News Analysis

People abused by angry discipline as children, may tend to abuse or overly punish other people or themselves for perceived wrongs in their adult life. In some individuals, aggressive personality traits may be genetically inherited. The aggressive personality may feel weakened by having guidelines or boundaries for anger. Anger is a normal human emotion, and these guidelines can help express anger in a healthy way.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

In the network society the boundaries between media, politics, economy and culture is put under pressure. The media is placed in an increasingly direct competition with the state, private companies, interest organisations etc. about the powers of definition within important spheres of society. This is illustrated by for instance “the Muhammad crisis” and the debate about the documentary “The secret war”. Both cases also show the importance of the legitimacy of the roles played by the media in the network society. This puts forward the old question about the objectivity of journalism, and makes this question important in the debate about the roles of journalism in the network society.

Wikipedia's coverage of breaking news and current events dominates editor contributions and reader attention in any given month. Collaborators on breaking news articles rapidly synthesize content to produce timely information in spite of steep coordination demands.

June 6, 2021 The genocide in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region has been going on for seven months now. The UN is doing nothing and the slaughter continues. To understand events there one must examine the context in which they were created.
The past 500 years of colonialism and even world politics today are very easy to understand. Euro-American colonialists are inherently white supremacist to give them a unifying bond, uniformly amoral and totally capitalist. Over time they realized its easier to get the “colored savages” to fight each other rather than waste good white boys on the effort so they became masters at dividing indigenous groups within the Americas, Asia and Africa, setting them upon each other, then rolling in later on to “clean up the mess” and totally take over while congratulating themselves on their kindness.
The First Italo-Ethiopian War 1895 – 1896 in which the Italians claimed the entire country of Ethiopia as their own was bad enough, but then the Second Italo-Ethiopian War from 1935 – 1937 saw 200,000 Italian soldiers invade proving what a totally ineffectual entity the League of Nations (1920 - 1946) truly was, precisely the same as the modern so-called United Nations.
What the foreign invaders were really after was a solid base in East Afrika, and specifically the Ethiopian Highlands, the largest continuous elevated area on the continent, sometimes called the “Roof of Africa.” The highlands mountain areas extend from central and northern Ethiopia north into Eritrea. Those are deliciously cool and beautiful lands far better suited to the more delicate European constitutions than the deserts, Savannah and tropics found elsewhere in Afrika along with all manner of fearsome wildlife including those horrid malaria carrying mosquitos.
Jumping forward in time a bit we find the USA with an urgent “existential need” of some kind to rule the entire world forever that looks upon the ancient land of Ethiopia with distain. Myopically addicted to fragmenting and dominating all nations of the earth in perpetuity, the clever but not wise directors of American foreign policies have decreed Ethiopia needs a good war to break it down some more, as if the droughts and endemic poverty brought about by predatory Euro-American aggression in Afrika weren’t enough.
So, the ever-so-clever but avaricious American foreign policy makers locked the former dominant political party called the TPLN located in the northern ancient holy Tigray region into power for an overly long time while feeding their corruption, and at the same time fed anger and resentment towards them from all directions, Eritrea to the north, and the other Ethiopian political parties to the south.
- This short brutally honest satire is an alternative introduction to the much more detailed and analytic article I posted on Academia.edu yesterday titled: Made in Amerika - Genocide in Ethiopia - A four-part article series. That the UN does nothing is not surprising, however it's astonishing to me that so few people seem to even care about another genocide. Is only 20,000 innocents slaughtered too insignificant to call your Congressional representatives and demand the UN send in peacekeepers?

Demonstrations which spill over into conflict have always required the police to distinguish between members of the public exercising their right to protest, and members of the public engaging in criminal activity, i.e. between ‘good protesters’ and ‘bad protesters’ (Waddington, 1999). Journalists who depended heavily upon official sources when constructing news narratives have historically reproduced these distinctions (Hall et al, 1978) and as a result images of violent protesters have frequently been used to delegitimize their claims (Juris, 2005).  However a number of high profile investigations into the policing of protest in the UK mean that police officers are also being subjected to distinctions made by inquiry panels between ‘good police officers’ and ‘bad police officers’. Thus a new trope is emerging in popular print and online news narratives in which the actions of the police rather than protesters are becoming the object of the public’s attention.

