernesto Laclau’s notion of demand is problematic. By converting a demand into the basic unit of analysis, Laclau inadvertently distances himself from the post-foundational approach that defined his discourse theory. Therefore, for it to be coherent with a discursive approach to social reality, the idea of demand should be decomposed and reevaluated from a psychoanalytic perspective. The article defends the view that Jacques Lacan’s dismissal of demands as a symbolic articulation that conceals desire leads to a fruitful rectification of Laclau’s theory on the construction of collective identities. It shows that the main category present in identificatory processes is desire, not demand. The article concludes that a study focused on desire could analyze a broader set of empirical cases and also provide the basis for a normative and ethical analysis. Moreover, it allows for a reading of Laclau’s references to the psychoanalytic concept of sublimation as a democratic answer to the fantasmatic metonymy of desire.
The article argues that the eruption of ‘indignation’ protests after 2011 produced new discourses... more The article argues that the eruption of ‘indignation’ protests after 2011 produced new discourses questioning political representation that challenge one of the most important frameworks of the constructivist turn in democratic theory: Michael Saward’s representative claim. This article analyses these post-representative claims through Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s distinction between Vertretung (or representation as ‘acting for’) and Darstellung (aesthetic and performative representation), and concludes that it is possible to discursively construct ‘the people’ without implying representation as ‘stepping in someone’s place’.
In my reply to Lasse Thomassen’s paper, ‘All Claims Are Representative Claims: Response to Thomás... more In my reply to Lasse Thomassen’s paper, ‘All Claims Are Representative Claims: Response to Thomás Zicman de Barros’, I try to address two points – one theoretical and one normative – where I think Thomassen ends up misrepresenting my argument. By clarifying these misunderstandings, I hope to find some common ground with Thomassen’s position.
This article shows that the term “populism” refers to both a concept and a signifier present in t... more This article shows that the term “populism” refers to both a concept and a signifier present in the political dispute, and that these two dimensions intertwine. To this end, we analyze speeches about populism in Brazil during the fourth republican period, produced inside and outside the academic realm. We argue that the theories that interpreted populism from the notions of Bonapartism and mass emerge when the term was already used in everyday language - notably to refer to Adhemar de Barros, either in a laudatory or derogatory way. The deconstruction of these interpretations brings us closer to the Theory of Discourse of the Essex School, which understands populism as a political logic opposing “us” against “them” and which can be linked to various ideologies. We conclude that, in the Brazilian context, the anti-populist discourse itself has widely reproduced the populist logic - employing the term “populism” to characterize its opponents negatively.
In October 2018, Slavoj Žižek published a two-part contribution titled 'Should the Left's answer ... more In October 2018, Slavoj Žižek published a two-part contribution titled 'Should the Left's answer to rightist populism be really a "me too"?'. In this text, Žižek reproduced his diachronic skepticism on populism as a fruitful strategy for the Left. In a critical vein, we believe that Žižek's latest interventions join-unconsciously or not-an avalanche of anti-populist discourses that usually emanate from elitist politicians and journalists, and reproduce a moralist, alarmist stance against populism. As a consequence, anti-populist elitism blurs the concept of populism even more thereby hampering our possibilities to capture the changing politico-historic reality in the age of collapsing neoliberalism.
This chapter delves into the integration of psychoanalytic theory into political analysis, partic... more This chapter delves into the integration of psychoanalytic theory into political analysis, particularly focusing on the phenomenon of populism. Drawing upon Ernesto Laclau's pioneering work, the chapter explores the conceptual framework that psychoanalysis offers for understanding the dynamics of populism. By tracing the historical lineage from Freud's early ideas on mass psychology to contemporary theories, it highlights the evolution of thought that counters the simplistic depiction of masses as threats to democracy. Central to this analysis are four psychoanalytic categories—drive, desire, fantasy, and enjoyment—which shed light on the psychological forces underpinning populist discourses. Additionally, the chapter discusses the metaphors of symptom and sublimation within the psychoanalytic realm to distinguish between undemocratic and radical democratic forms of populism. The theoretical exploration argues that while populism as a symptom reveals undemocratic tendencies, populism as sublimation presents a more nuanced, inclusive approach that could potentially enhance democratic practices. This chapter not only enriches the understanding of populism through a psychoanalytic lens but also underscores the broader implications of this theoretical approach in dissecting political phenomena.
