Neoconservatism

RESUM
Aquest escrit és una reflexió sobre les propostes teòriques de Francis Fukuyama (La fi de la història) i Samuel P. Huntington (Xoc de civilitzacions), les quals han tingut una gran influència en el pensament filosòfic polític actual. Aquestes dues visions sobre la història apa-rentment contradictòries (triomfalisme versus amenaça) han complert amb la funció d'om-plir l'espai deixat en l'imaginari polític com a conseqüència del final de la guerra freda. L'in-terès principal d'aquests discursos no radica en la veracitat o no dels seus plantejaments (difícilment contrastables), sinó en la seva eficàcia a l'hora de simplificar i delimitar el pensa-ble, i establir els termes del que ha de ser un debat filosoficopolític o metapolític. Acceptar sense crítica aquests discursos, excessivament autocomplaents, té l'efecte pervers de fer-nos des-cendir del logos al mite. D'aquest retrocés tracta el present escrit. Paraules clau: neoconservadorisme, conservadorisme, neoliberalisme, filosofia de la histò-ria, filosofia política, cultura, ideologia, Francis Fukuyama, Samuel P. Huntington. 1. INTRODUCCIÓ Aquesta és una reflexió sobre el pensament neoconservador i les propostes teòri-ques de Francis Fukuyama (La fi de la història) i Samuel P. Huntington (Xoc de civi-litzacions) en el context dels esdeveniments contemporanis, ja que aquestes propos-tes han tingut una gran influència en el pensament filosòfic polític actual. Aquestes dues visions sobre la història aparentment contradictòries (triomfalisme versus ame-naça) han complert amb la funció d'omplir l'espai deixat en l'imaginari polític com a conseqüència del final de la guerra freda. L'interès principal d'aquests discursos no radica en la veracitat o no dels seus plantejaments (difícilment contrastables).

RESUMEN
Este escrito es una reflexión sobre las propuestas teóricas de Francis Fukuyama (El fin de la historia) y Samuel P. Huntington (Choque de civilizaciones), que han tenido una gran influencia en el pensamiento filosófico político actual. Estas dos visiones sobre la historia aparentemente contradictorias (triunfalismo versus amenaza) han cumplido con la función de llenar el espacio dejado en el imaginario político como consecuencia del fin de la guerra fría. El interés principal de estos discursos no radica en la veracidad o no de sus planteamientos (difícilmente contrastables), sino en su eficacia a la hora de simplificar y delimitar el pensable, y establecer los términos de lo que ha de ser un debate filosófico-político o metapolítico. Aceptar sin crítica estos discursos, excesivamente autocomplacientes, tiene el efecto perverso de hacernos descender del logos al mito. De ese retroceso trata el presente escrito. Palabras clave: neoconservadurismo, conservadurismo, neoliberalismo, filosofía de la historia, filosofía política, cultura, ideología, Francis Fukuyama, Samuel P. Huntington. 1. INTRODUCCIÓN Ésta es una reflexión sobre el pensamiento neoconservador y las propuestas teóricas de Francis Fukuyama (El fin de la historia) y Samuel P. Huntington (Choque de civilizaciones) en el contexto de los acontecimientos contemporáneos, ya que estas propones han tenido una gran influencia en el pensamiento filosófico político actual. Estas dos visiones sobre la historia aparentemente contradictorias (triunfalismo versus amenaza) han cumplido con la función de llenar el espacio dejado en el imaginario político como consecuencia del fin de la guerra fría. El interés principal de estos discursos no radica en la veracidad o no de sus planteamientos (difícilmente contrastables).