These dynamics will be explored with reference to the ways in which confrontations between protesters and police were pictured in the aftermath of Ian Tomlinson’s death. It will focus in particular on the way in which images highlighting acts of concealment became a significant strand in on and off line news narrative as they developed in the years between Tomlinson’s death in 2009 and the civil suit bought against PC Harwood in 2012. It will argue that images of police officers in militarized helmets and without identity tags become synonymous with the opacity that initially characterized the police forces response to the death of Tomlinson. It will conclude by suggesting that this lack of transparency contrasted with the extended visibility offered by mobile phone footage of the demonstration and contributed to the police’s inability to frame G20 protesters as violent agitators.

Abstract

France, Russia, Al Jazeera and China have all launched English-language TV stations with the potential of  acting as a vehicle for public and cultural diplomacy, or soft power, in world politics  as a means for nation-states to project their voice, their policies and their interpretations of events in the global news. They also represent, with their round the clock news, a different relationship between the discourse, the audience and the event. All were set up to contrast in some way the perceived hegemony of the world view presented by older world news channels BBC and CNN.  Al Jazeera English, Russia Today, CCTV News English,  France 24 English all have mission statements which proclaim their intentions to give a different perspective, all making reference to  their positioning relative to some ‘other’.  This chapter examines how this pre-announced attitude and positioning is played out, how the positioning is discernible in the linguistic and semiotic discourses of their broadcast news; the study uses a linguistic corpus of  parallel news bulletins from the four channels  for comparative quantitative data but also provides a qualitative comparative analysis of the ways in which stance, evaluation and dialogistic positioning  can be seen in both their visual and verbal discourse in the coverage of one event – the Russia Ukraine trade deal of December 2013.

Over the past five years violence against women has been growing in Serbia. However, the aim of this paper is not to explore the reasons for the violence itself, but the way it is presented in the media. In this paper, representations of domestic violence are analysed by focusing on the image of women in newspapers, TV shows and film. Therefore, my intention is to examine: 1. How the media manipulate through the construct of gender; 2. The ways in which the media deepen gender differentiation and construct women as a weaker, inferior subject.

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research report will seek to define opinion and response of the viewers against the portrayal of women in these advertisements. Survey research method has been used for the analysis. The respondents for the survey were categorized on the basis of gender and age. The literature review indicates that the women are portrayed mainly in two types of roles i.e. as house wives and as attractive objects. Mostly the advertisers use females as the eye- catching object to capture the attention of the viewers. The results argue that the portrayal of women in advertising is changing the concept of respects about the women among the minds of viewers and also indicate that a woman's physical beauty is likely to be an instrument for inducing demands for products.

With attention to selected terms: grace, obedience, works, dead, alive, raised, circumcision of Christ, faith, baptism, baptized, forgiven, sins, saved, new life, crucified with Christ. Nowhere does Paul, the “works” theologian, even hint that baptism is a work of personal merit that cannot save, even in writing Galatian Christians who are condemned for turning aside to a different gospel. This alone is evidence that for Paul, the grace of Christ includes baptism in water.

Major international conflicts tend to receive intensified media coverage, which is often framed differently when compared across distinct news networks. This study compares the framing of the 2014 Gaza War by two news organizations operating inside the United States at the time, CNN and Al Jazeera America (AJAM). A content analysis of 74 online news articles during the 50-day war was conducted to examine the type and nature of sources, the reporting on the death toll, the length of the articles and the use of multimedia. The study revealed that AJAM cited only Palestinian citizens in its articles and always differentiated between militants and civilians when reporting on the Palestinian death toll, while nearly 15 per cent of CNN articles did not clarify whether it had been a militant or a civilian who had died. AJAM and CNN would reference Haaretz newspaper in some articles, yet CNN would also reference other Israeli news outlets. In the meantime, unlike its sister channels Al Jazeera Arabic (AJA) and Al Jazeera English (AJE), AJAM seemed to be shifting to American journalistic practices with regard to the use of routine sources and social media in its coverage of the 2014 Gaza War.

