I research left wing populist social movements, parties and leaderships, their transitions to power, the ways they construct collective identities and the anti-populist forces that oppose them. Ι am also interested in the subversive function of post-truth narratives, especially with regards to the contemporary Alt-Right, and the ways it rejects experts’ authority, political correctness, environmental justice and the left. I specialise in discourse analysis, visual material and web content analysis, in-depth interviews and participatory methods.
I have previously worked at the School of Political Sciences of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, the Department of Internet Studies and Communication of the Cyprus University of Technology. I received my PhD from the Scuola Normale Superiore, in Florence Italy, my MA from Goldsmiths College, University of London and my BA from the University of Essex.
This article investigates pro-vax discourse during the COVID-19 pandemic. Expert and political di... more This article investigates pro-vax discourse during the COVID-19 pandemic. Expert and political discussions about the pandemic are abundant, commonly focusing on anti-vax and science-skeptic politics and further connecting them with post-truth and populism. However, research on pro-vax discourse remains largely overlooked. The article focuses on the case of Cyprus which received little scholarly attention in the context of the pandemic, especially by political science and media and communication scholarship. Applying discourse analysis to 120 media units that connect the articulations of scientific experts, politicians and journalists, empirical findings show that the discursive management of the pandemic takes place in the name of science, reason and responsibility, with key mechanisms of persuasion being the moralistic and fear-mongering narratives that place the responsibility for the return to normality on individual citizens. This highlights that communication about COVID-19 is not merely about healthcare and science. Rather, it is politicized and disciplinary in nature. The examination of the case of Cyprus alongside existing theories and debates reveals the internationally salient character of discursive features and patterns including the hegemony of technoscientific objectivism, epistemological elitism and anti-populism.
Encyclopedia of New Populism and Responses in the 21st Century, 2023
From political modernity to post-pandemic times, notion of "the people" and "sovereignty" have tr... more From political modernity to post-pandemic times, notion of "the people" and "sovereignty" have traditionally dominated political discourse. They appear in right-wing and nationalist discourses, leftist and socialist repertories as well as representations of popular culture. As such, their omnipresence has led many experts to claim that either everything is populist or the category of populism is no useful at all, and that we should perhaps use the term popular not populist. This entry objects these claims, arguing that it is a different logic that interpellates "the people" of nationalism, populism, and popular culture.
Donald Trump's style is often described as provocative and his administration as catastrophic. De... more Donald Trump's style is often described as provocative and his administration as catastrophic. Despite this, his popularity remained high throughout his term in office, and in the 2020 US elections, he received 10 million votes more than in 2016. This paper investigates the paradox of political identification through a discursive, performative and stylistic framework. It argues that policy outcomes and rhetorical consistency do not suffice in understanding identification. Rather, transgression-which is typical of populist performativity-plays a pivotal role in interpellating affective collective subjectivities. This article investigates the case of Donald Trump, from his emergence in 2015 until the 2021 Capitol insurgence. It employs discourse and visual analysis to study Trump's rhetoric and performativity, integrating this with in-depth interviews and ethnographic research to examine the ways his style resonated with his supporters. It concludes that charismatic performativity and transgression play a crucial role in political identification regardless of the quality of institutional performance.
It has been more than ten years since the first signs indicating the contemporary (re)emergence o... more It has been more than ten years since the first signs indicating the contemporary (re)emergence of left populism were observed: the proto-populist movements of “the squares” such as the Indignados in Spain, Aganaktismenoi in Greece, the Occupy Movement in the United States, and the various uprisings of “the Arab Spring.” A variety of political formations succeeded them, channeling their energy onto electoral representation with mixed results—such as SYRIZA in Greece, PODEMOS in Spain, the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn within the Labour party in the United Kingdom, the presidential candidacy of Bernie Sanders in the United States, but also the comeback of left populism in the Latin American continent. The whole experience seems to have resulted in evident skepticism in left-wing circles about the effectiveness of “populism” as a political strategy for the left. In this context, the rise and fall of SYRIZA, and in particular its failure to materialize its economic promise to cancel a Eurozone-enforced austerity, became emblematic of the supposed end of “the populist moment.” Skepticism about populism is indeed prevalent in left academic and political circles. The “left critique” of left populism seems to be grounded on the hypothesis that more “class politics” and less “populist politics” is the answer for a successful future trajectory for the contemporary left. Populism is often perceived as a form of left reformism that contaminated at some point an originary class-based purity and for this reason is (necessarily) bound to fail. Notwithstanding the evident setbacks surrounding the last political cycle of left populism, this paper enquires into the abovementioned thesis and seeks to critically assess the claim that left populism is necessarily bound to fail by scrutinizing its foundational hypotheses: ∙ What exactly does it mean to “fail?” Fail in what exactly? What would be the exact criteria demonstrating left populism’s failure? ∙ What could a rigorous genealogy of the left reveal about the central assumptions implicit in the aforementioned criticism? (that populism necessarily involves a reformist orientation, which contaminates a prior purity).
This article investigates how 'populism' was used in public discussions during the COVID-19 outbr... more This article investigates how 'populism' was used in public discussions during the COVID-19 outbreak. It argues that the indiscriminate use of 'populism' and its association with the pandemic is rooted in the negative way it is talked about in public debates. Critically evaluating pundit claims framing populism as an 'anti-scientific', 'irresponsible' and 'authoritarian' response to the health crisis, this article shows that 'populism' does not suffice to explain actors' responses to COVID-19. Rather, populists' ideological positions played a crucial role in their pandemic politics.