ABSTRACT
This writing is a reflection on the theoretical propositions of Francis Fukuyama (La fi de la historia) and Samuel P. Huntington (Xoc de civilitzacions), which have had a great influence on current political and philosophical thinking. These two visions of apparently contradictory history (triomfalisme versus threat) have completed the function of expanding the space deixat in the political imagination as a consequence of the end of the French war. The main interest of these discourses does not lie in the veracity or otherwise of their statements (difficultly verifiable), but in their effectiveness when it comes to simplifying and delimiting what is thinkable, and establishing the terms of what has of being a philosophical-political or metapolitical debate. Accept the critical sense of these speeches, excessively self-satisfied, tea l'efecte pervers de fer-nos des-descenden del logos al mite. D'aquest retrocés tracts the present writing. Paraules clau: neoconservatism, conservatism, neoliberalism, philosophy of history, political philosophy, culture, ideology, Francis Fukuyama, Samuel P. Huntington. 1. INTRODUCTION This is a reflection on the neoconservative thinking and the theoretical proposals of Francis Fukuyama (La fi de la historia) and Samuel P. Huntington (Xoc de civi-litzacions) in the context of contemporary events, since these proposals -these have had a great influence on current political and philosophical thinking. These two apparently contradictory visions of history (triomfalisme versus ame-naça) have completed the function of expanding the space left in the political imagination as a consequence of the end of the French war. The main interest of these speeches does not lie in the veracity or not of their statements (difficultly verifiable).

Barrionuevo, S. J. (2019). El platonismo de Leo Strauss y su recepción neoconservadora. Res Publica. Revista De Historia De Las Ideas Políticas, 22(2), 425-443

RESUMEN: La recepción del pensamiento platónico se torna un elemento clave en el contexto de re-configuración de "los grandes relatos", en tanto constituye uno de los ejes sobre el cual se estructuran una serie de trabajos en torno a la comprensión de nuestro tiempo. En el presente artículo me propongo mostrar que la recuperación del pensamiento platónico en el marco de los debates políticos contempo-ráneos establece una desarticulación de la "lógica política platónica". Para ello analizo la rehabilitación del pensamiento platónico por parte de Leo Strauss y su construcción del "platonismo".

ABSTRACT: The reception of Platonic thought becomes a key element in the context of reconfiguration of "great stories", as it is one of the axes on which a series of works are structured around the understanding of our time. In this paper I intend to show that the recovery of Platonic thinking in the context of contemporary political debates establishes a disarticulation of "Platonic political logic". For this, I analyze the rehabilitation of Platonic thinking by Leo Strauss and his construction of "Platonism".

Has the international movement for democracy and human rights gone from being a weapon against power to part of the arsenal of power itself? The book explores this question and looks at how in the 1990s the U.S. government, the World Bank, political scientists, NGOs, think tanks, and various international organizations have appropriated the movement for democracy and human rights to export neoliberal policies throughout the world. It charts the various symbolic, ideological, and political meanings that have developed around human rights and democracy movements. It suggests that these shifting meanings reflect the transformation of a progressive, emancipatory movement into an industry, dominated by "experts," ensconced in positions of power.

The story begins in the 1950s when U.S. foreign policy experts promoted human rights and democracy as part of a "democratic international" to fight the spread of communism. Later, the unlikely convergence of anti-Stalinist leftists and the nascent neoconservative movement found a place in the Reagan administration. These "State Department Socialists," as they were known, created policies and organizations that provided financial and technical expertise to democratic movements, but also supported authoritarian, anti-communist regimes, particularly in Latin America.

William F. Buckley afforded conservatives of all stripes a provocative rhetorical style, a gladiatorial style, as I term it. The gladiatorial style is a flashy, combative style whose ultimate aim is the creation of inflammatory drama. I claim that conservatives encountered Buckley's potent arguments about God, government, and markets and the gladiatorial style simultaneously. The theatrical appeal of Buckley's gladiatorial style inspired conservative imitators with disparate beliefs and, over several decades, became one of the principal rhetorical templates for the performance of conservatism.

Neo-conservatism is a political ideology which is formed by the combination of traditional conservatism and political individualism. It also includes pursuit of free market economy. In the beginning neo-conservatives emerged as liberal intellectuals who rebelled against the Democratic Party's leftward drift during 1970s. They were the people who strongly opposed to the expansion of communism. On the other hand Neo-conservatism is accepted by opponents as combining military power within the Wilsonian ideology. However Irving Kristol, one of the neoconservative leader, defines neoconservatives as "liberals mugged by reality."