This chapter discusses research on the policies, laws, and subsidies that create and shape the organizational
structures and practices that form the basis of the news media. The research reviewed treats news media
institutions as political actors and makes assumptions about journalism’s importance in a democratic society.
Although this line of research, with its emphasis on political economic and normative questions, often has been
marginalized in American mass communication scholarship, the authors explain its ongoing importance,
particularly in relation to the journalism crisis, and, suggest future directions.

This article analyzes how news photographs and textual accounts of the 1964 Kitty Genovese murder and its 38 witnesses formulated the problem of crime in the city as one of failed witnessing in urban conditions. It analyzes the press images of Austin Street in Kew Gardens and a police portrait of the victim as facialized surfaces that journalists and editors used to interpret
the failure of witnesses who were said to have watched or heard Winston Moseley’s assaults on Genovese. In years since, the number of witnesses has been called into question, as has the
claim that Genovese’s neighbors did not call the police or offer direct assistance. In reviewing a case made famous through the construction of its 38 witnesses, the author shows how crime
scene photography and victim portraiture played their part in conjuring the witnesses and their presumed inaction. Through these representations, this famous story of failed witnessing created an urban physiognomy of the Genovese murder whose truths lie not in the veracity of the witnesses themselves but in the ability of news and police photography to spectate the crime
scene and murder victim for readers.

Миграционная политика стран Европы и восприятие обществом мигрантов тесно связаны между собой. СМИ оказывают большое влияние на общественное мнение, касаемо как самих мигрантов, так и политики, проводимой правительством в отношении последних. При том, что вопрос репрезентации мигрантов в традиционных СМИ изучен достаточно широко, то, каким образом мигранты представлены в современном медиапространстве, на данный момент мало исследовано. Данная работа посвящена изучению особенностей представления мигрантов в медиатекстах Великобритании в период максимального притока мигрантов.
Материалом для нашего исследования послужили данные новостного подкорпуса Британского Национального Корпуса (NOW). В работе используются методы текстового анализа с использованием нейросетевых технологий, контент-анализ и анализ лексических ассоциаций для определения эксплицитной и имплицитной информации. В результате проведённого исследования было выявлено, что криминализация мигрантов в СМИ привела к смешению терминов. Появляются два образа мигрантов (мигранты, несущие вред принимающей стороне, и мигранты, вызывающие чувство солидарности). Проблема незащищённости мигрантов на рынке труда также является важным топосом. Общество обеспокоено эксплуатацией и нарушением прав мигрантов. При этом «реальные» истории самих мигрантов практически отсутствуют.

Owing to aesthetic components that advertisement texts generally have, advertisements are sometimes perceived as a genre of art by some circles. The study is based upon a perspective presented by an interdisciplinary background and it acknowledges a paradigm that advertising is not a genre of art, it obviously pursues commercial profits and within this context, expolits the created aesthetics in product. The main objective of the study, which focuses advertising aesthetic fundamentally, is to build a scientific model formulating some levels of aestheticisation during its production process. Formulation in question has been reconstructed on theoretical and applied literature.

The Syrian revolution has brought about the creation of a pop-up news ecology, an entirely new, oppositional news system fueled by citizen activists’ use of social media to report on the conflict. Drawing on Castell’s Network Society, this essay assesses the ways such a system came into being, finding a dearth of professional journalism, rapidity of its formation, and assistance by external “connectors” as key factors. This case study provides a potential model for the ways pop-up news ecologies may form in other authoritarian countries.