This article investigates the curious non-emergence of populism in contemporary Cyprus despite th... more This article investigates the curious non-emergence of populism in contemporary Cyprus despite the deep financial crisis and profound political disillusionment-conditions that are treated as necessary and sufficient. Putting emphasis on Cyprus' key historical particularities, the article inquires into the ways Cyprus' political past, and the subsequent salient 'national question', produce ambiguous notions of 'the people' on the one hand, and impede the potentials for a 'populist moment' on the other hand. By assessing the performative dynamics of oppositional parties in Cyprus, the empirical analysis suggests that the absence of populism is rooted in the following factors: First, nationalist discourse prevails over, and significantly weakens, populist discourse. Second, self-proclaimed challenger parties served 'old wine in new bottles' further undermining their position and claims. The failure of populism to take root in Cyprus, brings to the fore important theoretical insights relevant to the non-emergence of populism even under favourable conditions.
In October 2018, Slavoj Žižek published a two-part contribution titled 'Should the Left's answer ... more In October 2018, Slavoj Žižek published a two-part contribution titled 'Should the Left's answer to rightist populism be really a "me too"?'. In this text, Žižek reproduced his diachronic skepticism on populism as a fruitful strategy for the Left. In a critical vein, we believe that Žižek's latest interventions join-unconsciously or not-an avalanche of anti-populist discourses that usually emanate from elitist politicians and journalists, and reproduce a moralist, alarmist stance against populism. As a consequence, anti-populist elitism blurs the concept of populism even more thereby hampering our possibilities to capture the changing politico-historic reality in the age of collapsing neoliberalism.
The ascendance of populism to power in various liberal democracies around the world triggered vig... more The ascendance of populism to power in various liberal democracies around the world triggered vigorous public debates. More often than not, scholars, politicians and analysts warn of the dangers populism poses to democracy and its institutions, expecting populism to turn authoritarian once in government. Viewing populism as a feature of the opposition alone, others argue that populism in government is not meant to last - but rather consolidated into the mainstream of political and party systems. This chapter provides a critical overview of the literature on populism in power, putting into scrutiny dominant theoretical paradigms in the field of so-called populism studies. It discusses the multi-faceted trajectories populist actors globally may take in their transition from opposition to power. It concludes that distinct types of populist actors have distinct implications on democracy depending on factors such as ideology and context.
Politics and populism across modes and media, 2020
This is a chapter from the book ''Populism and the digital media: a necessarily symbiotic relatio... more This is a chapter from the book ''Populism and the digital media: a necessarily symbiotic relationship? in Politics and populism across modes and media'' edited by Ruth Breeze and Ana María Fernández Vallejo.
Citation: Venizelos G. (2020) Populism and the digital media: a necessarily symbiotic relationship? in Politics and populism across modes and media [eds.] Ruth Breeze and Ana María Fernández Vallejo, Bern: Peter Lang
Interview with Simon Tormey. Published in the 3rd issue of 'Populism', Populism Specialist Group'... more Interview with Simon Tormey. Published in the 3rd issue of 'Populism', Populism Specialist Group's (PSA) newsletter. The whole issue can be found here https://issuu.com/populism/docs/populismsg_i3
An interview with María Esperanza Casullo in the 3rd issue of the Populism Specialist Group's (PS... more An interview with María Esperanza Casullo in the 3rd issue of the Populism Specialist Group's (PSA) newsletter. The whole issue can be found here https://issuu.com/populism/docs/populismsg_i3
An interview with Luke March published in the second issue of 'Populism' (July 2020), the newslet... more An interview with Luke March published in the second issue of 'Populism' (July 2020), the newsletter of Populism Specialist Group of the Political Studies Association, dedicated to left populism.
An interview with Paula Biglieri published in the second issue of 'Populism' (July 2020), the ne... more An interview with Paula Biglieri published in the second issue of 'Populism' (July 2020), the newsletter of Populism Specialist Group of the Political Studies Association, dedicated to left populism.
Setbacks for left-wing parties across Europe have led many analysts to declare the end of the "le... more Setbacks for left-wing parties across Europe have led many analysts to declare the end of the "left-populist moment" which began after the financial crisis. But these defeats don't have to be permanent-and populist strategies remain a vital means of mass mobilization.
Pundits analyzing the "populist threat" often assume an audience that wants to defend the status ... more Pundits analyzing the "populist threat" often assume an audience that wants to defend the status quo. Presenting all political "outsiders" as merely dangerous, anti-populist literature tells us more about the role of public intellectuals than the movements it is meant to describe. Today it seems normal to think of "populism" in negative terms. Elite politicians warn us about the threat it poses to stability, articles in illustrious journals tell us about the rising "populist" threat to democracy, and pundits use the term to put both the far right and the radical left in the same basket, as just so many challengers to the status quo. Even if these figures lack any shared or scientific definition of populism, they each locate this phenomenon somewhere in terms of "lies" "demagogy", ''extremism'' and "attempting to mislead the masses." Yet this "anti-populist" punditry is itself far from innocent-and its effect in shaping how we think about "populism" has clear political implications. Indeed, anti-populism doesn't come from a vacuum. It's the result of determined ideological interventions, designed to mask the radical history of this term and collapse it into its most negative contemporary expressions. Seeing how this pejorative definition of "populism" has been spread also allows us to question the role of punditry in informing public debate today, whether expressed by journalists, politicians, and think tanks, or by scholars like historians, sociologists, and political scientists. Though academic discussions of "populism" are far from one-sided, the political uses of this term since the 2008 crisis (and especially since the Brexit referendum and Donald Trump's election in 2016) have given vent to a renewed cycle of anti-populist elitism.