The last decade saw the rapid emergence of the Dutch New Right, leading to a significant break in Dutch political culture. The nature of this break remains contested. Some argue it should be seen as a conservative restoration, an attempt to turn back time; others stress the progressive nature of the revolt, depicted as an attempt to bolster Dutch progressive values with respect to conservative Muslim immigrants. In this article, an alternative interpretation is offered: I argue that the Dutch New Right has developed a new, mutated form of conservatism in the Netherlands. It has done so firstly by borrowing and adapting ideas from American neoconservatism and secondly by absorbing in its programme some of the most important progressive attainments emanating from the Dutch sixties and seventies. Despite these progressive incorporations, the programme of the New Right is nonetheless conservative in character and effect. To qualify the content of this new conservative politics, I propose to use the term postprogressive, suggesting some lines of continuity and affinity with the progressive project, while at the same time, a wide-ranging rupture is implied. This postprogressive conservatism can be reduced to two elements: 1) a paradoxical incorporation of a select set of progressive values – mainly women’s rights, gay rights, secularism and individualism – which are subsequently culturalised and historicised; 2) a concerted conservative attack on the progressive consensus on a range of other terrains, such as environmental policy, internationalism, cultural policy, the economy, labour relations and the work ethic, development aid, terrorism, crime, immigration and social policy.

The text analyzes some aspects of the recent "war on gender" in Poland. I propose to interpret this trend as a transnational rather than local phenomenon. Moreover, while the notion of "gender" has gained momentum in the Polish context, and in some other countries, only recently, the moral panic around sexual education in schools, LGBT rights and paedophilia has a long history, so the current trend should be interpreted as yet another phase in a long-term process rather than as something entirely new. Consequently, I critically assess the notion of “backlash” as an explanatory framework and conclude with some preliminary remarks regarding the consequences that the war on gender may have for women's empowerment and feminist strategising in the region and beyond.

Many have noted how the Bush administration’s linking of Iraq to the war on terror lent a certain degree of legitimacy to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Few scholars who have noted this linkage, however, have theorised about the specific discursive mechanisms that allowed Iraq to be incorporated and normalised within the war on terror. This article utilises the theoretical framework of Ernesto Laclau to analyse how ‘Iraq’ was (re)constructed as a threat through the war on terror. The productive power of the discourses constructing ‘Iraq’ is examined in the wording of poll questions as sites of reproduction and naturalisation of the dominant understandings of Iraq and the war on terror. Rather than tools used to measure public opinion that exists independently of them, this article argues that polls are better viewed as vehicles through which foreign policy and security discourses are stabilised and naturalised.

This piece, published in the French and English academic blog Tocqueville21, evaluates James Burnham's recent "mini Renaissance" and critically analyzes the apocalyptic rhetoric that underlies his theory of "the managerial revolution."  I argue that those seeking to revive Burnham's works today cannot uncritically embrace his supposed "realistic" analysis of modern politics developed through his readings of "the Machiavellians." In fact, Burnham's supposedly "realist" theories about geopolitical developments in the 1940s are saturated with what George Orwell called "apocalyptic wish" and display a strong attraction to metanarratives on the philosophy of history that define much of American political thought. 

La participación de evangélicos en política es un fenómeno que se ha hecho común en América Latina en el período posterior a las dicta-duras. El presente artículo analiza el fenómeno, más reciente, del apoyo de  evangélicos/as  a  candidaturas  y  proyectos  políticos  de  la  extrema  derecha que configuran un “neoconservadorismo religioso”. Concentra-mos  nuestra  atención  en  la  práctica  política  de  evangélicos  en  el  Perú,  en  el  período  contemporáneo  al  gobierno  de  Donald  Trump  que  acogió  a la transnacional política religiosa “Capitol Ministries”. Analizamos la comprensión del poder político en la tradición evangélica y los argumen-tos teológicos de su militancia en la extrema derecha. Nos apoyamos en levantamiento etnográfico remoto de material de campaña electoral del partido Renovación Popular y de sus candidatos pastores a las elecciones del  2021  en  Perú.  Trabajamos  con  la  hipótesis  de  que  la  comprensión  de  los  evangélicos  del  poder  político  reduce  el  espacio  democrático  al  transformar  adversarios  en  enemigos  que  deben  ser  “exterminados”, semejante al fenómeno Bolsonaro en Brasil.