Polidemos 10: Latin America at a Glance, Recent Political and Electoral Trends, 2024
This paper examines the profound political shifts in Brazil between 2018 and 2023, focusing on th... more This paper examines the profound political shifts in Brazil between 2018 and 2023, focusing on the contrasting trajectories of Jair Bolsonaro and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. In 2018, Bolsonaro rose to power in the wake of a weakened left, while Lula faced imprisonment. Fast forward to 2023, Lula has reclaimed the presidency, whereas Bolsonaro confronts a series of legal inquiries. The paper unfolds in two parts: the first segment traces Lula’s journey, examining the achievements of his initial terms marked by emancipatory populist politics, economic growth, and poverty reduction, and the subsequent contentious charges of corruption resulting in his imprisonment and eventual release. The latter part scrutinizes Bolsonaro’s rise amid crises and his subsequent decline, outlining his reactionary populism characterised by transgressive communication and assaults on democratic institutions, which culminated in the scenes of chaos in Brasília on 8 January 2023, following his electoral defeat. The paper concludes by claiming that these seismic shifts signal a complex political landscape. It underscores both the strengths and constraints of Lula’s conciliatory populism, as well as the enduring influence of Bolsonarism, emphasising the need for addressing historical authoritarian tendencies in Brazil’s political culture.
Contribuição para o livro editado por João Cezar de Castro Rocha, "Tudo por um triz", Kotter Edit... more Contribuição para o livro editado por João Cezar de Castro Rocha, "Tudo por um triz", Kotter Editorial.
Populism, Protest, and New Forms of Political Organisation, 2022
This chapter explores the role of desire in the Yellow Vests movement in France, drawing on the w... more This chapter explores the role of desire in the Yellow Vests movement in France, drawing on the work of Brazilian scholar Eugênio Bucci. The author argues that Bucci’s analysis of the dynamics of desire in contemporary communication helps to explain the centrality of desire in the Yellow Vests movement. For instance, Bucci’s analysis of the industry of entertainment and melodrama in contemporary protest movements provides insight into the statement made by Éric Drouet, a prominent figure in the Yellow Vests movement, that "It's all a matter of image!" This understanding is partially corroborated through a series of psychosocial interviews with participants, as the author confirms that the desire for recognition and being loved was a driving force in the protests. The chapter concludes by exploring a blind spot in Bucci's framework, the psychoanalytic concept of sublimation, as a potential way out of the dynamics of desire in protest movements and towards an ethics of radical democracy.
Une nouvelle lecture du populisme: psychanalyse et politique, 2019
Le populisme est-il un danger pour la démocratie ou, au contraire, ouvre-t-il une voie privilégié... more Le populisme est-il un danger pour la démocratie ou, au contraire, ouvre-t-il une voie privilégiée vers la démocratisation? Après une introduction détaillée aux principaux concepts de l'Essex School et à sa manière de présenter la démocratie radicale, ce chapitre essaie de répondre à cette question à travers une analyse critique des notions psychanalytiques qui sous-tendent cette approche. Le chapitre indique certaines incohérences dans la manière dont Ernesto Laclau et d'autres ont incorporé certains concepts de Jacques Lacan, comme ceux de sublimation et d’objet petit a, et souligne les différents modes de jouissance qui leur sont associés. En conclusion, le chapitre considère que la construction discursive du «peuple» peut s'appuyer à la fois sur un signifiant sublime qui inscrit le manque dans l'ordre symbolique, ainsi que sur son contraire, sur un signifiant idéalisé qui soutient les fantasmes.
Psicanálise e Política: uma nova leitura do populismo, 2018
O populismo é um perigo para a democracia ou, ao contrário, abre um caminho privilegiado rumo à d... more O populismo é um perigo para a democracia ou, ao contrário, abre um caminho privilegiado rumo à democratização? Após uma introdução detalhada dos principais conceitos da Escola de Essex e de sua forma de apresentar a democracia radical, esse capítulo tenta responder essa questão através de uma revisão crítica das noções psicanalíticas que informam essa abordagem. O capítulo indica certas inconsistências na forma como Ernesto Laclau e outros incorporaram alguns conceitos de Jacques Lacan, como sublimação e objeto petit a, e sublinha os diferentes modos de gozo associados a eles. Na conclusão, o capítulo nos convida a considerar que a construção discursiva do "povo" pode ser baseada tanto em um significante sublime que inscreve a falta na ordem simbólica, quanto em seu oposto, em um significante idealizado que sustenta fantasias.
Ist der Populismus eine Gefahr für die Demokratie oder öffnet er einen Weg zur De‐ mokratisierung... more Ist der Populismus eine Gefahr für die Demokratie oder öffnet er einen Weg zur De‐ mokratisierung? An dieser Frage scheiden sich seit einigen Jahren die Geister. Einer‐ seits haben sich ganze Bücher der Denunzierung des Populismus als Synthese aller möglichen Probleme gewidmet: Der Populismus sei autoritär, irrational, antidemo‐ kratisch (vgl. Stavrakakis/Jäger 2018). Auf der anderen Seite wird der Populismus als Königsweg zur Wiedergewinnung der Demokratie angesichts der Übermacht der Märkte dargestellt (Mouffe 2018). Wie soll man sich angesichts solch unterschiedli‐ cher Positionen zum selben Phänomen bloß entscheiden? Heute kann keine Reflexion über den Populismus den Beitrag Ernesto Laclaus – einen der konsequentesten zu diesem Thema – ignorieren. Dabei gibt auch dessen Werk, wie der vorliegende Aufsatz aufzeigen wird, keine definitiven Antworten hin‐ sichtlich des demokratischen Charakters populistischer Phänomene. Es gibt ein gewisses Paradox in Laclaus Arbeiten. Einerseits kr...