This article investigates pro-vax discourse during the COVID-19 pandemic. Expert and political di... more This article investigates pro-vax discourse during the COVID-19 pandemic. Expert and political discussions about the pandemic are abundant, commonly focusing on anti-vax and science-skeptic politics and further connecting them with post-truth and populism. However, research on pro-vax discourse remains largely overlooked. The article focuses on the case of Cyprus which received little scholarly attention in the context of the pandemic, especially by political science and media and communication scholarship. Applying discourse analysis to 120 media units that connect the articulations of scientific experts, politicians and journalists, empirical findings show that the discursive management of the pandemic takes place in the name of science, reason and responsibility, with key mechanisms of persuasion being the moralistic and fear-mongering narratives that place the responsibility for the return to normality on individual citizens. This highlights that communication about COVID-19 is not merely about healthcare and science. Rather, it is politicized and disciplinary in nature. The examination of the case of Cyprus alongside existing theories and debates reveals the internationally salient character of discursive features and patterns including the hegemony of technoscientific objectivism, epistemological elitism and anti-populism.
Encyclopedia of New Populism and Responses in the 21st Century, 2023
From political modernity to post-pandemic times, notion of "the people" and "sovereignty" have tr... more From political modernity to post-pandemic times, notion of "the people" and "sovereignty" have traditionally dominated political discourse. They appear in right-wing and nationalist discourses, leftist and socialist repertories as well as representations of popular culture. As such, their omnipresence has led many experts to claim that either everything is populist or the category of populism is no useful at all, and that we should perhaps use the term popular not populist. This entry objects these claims, arguing that it is a different logic that interpellates "the people" of nationalism, populism, and popular culture.
Donald Trump's style is often described as provocative and his administration as catastrophic. De... more Donald Trump's style is often described as provocative and his administration as catastrophic. Despite this, his popularity remained high throughout his term in office, and in the 2020 US elections, he received 10 million votes more than in 2016. This paper investigates the paradox of political identification through a discursive, performative and stylistic framework. It argues that policy outcomes and rhetorical consistency do not suffice in understanding identification. Rather, transgression-which is typical of populist performativity-plays a pivotal role in interpellating affective collective subjectivities. This article investigates the case of Donald Trump, from his emergence in 2015 until the 2021 Capitol insurgence. It employs discourse and visual analysis to study Trump's rhetoric and performativity, integrating this with in-depth interviews and ethnographic research to examine the ways his style resonated with his supporters. It concludes that charismatic performativity and transgression play a crucial role in political identification regardless of the quality of institutional performance.
It has been more than ten years since the first signs indicating the contemporary (re)emergence o... more It has been more than ten years since the first signs indicating the contemporary (re)emergence of left populism were observed: the proto-populist movements of “the squares” such as the Indignados in Spain, Aganaktismenoi in Greece, the Occupy Movement in the United States, and the various uprisings of “the Arab Spring.” A variety of political formations succeeded them, channeling their energy onto electoral representation with mixed results—such as SYRIZA in Greece, PODEMOS in Spain, the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn within the Labour party in the United Kingdom, the presidential candidacy of Bernie Sanders in the United States, but also the comeback of left populism in the Latin American continent. The whole experience seems to have resulted in evident skepticism in left-wing circles about the effectiveness of “populism” as a political strategy for the left. In this context, the rise and fall of SYRIZA, and in particular its failure to materialize its economic promise to cancel a Eurozone-enforced austerity, became emblematic of the supposed end of “the populist moment.” Skepticism about populism is indeed prevalent in left academic and political circles. The “left critique” of left populism seems to be grounded on the hypothesis that more “class politics” and less “populist politics” is the answer for a successful future trajectory for the contemporary left. Populism is often perceived as a form of left reformism that contaminated at some point an originary class-based purity and for this reason is (necessarily) bound to fail. Notwithstanding the evident setbacks surrounding the last political cycle of left populism, this paper enquires into the abovementioned thesis and seeks to critically assess the claim that left populism is necessarily bound to fail by scrutinizing its foundational hypotheses: ∙ What exactly does it mean to “fail?” Fail in what exactly? What would be the exact criteria demonstrating left populism’s failure? ∙ What could a rigorous genealogy of the left reveal about the central assumptions implicit in the aforementioned criticism? (that populism necessarily involves a reformist orientation, which contaminates a prior purity).
This article investigates how 'populism' was used in public discussions during the COVID-19 outbr... more This article investigates how 'populism' was used in public discussions during the COVID-19 outbreak. It argues that the indiscriminate use of 'populism' and its association with the pandemic is rooted in the negative way it is talked about in public debates. Critically evaluating pundit claims framing populism as an 'anti-scientific', 'irresponsible' and 'authoritarian' response to the health crisis, this article shows that 'populism' does not suffice to explain actors' responses to COVID-19. Rather, populists' ideological positions played a crucial role in their pandemic politics.