The attack on natural right in the name of history takes in most cases the following form: natural right claims to be a right that is discernible by human reason and is universally acknowledged; but history (including anthropology) teaches us that no such right exists; instead of the supposed uniformity we find an indefinite variety of notions of right or justice. Or, in other words, there cannot be natural right if there are no immutable principles of justice, but history shows us that all principles of justice are mutable. One cannot understand the meaning of the attack on natural right in the name of history, before one has realized the utter irrelevance of this argument. In the first place, “consent of all mankind” is by no means a necessary condition of the existence of natural right. Some of the greatest natural right teachers have argued that, precisely if natural right is rational, its discovery presupposes the cultivation of reason, and therefore natural right will not be known universally: one ought not even to expect any real knowledge of natural right among savages. In other words by proving diat there is no principle of justice diat has not been denied somewhere or at some time, one has not yet proven that any given denial was justified or reasonable. Furthermore, it has always been known that different notions of justice obtain at different times and in different nations. It is absurd to claim diat the discovery of a still greater number of such notions by modern students has in any way affected the fundamental issue.

Resumo: A sociedade brasileira tem vivenciado um intenso embate hegemônico sobre as concepções de gênero e sexualidade articuladas nas políticas públicas de currículo e formação docente. Grupos políticos e religiosos conservadores têm desenvolvido um ataque agressivo ao que denominam “ideologia de gênero” na educação. A partir de uma análise dos processos de formação dos discursos pela igualdade de gênero e diversidade sexual nas políticas educacionais brasileiras ao longo das últimas décadas e da emergência de discursos reativos (neo)conservadores no contexto atual, o texto busca discutir as condições de (im)possibilidade desse confronto hegemônico. A análise é desenvolvida em diálogo com os debates pós-estruturalistas no campo da educação e, em especial, com a Teoria Política do Discurso
de Laclau e Mouffe. O trabalho aponta que ambos os polos discursivos engajados no conflito atual são construções históricas contingentes e que o debate no campo da educação tem sido predominantemente realizado a partir do parâmetro comum das políticas de acomodação e
gestão estratégicas das diferenças.
Palavras-chave: currículo, formação docente, gênero.

Abstract: Brazilian society has been experiencing an intense hegemonic clash over the conceptions of gender and sexuality articulated in the public policies of curriculum and teacher training. Conservative political and religious groups have settled an aggressive attack on what
they call “gender ideology” in education. Analyzing the constitution of discourses promoting gender equality and sexual diversity in Brazilian educational policies over the last decades and the emergence of reactive (neo)conservative discourses in the current scenario, the text
seeks to discuss the conditions of (im)possibility of this hegemonic confrontation. The analysis is developed in dialogue with post-structuralist education theories, and especially with Laclau
and Mouffe’s Political Theory of Discourse. The paper points out that both the discursive poles engaged in the current conflict are contingent historical constructs, and that the debate in the field of education has been predominantly carried out from the common parameter of the
policies of accommodation and strategic management of differences.
Keywords: curriculum, teachers training, gender.

Emperyalizm, Hegemonya, İmparatorluk, uluslararası politik ekonomi literatürünün en önemli başlıklarını, Irak'ın ABD tarafından işgalini merkeze alarak tartışıyor. Kitapta bu üç kavram, önce sırtlarında taşıdıkları zamandışılık zırhlarından Gramscigi / Coxgil tarihselciliğin nezaretinde sıyrılıyorlar. Ardından da Braudel'i hatırlayarak bir buçuk asrı aşan uzun vade boyunca ardışık dünya düzenlerinin başlıca karakteristiklerini özetliyorlar. Bu yolculuk sırasında Batı yayılmacılığının kolonyalist ve emperyalist evreleri, Marksist ve Liberal geleneklerin eleştirisi etrafında inceleniyor. Daha rafine iktidar mekanizmalarının mercek altına yatırıldığı hegemonya ve imparatorlukla ilgili kısımlarda da, kuruluş döneminden başlayarak Amerikan hâkimiyet mantığının temel kodlan ve içine düştüğü kriz üzerinde duruluyor. Yapılan tüm değerlendirmelerin ışığında, fikirler ve çıkarların işgal
kararında nasıl buluştuğu sorusu ise son bölümde cevaplanıyor. Burada yalnızca Avrupa'nın özgürlük arayışı, Batı dışı dünyanın yükselişi ve ulusaşırılaşmadan oluşan dinamikler demetiyle "emperyal eylem" arasındaki bağlantı sorgulanmıyor. Söz konusu sistemik çerçeveyi anlamlandıran tarihsel bloğun ana bileşenleri de tahlil ediliyor. Hristiyan Sağı, Hristiyan Siyonistler
ve Yeni Muhafazakârlar gibi grupların oluşum ve koalisyon kurma süreçleri, kendi alt zamanlarına odaklanılarak anlatılıyor.