Une nouvelle lecture du populisme: psychanalyse et politique [Free translation], 2019
Is populism a danger to democracy, or does it open up an opportune path to democratization? After... more Is populism a danger to democracy, or does it open up an opportune path to democratization? After a detailed introduction of the main concepts of the Essex School and the way it presents radical democracy, this chapter tries to answer this question through a critical review of the psychoanalytic notions that informed this theoretical approach. It points to a few inconsistencies in how Ernesto Laclau and others incorporated some concepts of Jacques Lacan, such as sublimation and object petit a, and stresses the different modes of enjoyment associated with them. In the conclusion, the chapter invites us to consider that the discursive construction of the “people” can be based both on a sublimatory signifier that inscribes the lack in the symbolic order or on its opposite, an idealized signifier at the core of a fantasmatic endeavor.
Mélenchon a parlé de « créolisation » pour la première fois en septembre 2020. Si ce terme dérang... more Mélenchon a parlé de « créolisation » pour la première fois en septembre 2020. Si ce terme dérange, c’est parce que le prétendu universalisme républicain hégémonique ignore sa propre contingence ; il ignore qu'il est fondé sur un christianisme sécularisé, blanc, masculin, hétérosexuel, auquel les autres doivent s’assimiler. Mais si le populisme créole est l’une des idées les plus transformatrices à apparaître au sein de la gauche, les insoumis doivent néanmoins repenser la fonction de leur chef dans ce mouvement.
Ensaio inédito, "Do que falamos quando falamos de populismo" joga luz sobre conceito-chave presen... more Ensaio inédito, "Do que falamos quando falamos de populismo" joga luz sobre conceito-chave presente no debate político, evidenciando seus matizes e os diferentes significados atribuídos ao termo ao longo da história.
Afinal, o que é populismo, palavra usada ad nauseam nos tempos que correm? Para responder a essa pergunta, Thomás Zicman de Barros e Miguel Lago reconstituem o uso do termo ao longo dos anos, por meio de profunda pesquisa em arquivos de imprensa e de formulações intelectuais a respeito da matéria, e mostram que, em meio a imprecisões conceituais, o vocábulo nem sempre teve a conotação negativa hoje dominante, tendo sido defendido e reivindicado por atores políticos no Brasil e no mundo.
A história da polissemia da palavra, que ocupa a primeira parte deste volume, é seguida de caracterização do fenômeno e chega até um dos grandes debates da atualidade nacional: a aproximação, a partir justamente do populismo, entre Lula e Bolsonaro. Se os dois políticos poderiam ser líderes populistas, argumentam os autores, a simetria entre ambos é falsa e esconde a pluralidade que o termo abriga ― e também a complexidade de sua definição.
Ensaio original e preciso, que articula teoria política, história brasileira e análise do discurso, este livro é mais que uma resposta para a dificuldade de fixar conceitualmente o populismo, ou melhor, os populismos. É uma reflexão sobre seu modo emancipatório, que pode ser importante artifício para enfrentar os desafios da experiência democrática.
“Thomás Zicman de Barros e Miguel Lago são expoentes da jovem geração de pensadores brasileiros. Eles demonstram ter rara virtude de criar e não “reler” o já escrito. Neste livro conciso e ambicioso apresentam uma nova maneira de entender o que foi, o que é e o que pode ser o populismo na política.” ― Sérgio Abranches
This article discusses the relationship between populisms and aesthetic transgression in a contex... more This article discusses the relationship between populisms and aesthetic transgression in a context of massification, based on an analysis of Lulism and Bolsonarism in Brazil. Divided into three parts, the article first takes up Jacques Rancière's idea of aesthetics as the “partage du sensible” to discuss the link between the transgressive performances of populist leaders and the mobilisation of invisible sectors. It argues that, beyond the style of its leaders, populism generates an aesthetic crisis by bringing the invisible masses into the public sphere. The second part examines the contemporary processes of invisibilisation and massification and presents a typology of the masses in Brazil, distinguishing between the subaltern, the precarious and the mob. The third part assesses how Lulism and Bolsonarism deal with transgression and mobilise different fractions of the masses. It concludes that in order to confront Bolsonarism, the left must recover transgression and reconnect with the excluded masses.