This article investigates the curious non-emergence of populism in contemporary Cyprus despite th... more This article investigates the curious non-emergence of populism in contemporary Cyprus despite the deep financial crisis and profound political disillusionment-conditions that are treated as necessary and sufficient. Putting emphasis on Cyprus' key historical particularities, the article inquires into the ways Cyprus' political past, and the subsequent salient 'national question', produce ambiguous notions of 'the people' on the one hand, and impede the potentials for a 'populist moment' on the other hand. By assessing the performative dynamics of oppositional parties in Cyprus, the empirical analysis suggests that the absence of populism is rooted in the following factors: First, nationalist discourse prevails over, and significantly weakens, populist discourse. Second, self-proclaimed challenger parties served 'old wine in new bottles' further undermining their position and claims. The failure of populism to take root in Cyprus, brings to the fore important theoretical insights relevant to the non-emergence of populism even under favourable conditions.
In October 2018, Slavoj Žižek published a two-part contribution titled 'Should the Left's answer ... more In October 2018, Slavoj Žižek published a two-part contribution titled 'Should the Left's answer to rightist populism be really a "me too"?'. In this text, Žižek reproduced his diachronic skepticism on populism as a fruitful strategy for the Left. In a critical vein, we believe that Žižek's latest interventions join-unconsciously or not-an avalanche of anti-populist discourses that usually emanate from elitist politicians and journalists, and reproduce a moralist, alarmist stance against populism. As a consequence, anti-populist elitism blurs the concept of populism even more thereby hampering our possibilities to capture the changing politico-historic reality in the age of collapsing neoliberalism.
The ascendance of populism to power in various liberal democracies around the world triggered vig... more The ascendance of populism to power in various liberal democracies around the world triggered vigorous public debates. More often than not, scholars, politicians and analysts warn of the dangers populism poses to democracy and its institutions, expecting populism to turn authoritarian once in government. Viewing populism as a feature of the opposition alone, others argue that populism in government is not meant to last - but rather consolidated into the mainstream of political and party systems. This chapter provides a critical overview of the literature on populism in power, putting into scrutiny dominant theoretical paradigms in the field of so-called populism studies. It discusses the multi-faceted trajectories populist actors globally may take in their transition from opposition to power. It concludes that distinct types of populist actors have distinct implications on democracy depending on factors such as ideology and context.
Politics and populism across modes and media, 2020
This is a chapter from the book ''Populism and the digital media: a necessarily symbiotic relatio... more This is a chapter from the book ''Populism and the digital media: a necessarily symbiotic relationship? in Politics and populism across modes and media'' edited by Ruth Breeze and Ana María Fernández Vallejo.
Citation: Venizelos G. (2020) Populism and the digital media: a necessarily symbiotic relationship? in Politics and populism across modes and media [eds.] Ruth Breeze and Ana María Fernández Vallejo, Bern: Peter Lang
Interview with Simon Tormey. Published in the 3rd issue of 'Populism', Populism Specialist Group'... more Interview with Simon Tormey. Published in the 3rd issue of 'Populism', Populism Specialist Group's (PSA) newsletter. The whole issue can be found here https://issuu.com/populism/docs/populismsg_i3
An interview with María Esperanza Casullo in the 3rd issue of the Populism Specialist Group's (PS... more An interview with María Esperanza Casullo in the 3rd issue of the Populism Specialist Group's (PSA) newsletter. The whole issue can be found here https://issuu.com/populism/docs/populismsg_i3
An interview with Luke March published in the second issue of 'Populism' (July 2020), the newslet... more An interview with Luke March published in the second issue of 'Populism' (July 2020), the newsletter of Populism Specialist Group of the Political Studies Association, dedicated to left populism.
An interview with Paula Biglieri published in the second issue of 'Populism' (July 2020), the ne... more An interview with Paula Biglieri published in the second issue of 'Populism' (July 2020), the newsletter of Populism Specialist Group of the Political Studies Association, dedicated to left populism.
Setbacks for left-wing parties across Europe have led many analysts to declare the end of the "le... more Setbacks for left-wing parties across Europe have led many analysts to declare the end of the "left-populist moment" which began after the financial crisis. But these defeats don't have to be permanent-and populist strategies remain a vital means of mass mobilization.
Pundits analyzing the "populist threat" often assume an audience that wants to defend the status ... more Pundits analyzing the "populist threat" often assume an audience that wants to defend the status quo. Presenting all political "outsiders" as merely dangerous, anti-populist literature tells us more about the role of public intellectuals than the movements it is meant to describe. Today it seems normal to think of "populism" in negative terms. Elite politicians warn us about the threat it poses to stability, articles in illustrious journals tell us about the rising "populist" threat to democracy, and pundits use the term to put both the far right and the radical left in the same basket, as just so many challengers to the status quo. Even if these figures lack any shared or scientific definition of populism, they each locate this phenomenon somewhere in terms of "lies" "demagogy", ''extremism'' and "attempting to mislead the masses." Yet this "anti-populist" punditry is itself far from innocent-and its effect in shaping how we think about "populism" has clear political implications. Indeed, anti-populism doesn't come from a vacuum. It's the result of determined ideological interventions, designed to mask the radical history of this term and collapse it into its most negative contemporary expressions. Seeing how this pejorative definition of "populism" has been spread also allows us to question the role of punditry in informing public debate today, whether expressed by journalists, politicians, and think tanks, or by scholars like historians, sociologists, and political scientists. Though academic discussions of "populism" are far from one-sided, the political uses of this term since the 2008 crisis (and especially since the Brexit referendum and Donald Trump's election in 2016) have given vent to a renewed cycle of anti-populist elitism.