The Somali-born Islam critic Ayaan Hirsi Ali has been one of the world’s most influential voices in present debates on the role of Islam in Western societies. Due to the fact that her views are often seen as the reflection of her personal experiences, comparatively little attention has been given to her intellectual development. Hirsi Ali became part of the Islamic fundamentalist movement in her teenage years, and joined an influential circle of neoconservative intellectuals after her arrival and study in the Netherlands. This paper situates her writing in relation to these two formative intellectual influences. It will look at how Hirsi Ali has sought to consciously transpose the fundamentalist image of Islam, known to her from her teenage years, unto the religion as a whole. It will trace the development of Hirsi Ali’s views on Islam, which derive from the Western tradition of Orientalism. And it will show how these adopted views are –in important respects – in open contradiction with her personal life story, as told in her biography, Infidel.

This report reviews and categorizes the enormous corpus of knowledge produced by American academic and policy institutions about U.S. relations with the Middle East and other Islamic actors in the international arena. The report identifies five epistemic communities – conservatives, neoconservatives, realists, liberals and the left – and analyzes their discourses and policy recommendations. Finally, the policies that these epistemic communities recommended are evaluated and assessed. The author recommends a mixed-paradigmatic approach that will not only make the United States more effective in the Middle East but also underscore its continuing relevance to the security and the stability of the region and the global order.

‘Country risk’ is essentially about assessing the economic prospects of a nation holistically, within the broader legal and geopolitical soil without which institutional investors cannot grow their assets. The government of Qatar is now paying an incommensurate price for having thought it could defy forever the laws of geo-economic gravity.

No discurso de posse no parlatório, o presidente Jair Bolsonaro afirmou que o “[...] povo começou a se libertar do socialismo, da inversão de valores, do gigantismo estatal e do politicamente correto”. Mas como assim libertar o Brasil do socialismo? De onde o presidente Jair Bolsonaro retirou esse argumento?
Este texto tem como objetivos (i) apresentar a visão do Bolsonaro (e seu clã) e, sobretudo, do núcleo militar de seu governo a respeito do que eles entendem por socialismo (“marxismo cultural” e “politicamente correto”); e (ii) identificar as origens dessa interpretação que se vincula as ideias desenvolvidas pelos neoconservadores americanos da década de 1980 (os paleoconsertives hoje mais conhecidos como alt-right)  em sua vertente paranoica do “marxismo cultural” e do “politicamente correto”.
Essa interpretação (hoje conhecida como alt-right) que pode ser encarada como loucura (paranoia) é a fonte utilizada pelo presidente Jair Bolsonaro para afirmar que irá salvar o povo brasileiro do socialismo; porém, como diria o velho bardo: apesar de ser loucura, ainda assim revela método.

Este trabajo sistematiza y analiza algunas dimensiones claves del impacto de los conservadurismos religiosos sobre los derechos y comunidades LGBTI. Describimos y analizamos las principales estrategias, fuentes de financiamiento, discursos y actores que se oponen a estos derechos, centrándonos en un nivel global, pero también en uno local. Para lograr este objetivo, se utilizaron cuatro tipos de fuentes secundarias: a) documentos del Sistema Internacional de Derechos Humanos, b) informes de Derechos Humanos, LGBTI y de organizaciones feministas especializadas en investigación sobre conservadurismo religioso, c) artículos académicos publicados en revistas científicas, y d) notas de prensa especializadas. Además, consultamos a dos especialistas sobre la situación específica del impacto de los conservadurismos religiosos en el África subsahariana y Europa oriental: Kapya Kaoma y Gordan Bosanac. Dos breves reportes de estos autores se incluyen en este trabajo como estudios de caso centrados en regiones específicas, junto con un informe sobre América Latina.