Le mouvement des Gilets jaunes a souvent été décrit comme « populiste ». À partir d’une analyse p... more Le mouvement des Gilets jaunes a souvent été décrit comme « populiste ». À partir d’une analyse psychosociale, cet article évalue la pertinence du terme et discute de ce que l’expérience des Gilets jaunes apporte aux études sur le populisme. La première partie de l’article présente le mouvement des Gilets jaunes et discute de la justesse d’utiliser le terme de populisme pour le caractériser, en considérant notamment comment diverses approches théoriques évaluent différemment la relation entre populisme et démocratie. Tout d’abord il est affirmé que le mouvement peut être qualifié de populiste parce qu’il est capable d’inclure des secteurs subalternisés dans la politique de manière esthétiquement transgressive. Cependant, en soi, cette étiquette n’indique rien sur le caractère démocratique des manifestations. La deuxième partie de l’article présente une série d’entretiens approfondis avec vingt manifestants afin d’évaluer le caractère démocratique du mouvement. L’article conclut que les Gilets jaunes démontrent que des positions éthiques anti-démocratiques et des positions éthiques radicalement démocratiques peuvent coexister dans le même mouvement populiste.
The concept of empty signifier is possibly the most prominent among those developed by Ernesto La... more The concept of empty signifier is possibly the most prominent among those developed by Ernesto Laclau. However, despite its success among discourse theorists, this notion remains puzzling. It has been used in various contexts and different configurations, and has become polysemic. My goal is to attempt to clarify this concept. To do so, my study is divided into two parts. First, I go back to the psychoanalytic concepts that seem to have informed Laclau's earlier formulations on the empty signifier. Second, I revisit Laclau's work to highlight five different uses he made of the notion of empty signifier. In different contexts in Laclau's work, the empty signifier named (1) a symbol of the pure being of the symbolic system; (2) a particular demand that represents all other particular political struggles; (3) a 'negative' symbol that names an antagonistic other; (4) a symbol whose content is problematically poor; and (5) a symbol pointing to an open identity. Whereas I conclude that it is not possible to produce one simple definition of empty signifier, I argue that we should not reject the concept, but rather use it to grasp the complexity of processes of identification.
In the effort to articulate political theory and psychoanalysis, two psychoanalytic metaphors—sym... more In the effort to articulate political theory and psychoanalysis, two psychoanalytic metaphors—symptom and sublimation—have been separately used by political theorists to explain the emergence of populism and its relationship with democracy. Going back to the works of Freud and Lacan, this paper provides a critical reassessment of the uses of these two psychoanalytic metaphors by authors such as Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, and Benjamin Arditi. The paper concludes that the two metaphors are complementary, as the distinction between symptom and sublimation is key to differentiating between undemocratic and radical democratic constructions of popular identities.
This article argues that Ernesto Laclau’s notion of demand is problematic. By converting a demand... more This article argues that Ernesto Laclau’s notion of demand is problematic. By converting a demand into the basic unit of analysis, Laclau inadvertently distances himself from the post-foundational approach that defined his discourse theory. Therefore, for it to be coherent with a discursive approach to social reality, the idea of demand should be decomposed and reevaluated from a psychoanalytic perspective. The article defends the view that Jacques Lacan’s dismissal of demands as a symbolic articulation that conceals desire leads to a fruitful rectification of Laclau’s theory on the construction of collective identities. It shows that the main category present in identificatory processes is desire, not demand. The article concludes that a study focused on desire could analyze a broader set of empirical cases and also provide the basis for a normative and ethical analysis. Moreover, it allows for a reading of Laclau’s references to the psychoanalytic concept of sublimation as a democratic answer to the fantasmatic metonymy of desire.
The article argues that the eruption of ‘indignation’ protests after 2011 produced new discourses... more The article argues that the eruption of ‘indignation’ protests after 2011 produced new discourses questioning political representation that challenge one of the most important frameworks of the constructivist turn in democratic theory: Michael Saward’s representative claim. This article analyses these post-representative claims through Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s distinction between Vertretung (or representation as ‘acting for’) and Darstellung (aesthetic and performative representation), and concludes that it is possible to discursively construct ‘the people’ without implying representation as ‘stepping in someone’s place’.
In my reply to Lasse Thomassen’s paper, ‘All Claims Are Representative Claims: Response to Thomás... more In my reply to Lasse Thomassen’s paper, ‘All Claims Are Representative Claims: Response to Thomás Zicman de Barros’, I try to address two points – one theoretical and one normative – where I think Thomassen ends up misrepresenting my argument. By clarifying these misunderstandings, I hope to find some common ground with Thomassen’s position.