H τελική πρόταση της κυβέρνησης ΣΥΡΙΖΑ προς τους «εταίρους» είναι όντως μια σκληρή πρόταση, αφού ... more H τελική πρόταση της κυβέρνησης ΣΥΡΙΖΑ προς τους «εταίρους» είναι όντως μια σκληρή πρόταση, αφού ουσιαστικά συνεχίζει τη λιτότητα και τα σκληρά μέτρα. Βέβαια, η πρόταση αυτή είναι καλύτερη από αυτές των προηγούμενων χρόνων. Η απογοήτευση είναι όμως μεγάλη, αφού εκατομμύρια Έλληνες αλλά και Νότιο-Ευρωπαίοι εναπόθεσαν τις ελπίδες τους στην Κυβέρνηση αυτή. Μετά από την επιστροφή του τελεσιγράφου και την ανακοίνωση ενός δημοψηφίσματος-λαϊκή ασπίδα, οι ελπίδες για μια ολική ανατροπή του σκηνικού φούντωσαν. Στο τέλος, όμως, ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ ενέδωσε στις σκληρές πιέσεις των Ευρωπαίων. Ποιος όμως περίμενε μια ολοκληρωτική νίκη του αντι-μνημονιακου μπλοκ την δεδομένη στιγμή και κάτω από τις συνθήκες τις οποίες παρακολουθούμε το τελευταίο εξάμηνο; Χωρίς καμία αυταπάτη το εγχείρημα του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ μπορεί να θεωρηθεί ως το δυσκολότερο στη νεοφιλελεύθερη εποχή όσον αφορά στη στροφή προς ένα κοινωνικό προσανατολισμό. Ειδικότερα, αν κάποιος αντιληφθεί ότι ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ βρέθηκε «μοναχικός καβαλάρης» σε αυτή τη μάχη. Η μάχη χάθηκε, αφού η νέα συμφωνία περιλαμβάνει σκληρά μέτρα. Χάθηκε όμως ο πόλεμος; Τουλάχιστον κερδήθηκε η αναγκαία συζήτηση περί της βιωσιμότητας ενός μη βιώσιμου χρέους. Πιστεύω ότι το πιο σημαντικό μάθημα των ημερών-και εδώ είναι που ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ κέρδισε τη μάχη-είναι η αποδόμηση της νεοφιλελεύθερης λογικής που κυβερνά την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και η άρθρωση και ανάπτυξη ενός «νέου» λόγου και μιας νέας πολιτικής που είναι ποιο κοινωνική. Οι λαοί της Ευρώπης –και όχι μόνο-χρειάζονται μια διαφορετική Ευρώπη. Η ελληνική κρίση, που δεν είναι παρά μόνο μια οικονομική κρίση, το έδειξε και συνεχίζει να το δείχνει. Και με την ανερχόμενη κινεζική κρίση που θα συνεχίσει να κρατά την παγκόσμια αγορά σε υφεσιακούς παλμούς, η στροφή προς κοινωνικές πολιτικές και η εγκατάλειψη της πολιτικής της ελεύθερης αγοράς είναι απαραίτητη. Πόση αξιοπρέπεια πρέπει να χαθεί ακόμα; Πόση κοινωνική περιθωριοποίηση, πόσοι άστεγοι και πόσοι νεκροί πρέπει να υπάρξουν στην κάποτε ζηλευτή «Δύση» για να καταλάβουμε ότι ο τρόπος λειτουργίας της αγοράς δεν είναι μονόδρομος; Ίσως αλλάξουμε όταν ξεβολευτούμε κι άλλο και οι πραγματικές συνθήκες επισκιάσουν το αλαζονικό δόγμα του «δεν υπάρχει εναλλακτική πορεία». Ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ κατάφερε, με όλα τα λάθη και όλα τα όπλα τα οποία κατείχε σε αυτή την άνιση μάχη, να αμφισβητήσει το «αλάθητο» του ορθόδοξου πολιτικοοικονομικού γίγνεσθαι και ταρακούνησε τα ευρωπαϊκά νερά με στρατηγικές και επικοινωνιακές κινήσεις εκτός του ευρωπαϊκού κόλπου. Αυτό αποτελεί καθαρά μια πολιτική νίκη σε μια μάχη που μόλις ξεκινά. Η αδίστακτη και βάρβαρη πολιτική της Τρόικας, των συντηρητικών κυβερνήσεων, των παγκοσμίων ΜΜΕ αλλά και των μεγαλο-εθνικών εταιρειών, οι οποίες τάχθηκαν ανοικτά ενάντιον της νέας ελληνικής πολιτικής, φανέρωσαν τη διχοτόμο που αποκαλύπτει τα δυο στρατόπεδα: «Αυτοί» και «Εμείς». Είναι δική μας επιλογή να αντιληφθούμε πού ανήκουμε και να επιλέξουμε με ποιους θα συμπορευθούμε. Υ.Γ. 1: Οι κοινωνικές και οικονομικές συνθήκες στη Κύπρο ευνοούν μια πιθανή αλλαγή, αλλά η μη αμφισβήτηση του πολιτικού status-quo που δεν έχει αλλάξει από το '74 σκοτώνει κάθε ελπίδα. Τα ίδια άτομα ζεσταίνουν τις καρέκλες τους αλλά και εμείς ζεσταίνουμε τις δίκες μας. Αυτό είναι καταλυτικό ως προς τη διατήρηση μιας κουλτούρας απάθειας και απραξίας και αυτό σημαίνει ότι έχουμε είδη ηττηθεί. Υ.Γ.: 2 Η στάση της Κυβέρνησης προς την Ελλάδα θα γυρίσει μπούμερανγκ. Είτε μιλάμε για το Κυπριακό, είτε για το οικονομικό… είτε για τη Γιουροβίζιον. Γιώργος Βενιζέλος-See more at:
Το πιο σημαντικό δίδαγμα των διαπραγματεύσεων της νέας ελληνικής κυβέρνησης με τους Ευρωπαίους εί... more Το πιο σημαντικό δίδαγμα των διαπραγματεύσεων της νέας ελληνικής κυβέρνησης με τους Ευρωπαίους είναι ότι η κυρίαρχη τάση στην παγκόσμια, όπως και στην ευρωπαϊκή πολιτική οικονομία, προσπαθεί με νύχια και με δόντια να κρατήσει το πολιτικοοικονομικό status-quo όρθιο. Με εκφοβισμούς και εκβιασμούς, οι Ευρωπαίοι εταίροι προσπάθησαν να σταματήσουν την εκλογή ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, αλλά και στη συνέχεια να αποτρέψουν οποιαδήποτε προσπάθεια για μεταρρυθμίσεις, χωρίς να σέβονται τις εκλογές. Οι Ευρωπαίοι φίλοι μας όμως, δεν εμμένουν στο δόγμα της λιτότητας και των ιδιωτικοποιήσεων γιατί «αγωνιούν» για το καλό μας. Εμμένουν σ΄ αυτό για ιδεολογικούς λόγους. Η ρητορική του συντηρητισμού, της λιτότητας, της ελεύθερης αγοράς και του κεφαλαίου ούμπερ άλες δεν είναι μονόδρομος. Είναι το δόγμα το οποίο, λόγω διάφορων μηχανισμών καθημερινής χρήσης, αλλά και του καθεστώτος φόβου και ανασφάλειας, δεν αφήνει περιθώριο ούτε για να υψώσεις το ανάστημα αλλά ούτε και για να μπορείς καν να φανταστείς το εναλλακτικό. Εναλλακτική πορεία υπάρχει, τόσο στη θεωρία όσο και στην πράξη. Η κυβέρνηση ΣΥΡΙΖΑ διαπραγματεύτηκε σε τρία Γιούρογκρουπ και πήρε κάτι πολύ πιο θετικό σε σχέση με αυτά που η προηγουμένη κυβέρνηση, ΝΔ και ΠΑΣΟΚ, εξασφάλιζε. Έγινε μάλιστα και η πρώτη ελληνική κυβέρνηση που διαπραγματεύτηκε με τους δανειστές. Στην Κύπρο όμως; Για ενάμιση χρόνο τα πράγματα πήγαιναν… «καλά» για την τωρινή κυβέρνηση, που λόγω της ντελικάτης επικοινωνιακής στρατηγικής και της ευφράδειας λόγου, «εναρμονισμένη» εννοείται με την ανικανότητα, σε κάθε επίπεδο, της προηγουμένης κυβέρνησης, έριξε την ευθύνη στους προκατόχους της. Ναι, φταίνε και οι προηγούμενοι. Αλλά ο ΔΗΣΥ, ένα κόμμα που εκφράζει τα ιδεώδη της Μέρκελ και του Σόιμπλε, και ως εκ τούτου της τρέχουσας τάσης που αντιμετωπίζει την κρίση με ιδιωτικοποιήσεις και λιτότητα, δεν θα έκανε πίσω. Άρπαξε την ευκαιρία, και βρίσκοντας νομιμοποίηση στην ανικανότητα των προηγουμένων, ξεπουλάει τα πάντα. Ο Πρόεδρος του ΔΗΣΥ, Αβέρωφ Νεοφύτου, μιλώντας στο κρατικό ραδιόφωνο ανέφερε λίγο-πολύ ότι η ελληνική κυβέρνηση δεν έκανε τα πράγματα καλυτέρα, αλλά χειροτέρα. Το μέλλον θα δείξει. Προς το παρόν οι εξ Ελλάδος-και καλά θα κάνουμε και εμείς να ακολουθήσουμε το παράδειγμά τους-έχουν δικαίωμα να ονειρεύονται. Ναι, χωρίς την ψευδαίσθηση ότι το μνημόνιο έφυγε, αλλά με την ελπίδα ότι η δημοκρατία, η λαϊκή κυριαρχία και ο σεβασμός σιγά-σιγά θα υπερισχύσουν. Αν η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση θέλει να ονομάζεται (έστω και λίγο) δημοκρατική, τα «τελεσίγραφα» πρέπει να τελειώσουν. Η εξαντλητική λιτότητα που μόνο μαρασμό για τους πολλούς φέρνει πρέπει να εγκαταλειφθεί και η λαϊκή εντολή, οι εκλογές δηλαδή, πρέπει να τυγχάνει απόλυτου σεβασμού. Η αλλαγή αυτή όμως δεν μπορεί να επέλθει «από τα πάνω». Θέλει κίνημα και λαό που θέλει να συγκρουστεί, χωρίς να φοβάται να χάσει τα… εναπομείναντα. Είδαμε τι βιώνει η Ελλάδα λόγω των μνημονίων και ασφαλώς γνωρίζουμε τι περνάμε και εμείς τώρα. Ας μην καταπιούμε καμία ρητορική που εισηγείται ότι «δεν υπάρχει εναλλακτική» και ας ακολουθήσουμε το παράδειγμα των Ελλήνων, και από τον Νοέμβρη και των Ισπανών. Η Ευρώπη θέλει αλλαγή, πρόοδο και δημοκρατία. Ο λαός βρίσκεται αντιμέτωπος με την ανεργία και την ανέχεια. Αντί να χάψουμε τα κατευναστικά «θα τα καταφέρουμε όπως το '74», να υπάρξει αντίδραση.