El presente texto busca comprender los modos en que hoy en día se están articulando los proyectos neoliberales con los neoconservadores en Latinoamérica. Para ello, se indagan centralmente los discursos de dos tipos de actores neoconservadores que actualmente sostienen agendas morales restrictivas en articulación con ideas neoliberales en el plano social y económico: nuevos partidos políticos de (extrema) derecha, y escritores/ as y divulgadores/as de ideas de esta misma corriente. En particular, se consideraron aquellos/as pertenecientes a las corrientes autodenominadas 'libertaria', 'paleolibertaria', del 'liberalismo clásico' o afines. Este texto propone la construcción de una serie de tipificaciones conceptuales que buscan destacar las formas que adquieren en el escenario público las articulaciones entre posiciones neoconservadoras y neoliberales: ensamblaje funcional, ensamblaje subsidiario y ensamblaje defensivo.

The concept of Orientalism has been widely dealt with in the humanities and social sciences. It helps explain a peculiar construction of the Arab-Muslim world. Orientalism has operated in various historical paradigms but has always emphasised specific Western constructions of the Orient. Nowadays, the concept has metamorphosed to refer to new constructions of the Orient. New representations of Islam and the Muslim world are dominating the Western public space. The aim of this paper is twofold. It explores the historical development and paradigmatic shifts that have affected the concept of Orientalism. It then suggests that a neo-Orientalism has recently emerged, is less territorialised and operating within a new paradigm. It holds a new ideologically motivated agenda, constructs new objects, and feeds the social phenomenon called Islamophobia.

SUMARIO
1. Introducción
2. Conservadurismo, Neoconservadurismo y Neocons
3. Sobre el concepto de neoconservadurismo
4. Los pilares del neoconservadurismo
5. El neoconservadurismo en el final de la Guerra Fría: Francis Fukuyama y Samuel P. Huntington
5.1. El fin del pensamiento político
5.2. Culturas en lugar de sociedades
5.3. ¿Fukuyama vs. Huntington?
6. El neoconservadurismo tras el 11 /S: William Kristol y Robert Kagan
6.1. Europa tras los pasos de Estados Unidos
6.2. EEUU, un imperio amenazado
7. El fin momentáneo del ciclo neoconservador
8. Conclusiones: la retórica, el intelectual orgánico y el "legado" neoconservador
8.1. La retórica neoconservadora
8.2. El intelectual orgánico neoconservador
8.3. El "legado" neoconservador
9. Bibliografía

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SUMMARY
1. Introduction
2. Conservatism, Neoconservatism and Neocons
3. On the concept of neoconservatism
4. The pillars of neoconservatism
5. Neoconservatism at the end of the Cold War: Francis Fukuyama and Samuel P. Huntington
5.1. The end of political thought
5.2. Cultures instead of societies
5.3. Fukuyama vs. Huntington?
6. Neoconservatism after 9/11: William Kristol and Robert Kagan
6.1. Europe in the footsteps of the United States
6.2. USA, an empire threatened
7. The momentary end of the neoconservative cycle
8. Conclusions: rhetoric, the organic intellectual and the neo-conservative "legacy"
8.1. Neoconservative rhetoric
8.2. The Neoconservative Organic Intellectual
8.3. The neoconservative "legacy"
9. Bibliography

Meaningfully defining “nationalism” is particularly challenging in a twenty-first-century context. Combined with overlap with related concepts, such as “statism” and “patriotism,” there exists an ever-present risk of losing the ability to effectively identify the main features of nationalism, and therefore a risk of losing our awareness of its influence. However, the resurgence of nationalism under the Trump administration provides a unique opportunity to reassess this powerful cultural phenomenon. In the spirit of Rothbard’s “Anatomy of the State,” this article seeks to provide a fresh, critical, and contemporary description of nationalism based on (a) three recent essays published in Hillsdale College’s Imprimis, and (b) a critical comparison of the inaugural speeches of Presidents Obama and Trump. After this analysis, the article concludes by listing eight features of contemporary nationalism.