This article shows that the term “populism” refers to both a concept and a signifier present in t... more This article shows that the term “populism” refers to both a concept and a signifier present in the political dispute, and that these two dimensions intertwine. To this end, we analyze speeches about populism in Brazil during the fourth republican period, produced inside and outside the academic realm. We argue that the theories that interpreted populism from the notions of Bonapartism and mass emerge when the term was already used in everyday language - notably to refer to Adhemar de Barros, either in a laudatory or derogatory way. The deconstruction of these interpretations brings us closer to the Theory of Discourse of the Essex School, which understands populism as a political logic opposing “us” against “them” and which can be linked to various ideologies. We conclude that, in the Brazilian context, the anti-populist discourse itself has widely reproduced the populist logic - employing the term “populism” to characterize its opponents negatively.
In October 2018, Slavoj Žižek published a two-part contribution titled 'Should the Left's answer ... more In October 2018, Slavoj Žižek published a two-part contribution titled 'Should the Left's answer to rightist populism be really a "me too"?'. In this text, Žižek reproduced his diachronic skepticism on populism as a fruitful strategy for the Left. In a critical vein, we believe that Žižek's latest interventions join-unconsciously or not-an avalanche of anti-populist discourses that usually emanate from elitist politicians and journalists, and reproduce a moralist, alarmist stance against populism. As a consequence, anti-populist elitism blurs the concept of populism even more thereby hampering our possibilities to capture the changing politico-historic reality in the age of collapsing neoliberalism.
This chapter delves into the integration of psychoanalytic theory into political analysis, partic... more This chapter delves into the integration of psychoanalytic theory into political analysis, particularly focusing on the phenomenon of populism. Drawing upon Ernesto Laclau's pioneering work, the chapter explores the conceptual framework that psychoanalysis offers for understanding the dynamics of populism. By tracing the historical lineage from Freud's early ideas on mass psychology to contemporary theories, it highlights the evolution of thought that counters the simplistic depiction of masses as threats to democracy. Central to this analysis are four psychoanalytic categories—drive, desire, fantasy, and enjoyment—which shed light on the psychological forces underpinning populist discourses. Additionally, the chapter discusses the metaphors of symptom and sublimation within the psychoanalytic realm to distinguish between undemocratic and radical democratic forms of populism. The theoretical exploration argues that while populism as a symptom reveals undemocratic tendencies, populism as sublimation presents a more nuanced, inclusive approach that could potentially enhance democratic practices. This chapter not only enriches the understanding of populism through a psychoanalytic lens but also underscores the broader implications of this theoretical approach in dissecting political phenomena.
Polidemos 10: Latin America at a Glance, Recent Political and Electoral Trends, 2024
This paper examines the profound political shifts in Brazil between 2018 and 2023, focusing on th... more This paper examines the profound political shifts in Brazil between 2018 and 2023, focusing on the contrasting trajectories of Jair Bolsonaro and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. In 2018, Bolsonaro rose to power in the wake of a weakened left, while Lula faced imprisonment. Fast forward to 2023, Lula has reclaimed the presidency, whereas Bolsonaro confronts a series of legal inquiries. The paper unfolds in two parts: the first segment traces Lula’s journey, examining the achievements of his initial terms marked by emancipatory populist politics, economic growth, and poverty reduction, and the subsequent contentious charges of corruption resulting in his imprisonment and eventual release. The latter part scrutinizes Bolsonaro’s rise amid crises and his subsequent decline, outlining his reactionary populism characterised by transgressive communication and assaults on democratic institutions, which culminated in the scenes of chaos in Brasília on 8 January 2023, following his electoral defeat. The paper concludes by claiming that these seismic shifts signal a complex political landscape. It underscores both the strengths and constraints of Lula’s conciliatory populism, as well as the enduring influence of Bolsonarism, emphasising the need for addressing historical authoritarian tendencies in Brazil’s political culture.
Contribuição para o livro editado por João Cezar de Castro Rocha, "Tudo por um triz", Kotter Edit... more Contribuição para o livro editado por João Cezar de Castro Rocha, "Tudo por um triz", Kotter Editorial.
Populism, Protest, and New Forms of Political Organisation, 2022
This chapter explores the role of desire in the Yellow Vests movement in France, drawing on the w... more This chapter explores the role of desire in the Yellow Vests movement in France, drawing on the work of Brazilian scholar Eugênio Bucci. The author argues that Bucci’s analysis of the dynamics of desire in contemporary communication helps to explain the centrality of desire in the Yellow Vests movement. For instance, Bucci’s analysis of the industry of entertainment and melodrama in contemporary protest movements provides insight into the statement made by Éric Drouet, a prominent figure in the Yellow Vests movement, that "It's all a matter of image!" This understanding is partially corroborated through a series of psychosocial interviews with participants, as the author confirms that the desire for recognition and being loved was a driving force in the protests. The chapter concludes by exploring a blind spot in Bucci's framework, the psychoanalytic concept of sublimation, as a potential way out of the dynamics of desire in protest movements and towards an ethics of radical democracy.