Για ακόμα μια φορά γίναμε μάρτυρες ρατσιστικού ξεσπάσματος από μερίδα οπαδών του ΑΠΟΕΛ. Χωρίς να ... more Για ακόμα μια φορά γίναμε μάρτυρες ρατσιστικού ξεσπάσματος από μερίδα οπαδών του ΑΠΟΕΛ. Χωρίς να κατηγορείται η συλλογικότητα της κερκίδας (άλλωστε αυτές είναι τεχνικές που συνηθίζει η τωρινή κυβέρνηση και οι εκ του εξωτερικού «σωτήρες» μας), το πρόβλημα του ρατσισμού, γενικά στα γήπεδα, αλλά ιδιαίτερα στη συγκεκριμένη κερκίδα, δεν είναι ούτε καινούριο, ούτε μεμονωμένο. Τα τελευταία χρόνια είδαμε σβάστικες και πανό «ΕΟΚΑ Β ΞΑΝΑΚΤΥΠΑ» να υψώνονται στη συγκεκριμένη κερκίδα και ακούσαμε πολλά ρατσιστικά «ου-ου». Τα περιστατικά αυτά δεν είναι ούτε μεμονωμένα αλλά ούτε και χαρακτηριστικά καμιάς ηλικιακής ανωριμότητας και ηλιθιότητας. Παράλληλα, το σωματείο δεν καταβάλλει προσπάθειες για απεμπλοκή από την παραδοσιακή του πολιτική οικογένεια (και αυτό ισχύει και για άλλες ομάδες, όπως η Ομόνοια). Η σημειολογία των όσων αναγράφονται στα πανό επιβεβαιώνει νοοτροπίες και διαχρονικές συμπεριφορές, ιδίως όταν φέρουν και νεοφασιστικά εμβλήματα. Το γεγονός ότι αυτά τα φαινόμενα δεν χαρακτηρίζουν ούτε το σύνολο αλλά ούτε και την πλειοψηφία των αποελιστών, δεν σημαίνει ότι μπορούμε να τα αγνοούμε. Δεν μπορούμε να αγνοούμε το γεγονός ότι η επίδραση του νέο-ναζιστικού πυρήνα του ΕΛΑΜ στην κερκίδα του ΑΠΟΕΛ μεγαλώνει όλο και πιο πολύ. Η ανεπίσημη οπαδική ιστοσελίδα της ομάδας, με την ευκαιρία της απόκτησης του Τσιμπούρ, ανάρτησε τα ακόλουθα: «Δεν χρειάζεται πολλή ποδοσφαιρική ή άλλη ευφυΐα για να αντιληφθεί κάποιος ότι οι μουσουλμάνοι παίκτες δεν κολλούν στον ΑΠΟΕΛ. Εκτός του ότι η πρόσληψη μουσουλμάνων απαγορεύεται από το καταστατικό του σωματείου μας, είναι και σε πλήρη αντίθεση με το τι πρεσβεύει ο ΑΠΟΕΛ σαν ιδέα και ο κόσμος του γενικότερα… Αν ο ρατσισμός είναι να μη θέλω τους μουσουλμάνους που είναι οι χειρότεροι πολέμιοι της Ορθοδοξίας, τότε ΝΑΙ, είμαι ρατσιστής και είμαι περήφανος γι' αυτό… Είμαι βέβαιος ότι η συντριπτική πλειοψηφία των ΑΠΟΕΛιστών ασπάζεται την άποψη αυτή αν και τις περισσότερες φορές σιωπούμε για το καλό της ομάδας…Δύο μαγικές λέξεις, δύο υπέροχες ιδεολογίες, δύο μεγάλες περηφάνιες, δύο δόξες και εν κατακλείδι, μια δεύτερη και τρίτη θρησκεία για μένα και όσους πίστεψαν στον ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟ και κατ' επέκταση στον ΑΠΟΕΛΙΣΜΟ»'. Προφανώς, αυτές οι απόψεις δεν εκφράζουν όλους, εκφράζουν όμως τον αρθρογράφο και χωρίς συζήτηση την ιστοσελίδα (αφού τα δημοσιεύει) που πιστεύω έχει περισσότερη επισκεψιμότητα από την επίσημη ιστοσελίδα του σωματείου. Το έδαφος ήταν από πάντα πρόσφορο. Οι ρατσιστές δεν εμφανίστηκαν την περασμένη βδομάδα. Δρουν μέσα από τα διαδικτυακά οπαδικά καφενεία ενώ αναπαράγονται, κάποιες φορές και από τα ΜΜΕ. Τα μεμονωμένα γεγονότα στα οποία αναφέρονται τα ΜΜΕ σε κάθε ρατσιστικό χτύπημα, σε κάθε κρούσμα εθνικισμού και φασισμού είναι πολλά και συμπληρώνουν την εικόνα του παζλ. Αυτά τα μεμονωμένα γεγονότα δεν είναι πλέον μεμονωμένα. Έψαξε κανείς τι κρύβεται πίσω από τις επιθέσεις εναντίων αυτοκινήτων στη λεωφόρο Λεμεσού; Σχολιάσαμε τις εκδηλώσεις του ΕΛΑΜ στον σύνδεσμο των φιλάθλων του ΑΠΟΕΛ στη Λάρνακα ή τις ανοικτές τοποθετήσεις στήριξης πολιτικών υποψηφίων; Τα ΜΜΕ έχουν σοβαρή ευθύνη καθώς αναπαράγουν «τα μεμονωμένα γεγονότα» και τα εδραιώνουν. Όσο για τις καλοδεχούμενες κριτικές εναντίον των φαινομένων αυτών, πολλές φορές έρχονται όταν φτάσουν στη τελική τους φάση (την έκρηξη του ρατσισμού αλλά όχι «την εκκόλαψη του αβγού του φιδιού»). Το ζητούμενο είναι να αντιμετωπισθεί από τη ρίζα του ο ρατσισμός. Το θέμα, όμως, είναι αν πραγματικά