Cats share not only people's real lives but also their virtual world. The Meow Factor is a research project that takes an interdisciplinary approach to describe cat content. Cat content generally deals with cats in popular culture, with news articles about cats, cat memes, and cat videos in the public sphere, such as online newspapers and magazines, social media, print media, TV, movies, books, paintings, and merchandise. When taking a closer look at the cats' presence in their relationship with humans, it becomes obvious that cats play a large role in the public sphere. After an observation of traditional and social media in the English-, Russian-, and German-speaking world during a two-year period, categories for news stories and for user generated content have been developed. The results show that cat content maintains a strong presence in art and popular culture, in advertising, in the media, and on the internet.

In contemporary Canada, what non-Indigenous people know (or assume)  about Indigenous peoples comes from TV news. For years, the media
have played a significant role in circulating biased representations of
Indigenous peoples, acquired from colonial discursive constructions
of the ‘Indian’. At the same time, in Canada’s varied mediascape, master narratives and counter-narratives interfere with and interrupt each other. The struggle to gain the power to ‘represent’ is constant and leads to ongoing conflict between those who are being illegitimately objectified on TV and those who want to represent them. In light of this, by focusing on the genre of newscasts, this book attempts to identify and uncover the linguistic phenomena that characterize different stances in the representation and self-representation of Indigenous peoples in contemporary Canadian TV news discourse, from a Critical Discourse perspective, using Corpus Linguistics tools. The study proposes an analysis of mainstream and Indigenous news stories, aired in the years 2012-2013 during the so-called #idlenomore national revolution, by three widely accessible news providers: the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), CTV Television Network and APTN, the Aboriginal Peoples Television Network. While CTV and CBC are identified as carriers of dominant discourses and representations, APTN is not merely a network broadcasting Indigenous stories, but it is made for and by Indigenous peoples. The newscasts, arranged into two specifically designed corpora, are examined in order to spot linguistic preferences, and state whether an alternative, ‘postindian’ form of news discourse is possible, what viewpoints it reflects and how it aligns or dis-aligns with hegemonic discourses on the ‘Indian’.

Nyhetsåret 2015 i Finland var händelserikt och berörde svenska språket och dess talare på olika sätt. Det populistiska partiet Sannfinländarna – som utmärkt sig bl.a. genom att vilja minska på svenskans utrymme i Finland – var framgångsrikt i riksdagsvalet under våren samtidigt som Svenska folkpartiet (SFP) för första gången på 36 år hamnade utanför regeringen. Efter sommaren nåddes även Finland av den så kallade ”flyktingkrisen” och på mycket kort tid kom tiotusentals flyktingar till landet. Det blev aktuellt att mycket snabbt ta ställning till hur de nyanlända på bästa sätt skulle tas emot vilket diskuterades livligt i såväl finska som finlandssvenska medier.
I denna artikel undersöker vi två av årets nyhetshändelser närmare: Den ena var en finlandssvensk utbildningsangelägenhet – startandet av en ny klasslärarutbildning på svenska i Helsingfors – och den andra handlade om möjligheterna för flyktingar och invandrare att integreras på svenska (i stället för finska). Vi valde att fokusera på dessa två då de ägde rum samtidigt under ett par intensiva höstmånader, de representerade teman som inte riktigt förekommit tidigare i finlandssvensk tidningsdebatt, samt för att de uppstod  som respons på aktuella samhälleliga förändringar som potentiellt kan ha betydelse för Svenskfinlands framtid. Vi undersöker nyhetscyklerna (Hult & Pietikäinen 2014:5) ur såväl ett synkront perspektiv – deras respektive tidsmässiga förlopp och utlösare,  typ av och antal  inlägg, teman, intertextualitet och aktörer – som ur ett diakront perspektiv – dvs. i vilken mån debatten innehåller diskurser från tidigare debatter eller formar nya.