Une nouvelle lecture du populisme: psychanalyse et politique, 2019
Le populisme est-il un danger pour la démocratie ou, au contraire, ouvre-t-il une voie privilégié... more Le populisme est-il un danger pour la démocratie ou, au contraire, ouvre-t-il une voie privilégiée vers la démocratisation? Après une introduction détaillée aux principaux concepts de l'Essex School et à sa manière de présenter la démocratie radicale, ce chapitre essaie de répondre à cette question à travers une analyse critique des notions psychanalytiques qui sous-tendent cette approche. Le chapitre indique certaines incohérences dans la manière dont Ernesto Laclau et d'autres ont incorporé certains concepts de Jacques Lacan, comme ceux de sublimation et d’objet petit a, et souligne les différents modes de jouissance qui leur sont associés. En conclusion, le chapitre considère que la construction discursive du «peuple» peut s'appuyer à la fois sur un signifiant sublime qui inscrit le manque dans l'ordre symbolique, ainsi que sur son contraire, sur un signifiant idéalisé qui soutient les fantasmes.
Psicanálise e Política: uma nova leitura do populismo, 2018
O populismo é um perigo para a democracia ou, ao contrário, abre um caminho privilegiado rumo à d... more O populismo é um perigo para a democracia ou, ao contrário, abre um caminho privilegiado rumo à democratização? Após uma introdução detalhada dos principais conceitos da Escola de Essex e de sua forma de apresentar a democracia radical, esse capítulo tenta responder essa questão através de uma revisão crítica das noções psicanalíticas que informam essa abordagem. O capítulo indica certas inconsistências na forma como Ernesto Laclau e outros incorporaram alguns conceitos de Jacques Lacan, como sublimação e objeto petit a, e sublinha os diferentes modos de gozo associados a eles. Na conclusão, o capítulo nos convida a considerar que a construção discursiva do "povo" pode ser baseada tanto em um significante sublime que inscreve a falta na ordem simbólica, quanto em seu oposto, em um significante idealizado que sustenta fantasias.
Ist der Populismus eine Gefahr für die Demokratie oder öffnet er einen Weg zur De‐ mokratisierung... more Ist der Populismus eine Gefahr für die Demokratie oder öffnet er einen Weg zur De‐ mokratisierung? An dieser Frage scheiden sich seit einigen Jahren die Geister. Einer‐ seits haben sich ganze Bücher der Denunzierung des Populismus als Synthese aller möglichen Probleme gewidmet: Der Populismus sei autoritär, irrational, antidemo‐ kratisch (vgl. Stavrakakis/Jäger 2018). Auf der anderen Seite wird der Populismus als Königsweg zur Wiedergewinnung der Demokratie angesichts der Übermacht der Märkte dargestellt (Mouffe 2018). Wie soll man sich angesichts solch unterschiedli‐ cher Positionen zum selben Phänomen bloß entscheiden? Heute kann keine Reflexion über den Populismus den Beitrag Ernesto Laclaus – einen der konsequentesten zu diesem Thema – ignorieren. Dabei gibt auch dessen Werk, wie der vorliegende Aufsatz aufzeigen wird, keine definitiven Antworten hin‐ sichtlich des demokratischen Charakters populistischer Phänomene. Es gibt ein gewisses Paradox in Laclaus Arbeiten. Einerseits kr...
Une nouvelle lecture du populisme: psychanalyse et politique [Free translation], 2019
Is populism a danger to democracy, or does it open up an opportune path to democratization? After... more Is populism a danger to democracy, or does it open up an opportune path to democratization? After a detailed introduction of the main concepts of the Essex School and the way it presents radical democracy, this chapter tries to answer this question through a critical review of the psychoanalytic notions that informed this theoretical approach. It points to a few inconsistencies in how Ernesto Laclau and others incorporated some concepts of Jacques Lacan, such as sublimation and object petit a, and stresses the different modes of enjoyment associated with them. In the conclusion, the chapter invites us to consider that the discursive construction of the “people” can be based both on a sublimatory signifier that inscribes the lack in the symbolic order or on its opposite, an idealized signifier at the core of a fantasmatic endeavor.
Mélenchon a parlé de « créolisation » pour la première fois en septembre 2020. Si ce terme dérang... more Mélenchon a parlé de « créolisation » pour la première fois en septembre 2020. Si ce terme dérange, c’est parce que le prétendu universalisme républicain hégémonique ignore sa propre contingence ; il ignore qu'il est fondé sur un christianisme sécularisé, blanc, masculin, hétérosexuel, auquel les autres doivent s’assimiler. Mais si le populisme créole est l’une des idées les plus transformatrices à apparaître au sein de la gauche, les insoumis doivent néanmoins repenser la fonction de leur chef dans ce mouvement.
Especialista analisa ações de governantes de direita e esquerda que são
"produtores constantes de... more Especialista analisa ações de governantes de direita e esquerda que são "produtores constantes de instabilidade política".