υπάρχει η θέληση, και βέβαια με ποιον τρόπο. Πολλοί θα συμφωνήσουμε ότι είναι θέμα παιδείας, κουλτούρας και ανατροφής. Γι' αυτό και άλλωστε η επίλυση τέτοιων προβλημάτων όταν προέρχεται από το κράτος και μάλιστα στην υστάτη, δεν επιλύει αλλά ενδυναμώνει το πρόβλημα. Το ίδιο ισχύει και με την προσέγγιση του υπουργού Δικαιοσύνης, ο οποίος χωρίς να προσπαθήσει να βρει εναλλακτικές λύσεις για αντιμετώπισης του προβλήματος της βίας με επιφανειακές προσεγγίσεις, αποφάσισε να επιβάλει μέτρα τα οποία, στο όνομα της πάταξης της βίας, ουσιαστικά την αναπαράγουν καταπατώντας βασικές προσωπικές ελευθερίες. Ο χουλιγκανισμός αλλά και ο ρατσισμός αποτελούν μορφές βίας, όπως και η κρατική λογοκρισία, η υπεραστυνόμευση και η παρακολούθηση του πληθυσμού από τις κάμερες ασφαλείας. Αυτά τα… ριζοσπαστικά μέτρα εμπνευσμένα από την χούντα και τη Θάτσερ επέφεραν, μεταξύ άλλων, τον περιορισμό των ελευθεριών σε πολλά καθεστώτα ακόμα και στην αυτοαποκαλούμενη Δύση του σήμερα, αλλά και περισσότερη βία. Διότι όπου υπάρχει δράση υπάρχει αντίδραση και όπου υπάρχει καταστολή θα υπάρχει αντιβία. Για να αντιμετωπίσουμε τις διάφορες μορφές βίας πρέπει οι κοινωνικοί φορείς, όπως τα ΜΜΕ, ο εκπαιδευτικός τομέας, το κράτος, αλλά και ο καθένας χωριστά να δράσουν πριν να είναι πλέον (πάρα πολύ) αργά. Τέτοια κοινωνικά φαινόμενα δεν λύνονται απλά με πολιτικές αλλά με την υπεύθυνη στάση αυτών που παράγουν ιδεολογία, με τον αποκλεισμό αυτών που αναπαράγουν οπορτουνισμό και έχουν ως επάγγελμα να αποπροσανατολίζουν τους πολίτες. Καμιά ανοχή σε κανένα ρατσιστή.
This paper examines Greek-Cypriot identity and its durable bond with the Hellenic nation. Unlike ... more This paper examines Greek-Cypriot identity and its durable bond with the Hellenic nation. Unlike mainstream approaches, it argues that the believed Greekness of the island is not inherent. Although Greek-Cypriot social constructivists have criticised the hellenocentric perspective over Greek-Cypriot identity and have developed a productive analysis, their perspective is limited to the semiotic and materialist understanding of the matter. In juxtaposition, this paper adopts a psychoanalytic perspective on the matter and aims to address the durability and longevity of an identity that is resistant to foreign rules and occupations. Such a strong bond with the Hellenic nation can be regarded as an affective and passionate identification. Incorporating key psychoanalytic insights, this paper concludes that Greekness is a form of ‘resistance’ Greek-Cypriots adopted in order to secure their existence from colonial oppression in the past and the current Turkish occupation. This analysis provides a holistic view on Greek-Cypriot identity that other analyses have paid inadequate attention to. Furthermore, such analysis can be a useful tool for deadlocks related to the ‘Cyprus problem’ such as the antagonistic view on the Turkish-Cypriots alongside the viability of the Bizonal Bicommunal Federation.
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Citation: Venizelos G. (2020) Populism and the digital media: a necessarily symbiotic relationship? in Politics and populism across modes and media [eds.] Ruth Breeze and Ana María Fernández Vallejo, Bern: Peter Lang
Phileleftheros Newspaper, Cyprus
Friday 25 March 2016
in Greek
Citation: Venizelos G. (2020) Populism and the digital media: a necessarily symbiotic relationship? in Politics and populism across modes and media [eds.] Ruth Breeze and Ana María Fernández Vallejo, Bern: Peter Lang
Phileleftheros Newspaper, Cyprus
Friday 25 March 2016
in Greek