В настоящее время обеспечение безопасности в широком смысле является одной из важнейших функций государства.  Одной из главных тенденций современного этапа развития человечества является информационная революция, повлекшая за собой бурное развитие различных средств массовой информации. В этой связи наиболее актуальной проблемой любого государства становится задача, связанная с обеспечением информационной безопасности. В этой связи актуальностью исследования является минимизация рисков, связанных с активным влиянием российского телевидения на формирование взглядов граждан Казахстана по тем или иным вопросам, и недопущение доминирования позиции другого государства.

Cette contribution consiste à penser les médias du côté des policiers, pour interroger leur perception et leur évaluation des informations policières. Celles-ci font l'objet d'une attention soutenue mais aussi d'une attitude critique massive et homogène. Ce consensus réprobateur trouve son point d'orgue dans la médiatisation des violences policières. Dans le cadre d'une sociologie de la réception, il est interprété au regard des conditions d'existence des policiers. Ceux-ci intériorisent une distance voire une défiance face aux médias au cours de leur socialisation professionnelle, sous l'effet conjugué de plusieurs mécanismes.

L’article présente un genre particulier de récit, le feuilleton médiatique. Il s’agit d’articles de presse qui suivent un événement réel (p. ex. un conflit, une affaire, etc.), provisoirement inachevé ou incomplet, et dont la narration se poursuit au-delà du numéro quotidien. L’information tend ainsi à s’inscrire dans une série qui finit par prendre les contours d’un véritable feuilleton, avec son nœud, ses rebondissements et son éventuel dénouement. Ainsi, loin de fournir un récit atomisé constitué d’unités discrètes et autonomes, le feuilleton médiatique apparaît partiellement structuré et suit une logique séquentielle alternant mises en tension et résolutions de l’intrigue, liages en aval (anaphore, rappels, identifiants) et en amont (cataphores, hypothèses sur la suite, etc.). Dès lors, en l’absence d’une instance narrative centralisée qui aurait pour tâche de planifier l’intrigue, le feuilleton médiatique invite à s’interroger sur la nature de cette « intrigue naturelle » qui émerge au cœur du quotidien, et il nous conduit à reconceptualiser cette notion théorique centrale, aussi bien pour la linguistique textuelle que pour la théorie du récit.

The 2016 Olympic and Paralympic Games, held in Rio de Janeiro, reignited public interest and discussion around Paralympic athletes attempting to qualify for, and compete at, the Olympic Games. That Paralympians have sought to compete at the Olympic Games is, however, not new. This paper looks at the largely unrecognised and often underreported history of Paralympians competing at the Olympic Games and addresses why it is that Paralympians may wish to compete at the Olympic Games. To do this we use historical examples, but also look at the contemporary cases of 3 such athletes: Jason Smyth, Alan Fonteles Cardoso and Markus Rehm. The paper also explores whether or not with advances in medical and prosthetic technologies, as well as potentially increased income and funding, we can expect to see more Paralympians attempting to crossover and compete in the Olympic Games in the future. The methodology used is one of qualitative case studies. The research question was: "What can be le...

The public develops interpretations of physical and mental disabilities through a variety of resources, most notably representations presented by the news media. While disability scholars have long lamented negative portrayals of disabilities in the mass media (e.g., movies, fictional television programs, songs) as dehumanizing and devaluing, studies of news media depictions have been scant. The present study focuses on a salient mental disability—autism—to advance current scholarship about representations of disabilities in the news. Stigmatizing cues and framing techniques from news coverage of autism over a period of approximately 15 years suggest that journalists may be creating a threatening space for autism, particularly through the perpetuation of stigmatic cues in more than two-thirds of news coverage of autism, coupled with the selection of certain news frames. Implications for media and disabilities practice and scholarship are discussed.

Evangelical Protestants are more supportive of the Iraq War than other major religious groups in the United States, such as Mainline Protestants and Roman Catholics. I argue this trend occurs due to demographic factors that lead Evangelical Protestants to rely more heavily on TV news over print news. TV news often employed more positive frames of the Iraq War than print news, leading to a skew in opinion and information presented. I present demographic statistical evidence and public opinion research and conclude with the implications of this study on public opinion and media framing.