Στο παρόν άρθρο μελετούμε τις αποκλίσεις της κονδυλικής ανάλυσης της ιστορίας των ιδεών των νεότερων χρόνων από την αντίστοιχη σμιτιανής προέλευσης ανάλυση του Koselleck, όπως αυτή παρουσιάζεται στο έργο του Critique and Crisis. Ταυτόχρονα, επιχειρούμε να δείξουμε ότι η κονδυλική ανάλυση της ιστορίας των ιδεών των νεότερων χρόνων αποδομεί, παράλληλα με εκείνη του Koselleck, τις συντηρητικές και νεοσυντηρητικές αναγνώσεις του διαφωτισμού και του αντιδιαφωτισμού

In what follows, my guiding question is: what is it about Strauss’
theoretical position that can have led to it being raised, repeatedly, in connection with the most controversial and secretive American ‘regime’ since Nixon’s? In Part 1, I present a brief, working exposition of Strauss’ political philosophy, culminating in Strauss’ maverick reading of Plato’s Republic that Irving Kristol, amongst others, cites as decisive in his political education.14 In Part 2, I pose a critical theoretical analysis of Strauss’ philosophy, read in the ‘unnatural’ retrospective light of today’s neo-conservative ascendancy.  Here I will argue that what is arguably most persuasive in Strauss’ thought — his sense of the difference between philosophyand politics, the latter having always to ‘vulgarize’ the elevated
purity of the former — also means that he could hardly be
surprised at the significant, openly illiberal ‘closing of the
Straussian mind’ evidenced in the domestic policies and political practice of George W. Bush.

Please consult the book's 2nd edition, above

Three prints of the 1st edition were sold between April 15, 2014 - July 31, 2015. The book went out of print and its adventures in publish-land are discussed here:
https://www.academia.edu/41932472/Jadaliyya_-_New_Text_Out_Now_Author_Interview_with_Smadar_Lavie_on_Wrapped_in_the_Flag_of_Israels_Revised_Edition_with_the_New_Afterword._January_20_2020

Este trabajo busca destacar algunas dimensiones que hacen a la transnacionalización del activismo neoconservador en América Latina. Específicamente, aborda las principales formas de articulación y alianzas que están desplegando a nivel latinoamericano, desde una perspectiva histórica y trasnacional, que permita discutir cuáles de sus formas de acción colectiva representan transformaciones y novedades, y cuáles suponen continuidades con el pasado. Con esto en mente, en un primer momento abordamos las principales características que configuraron en sus orígenes al activismo neoconservador en la región a partir de los años 70? y 80?, marcado por una fuerte hegemonía católica bajo la influencia del Vaticano y de organizaciones neoconservadoras del norte global. En un segundo momento, recuperaremos algunas de las grandes transformaciones que ha experimentado el campo neoconservador en la actualidad, las que han complejizado sus formas de articulación política a lo largo de la región.  Este texto profundiza algunos de los nudos claves que representa el actual contexto de reorganización de la oposición a los DDSSRR en la región, como la visibilización de actualizadas identidades religiosas (especialmente la evangélica) y seculares que complejizan el mosaico de actores neoconservadores y obligan a la generación de alianzas trans-religiosas; la articulación regional para la conformación de liderazgos políticos, renovados proyectos partidarios neoconservadores y el impacto en espacios regionales de derechos humanos; y el auge de discursos de movilización social y política transnacional como la denominada ?ideología de género?.  Así, este trabajo busca mostrar distintas dimensiones que hacen a la articulación neoconservadora en Latinoamérica, pero desde un abordaje histórico que permita observar las continuidades y trasformaciones de estos sectores.

In departing from the traditional principles of a " just war " theory, which demands that military action be taken only in self-defense, the U.S. government's policy in its war against Iraq was preemptive, the logic being that the perceived risk of Iraqi aggression toward the United States ought to be avoided by attacking first. Perhaps this decision does not define imperialism , but it certainly has raised the specter in the eyes of much of the rest of the world. Of course, the obvious question became what evidence was there of imminent danger that should justify an attack? From the start, the principal challenge never was a matter of whether the U.S. military had the capacity to topple Saddam Hussein's regime. Rather, the challenge has been all along a matter of how to sell the war and U.S. military occupation to the community of nations, the United Nations Security Council, the American people, and the Iraqi people.

George Orwell is famous for his two final fictions, Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four. These two works are sometimes understood to defend capitalism against socialism. But as Orwell was a committed socialist, this could not have been his intention. Orwell's criticisms were directed not against socialism per se but against the Soviet Union and similarly totalitarian regimes. Instead, these fictions were intended as Public Choice-style investigations into which political systems furnished suitable incentive structures to prevent the abuse of power. This is demonstrated through a study of Orwell's non-fiction works, where his opinions and intentions are more explicit.