With the COVID-19 pandemic dominating the public sphere in recent months and no aspect of social ... more With the COVID-19 pandemic dominating the public sphere in recent months and no aspect of social and political life left unaffected, it seems almost natural that this unprecedented public health crisis would soon be reflected on discussions around the other buzzword of our time: populism. This report aims at providing a concise yet rigorous global comparative mapping of populist politics in the context of the ongoing pandemic. This will not only shed further light on the specificities, the potentials and limitations of the phenomenon, but we also expect it to highlight its irreducible heterogeneity and diversity as a way of doing politics.The key questions that we posed to contributors in this report when looking at different countries across the world can be summarised as follows:
• How have populist actors reacted to the COVID-19 pandemic when in government or opposition?
• Has their ideological position on the left or right, or indeed somewhere inbetween, played a role to that reaction?
• How have the rates of approval and vote intensions for populist actors developed during that period?
• More generally, how have discussions around ‘populism’ and the role of ‘experts’ and ‘science’ developed in each country during this time? Have they reproduced standard anti-populist stereotypes?
In order to shed light on these crucial aspects of the discussion and set the agenda for future comparative research as well as conceptual enquiry, we approached a series of well established scholars, along with several dynamic younger researchers specialising on both populism and the study of politics in different countries and regions. This gave us a sum of sixteen (16) case studies of countries and political actors from across the world, making the scope of our report truly global, extending from Australia to Sweden and from the Philippines to Brazil and the United States.
The great merit of Populism in Global Perspective, edited by Pierre Ostiguy, Francisco Panizza an... more The great merit of Populism in Global Perspective, edited by Pierre Ostiguy, Francisco Panizza and Benjamin Moffitt, is the quest to reconcile two critical approaches in populism studies. For over a decade, the discursive strand – drawing on Ernesto Laclau and the so-called Essex School – and the sociocultural or performative strand of populism studies have been fellow travellers. Both oppose the mainstream approaches, which demonise populism as an undemocratic phenomenon. The two critical perspectives understand that populism is much more complex and that in several cases the appeal to “the people” against the “elites” can be democratising, denaturalising hierarchies and giving voice to the voiceless. Despite their proximity, however, these two currents have never unified. In this volume, which integrates theoretical reflections and case studies, one finds a first and important step in the creation of an articulated “discursive-performative” paradigm.
Populism: Newsletter of the Populism Specialist Group, Political Studies Association, 2020
Book review of Giorgos Katsambekis and Alexandros Kioupkiolis edited volume on "The Populist Radi... more Book review of Giorgos Katsambekis and Alexandros Kioupkiolis edited volume on "The Populist Radical Left in Europe" (2019). Published in the second edition of the PSA Populism Specialist Group's newsletter.
Importante: Uma versão retrabalhada desta apresentação foi publicada no Journal of Political Ideo... more Importante: Uma versão retrabalhada desta apresentação foi publicada no Journal of Political Ideologies.
Quando se pensa na obra de Ernesto Laclau, talvez o conceito que mais se sobressaia seja aquele de significante vazio. Desde a sua introdução, essa noção foi empregada por Laclau, mas também por diversos autores para estudar a formação de identidades coletivas em geral, e o populismo em particular. Mas o que significa, afinal, um significante ser "vazio"? E como tal significante funcionaria? Meu objetivo nas páginas que se seguem é tentar clarificar esse conceito em seus diversos usos. Para tanto, divido minha pesquisa em duas partes. Em primeiro lugar, regresso às noções psicanalíticas que parecem ter informado as primeiras formulações de Laclau sobre o significante vazio. Num segundo momento, retorno à obra de Laclau para apontar cinco diferentes empregos que ele faz da noção de significante vazio.
A ideia aristocrática das elites sobre as instituições brasileiras explica o ódio que parte delas... more A ideia aristocrática das elites sobre as instituições brasileiras explica o ódio que parte delas têm por Lula. Trecho do livro "Do que falamos quando falamos de populismo" (Companhia das Letras, 2022).
Political discourse theory scholars have identified a gap in the literature concerning the need t... more Political discourse theory scholars have identified a gap in the literature concerning the need to consider discourses about populism, particularly the way they interact with and help constitute populist discourses themselves. We build on the concept/signifier opposition, the notion of the double-hermeneutic, and what George Marcus calls a multi-sited ethnography to develop an analytical framework that can help address this need in a way that can bring out in greater detail the dynamic interplay within and across all discourses developed around populism. We illustrate the added value of our framework through a case-study centred around Brazil’s Fourth Republic (1946-1964), often referred to as the ‘Populist Republic’. In doing so we also supplement existing accounts of this period by drawing out more fully the significance of key moments in the Fourth Republic. Of particular interest here are the pro-populist discursive moves made by Adhemar de Barros, which have had non-trivial implications for the way we have come to understand later political developments in Brazil.
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Afinal, o que é populismo, palavra usada ad nauseam nos tempos que correm? Para responder a essa pergunta, Thomás Zicman de Barros e Miguel Lago reconstituem o uso do termo ao longo dos anos, por meio de profunda pesquisa em arquivos de imprensa e de formulações intelectuais a respeito da matéria, e mostram que, em meio a imprecisões conceituais, o vocábulo nem sempre teve a conotação negativa hoje dominante, tendo sido defendido e reivindicado por atores políticos no Brasil e no mundo.
A história da polissemia da palavra, que ocupa a primeira parte deste volume, é seguida de caracterização do fenômeno e chega até um dos grandes debates da atualidade nacional: a aproximação, a partir justamente do populismo, entre Lula e Bolsonaro. Se os dois políticos poderiam ser líderes populistas, argumentam os autores, a simetria entre ambos é falsa e esconde a pluralidade que o termo abriga ― e também a complexidade de sua definição.
Ensaio original e preciso, que articula teoria política, história brasileira e análise do discurso, este livro é mais que uma resposta para a dificuldade de fixar conceitualmente o populismo, ou melhor, os populismos. É uma reflexão sobre seu modo emancipatório, que pode ser importante artifício para enfrentar os desafios da experiência democrática.
“Thomás Zicman de Barros e Miguel Lago são expoentes da jovem geração de pensadores brasileiros. Eles demonstram ter rara virtude de criar e não “reler” o já escrito. Neste livro conciso e ambicioso apresentam uma nova maneira de entender o que foi, o que é e o que pode ser o populismo na política.” ― Sérgio Abranches
Afinal, o que é populismo, palavra usada ad nauseam nos tempos que correm? Para responder a essa pergunta, Thomás Zicman de Barros e Miguel Lago reconstituem o uso do termo ao longo dos anos, por meio de profunda pesquisa em arquivos de imprensa e de formulações intelectuais a respeito da matéria, e mostram que, em meio a imprecisões conceituais, o vocábulo nem sempre teve a conotação negativa hoje dominante, tendo sido defendido e reivindicado por atores políticos no Brasil e no mundo.
A história da polissemia da palavra, que ocupa a primeira parte deste volume, é seguida de caracterização do fenômeno e chega até um dos grandes debates da atualidade nacional: a aproximação, a partir justamente do populismo, entre Lula e Bolsonaro. Se os dois políticos poderiam ser líderes populistas, argumentam os autores, a simetria entre ambos é falsa e esconde a pluralidade que o termo abriga ― e também a complexidade de sua definição.
Ensaio original e preciso, que articula teoria política, história brasileira e análise do discurso, este livro é mais que uma resposta para a dificuldade de fixar conceitualmente o populismo, ou melhor, os populismos. É uma reflexão sobre seu modo emancipatório, que pode ser importante artifício para enfrentar os desafios da experiência democrática.
“Thomás Zicman de Barros e Miguel Lago são expoentes da jovem geração de pensadores brasileiros. Eles demonstram ter rara virtude de criar e não “reler” o já escrito. Neste livro conciso e ambicioso apresentam uma nova maneira de entender o que foi, o que é e o que pode ser o populismo na política.” ― Sérgio Abranches
"produtores constantes de instabilidade política".
Entrevistadora: Fernanda Boldrin.
• How have populist actors reacted to the COVID-19 pandemic when in
government or opposition?
• Has their ideological position on the left or right, or indeed somewhere inbetween, played a role to that reaction?
• How have the rates of approval and vote intensions for populist actors
developed during that period?
• More generally, how have discussions around ‘populism’ and the role of ‘experts’ and ‘science’ developed in each country during this time? Have they reproduced standard anti-populist stereotypes?
In order to shed light on these crucial aspects of the discussion and set the agenda for future comparative research as well as conceptual enquiry, we approached a series of well established scholars, along with several dynamic younger researchers specialising on both populism and the study of politics in different countries and regions. This gave us a sum of sixteen (16) case studies of countries and political actors from across the world, making the scope of our report truly global, extending from Australia to Sweden and from the Philippines to Brazil and the United States.
Quando se pensa na obra de Ernesto Laclau, talvez o conceito que mais se sobressaia seja aquele de significante vazio. Desde a sua introdução, essa noção foi empregada por Laclau, mas também por diversos autores para estudar a formação de identidades coletivas em geral, e o populismo em particular. Mas o que significa, afinal, um significante ser "vazio"? E como tal significante funcionaria? Meu objetivo nas páginas que se seguem é tentar clarificar esse conceito em seus diversos usos. Para tanto, divido minha pesquisa em duas partes. Em primeiro lugar, regresso às noções psicanalíticas que parecem ter informado as primeiras formulações de Laclau sobre o significante vazio. Num segundo momento, retorno à obra de Laclau para apontar cinco diferentes empregos que ele faz da noção de significante vazio.