Gender Politics

Marriage practices in the Islamic Republic of Iran have evolved in the twenty-first century as unfulfilled expectations of emotional intimacy in marriages have caused an increase in divorce rates and the tendency to postpone marriage and engage in unsanctioned sexual relationships. Over the past decade, the emergence of white marriages, or cohabitation, has made some of these unsanctioned relationships more visible. In response, clerics and state actors publicly condemned the practice because it violates Islamic values, and potentially the law, given Iran's hybrid Islamic-civil legal system. Still, some Iranians prefer this conjugal arrangement to sanctioned marriages. While scholars who address the question of gender and sexual politics in post-revolutionary Iran have addressed temporary marriage, Iranian women's mobilization of the law, and the relationship between women, shari'a (Islamic law), and the state in negotiating rights, they have yet to examine white marriage. Through an analysis of narratives from legal experts and practitioners of white marriage in Iran, this article reveals the motives for electing this practice, and the ways in which it is made legally and socially navigable. This article finds that through their everyday practices, white marriage practitioners have sparked a public discussion on the politics of intimacy and have forced state actors, clerics, and law makers to revisit legal and Islamic debates about gender and rights. When situated within official state discourses and implementation of gender laws, this analysis brings to light the power and agency that Iranians have in controlling gender and sexuality norms and discourses.

Este primer tomo, Marco conceptual y lineamientos de organización, contiene el marco conceptual correspondiente a la violencia contra las mujeres, así como la descripción del modelo ecológico, método seleccionado para la comprensión de la problemática de la violencia, además de los marcos jurídicos en que se sustenta el Estado mexicano para llevar a cabo acciones de prevención, atención, sanción y erradicación de la violencia contra las mujeres. Aborda también una revisión detallada de los principales aspectos a tomar en cuenta relacionados con la atención telefónica, tales como la administración y operación.

Findings and recommendations from an M3C (AHRC) funded Creative Economy Engagement Fellowship, undertaken in partnership with Cheltenham Jazz Festivals Jan-Oct 2019.

Written by Dr Sarah Raine and with contributions from: Emily Jones (CJF / Sage Gateshead), Maxie Gedge (Keychange), Steve Mead (Manchester Jazz Festival), Mike Flynn (Jazzwise), Dave Gaydon (CFJ), David Porter (Hull Jazz Festival), Jill Rodger (Glasgow Jazz Festival), and researchers at Kings College London.

This essay will approach the topic of cuteness by examining the controversial subject of erotic and pornographic fan-art featuring the cute characters of the hit animated television series My Little Pony: Friendship is Magic (2010-Present) created by adult male fans, popularly known as Bronies. A fascinating phenomena in the history of pop-culture fandoms, Bronies, who The Washington Post characterizes as the “unusual demographic of mostly 20-something, mostly [heterosexual] white men” who unabashedly love a show about big-eyed, candy-colored ponies made for elementary-school aged girls, have sustained an astounding amount of media coverage in the past five years following their emergence. Such widespread and long term media coverage has thrust the Brony fandom into the public eye and transformed them, as journalist Emily Manuel of the Global Comment puts it, into “figures of fascination and derision in equal measures.”

Among such commentators the most popular assertion, made by both supporters and detractors, is that these adult male fan’s affection for My Little Pony: Friendship is Magic should be understood as an indication of shifting and generally more egalitarian attitudes among young men with regards to the gendering of pop-culture media.
   
However, I will argue that such a view is at best naïve being derived from wishful thinking and an inadequate understanding of Brony fandom, its origins, influences, history, and practices – most notably the creation, circulation, and “use” of My Little Pony: Friendship is Magic erotic and pornographic fan-art featuring the show’s cute female equine characters. In making this argument, I will adopt an intertexual approach thinking alongside a combination of American and Japanese scholars including Hiroki Azuma, Henry Jenkins, Setsu Shigematsu, Joanne Hollows, and Toru Honda, contending that Bronies’ explicitly sexual attraction to the cute characters of My Little Pony: Friendship is Magic is better understood as an American manifestation of a cultural phenomenon previously recognized in Japan as moé (萌え); originating in 1970s and 80s otaku (i.e. geek) culture in which adult male fans become sexually attracted to the cute fictional female characters found in various pop-culture media such as anime and manga. Like the ponies from My Little Pony: Friendship is Magic, the cute female characters who inhabit “moé culture” are often anthropomorphized versions of such things as animals, machines, or even world nations and typically originate from children’s anime and manga, thus necessitating fans who wish to explore sexual encounters with such characters to do so through the medium of fan-art or fan-fiction.

Moreover I will contend that it precisely the “animesque” style of Hasbro’s current My Little Pony series which has made it a prime target for such erogenous imaginings as evident by both Bronies’ summary rejection of all prior non-anime influenced iterations of the My Little Pony brand outside the current Friendship is Magic incarnation and manga critic Itō Gō’s contention that it is only the cute aesthetic unique to manga and anime which possesses the natural eroticism necessary to titillate the imaginations of these fans.

Furthermore this understanding of Brony fandom also explains the media’s persistent interest in and often conflicted embracement of the Bronies since any manifestation of “moé culture” can be seen as acting in opposition to what queer theorist Lee Edelman identifies as the all-pervasive American ideology of “reproductive futurism” which views the ultimate aim of adult life, love, and marriage as the production and upbringing of children. However as psychoanalyst Tamaki Saitō notes, because fans, like Bronies, maintain a “persistent attraction to [the] ‘transitional objects’” of childhood – such as cute characters in the form of cartoons and toys – such individuals effectively blur the lines between the cultural categories of childhood and adulthood resulting in them being viewed as an impediment to the narrative of “reproductive futurism” with the logic being that since such individuals are, for all intents and purposes, still children themselves they are clearly neither capable nor prepared to have and properly raise children of their own.         

Using the theoretical insights of the aforementioned scholars in understanding Brony fandom as an American manifestation of moé in conjunction with the statistical analysis of psychologists Patrick Edwards and Marsha H. Redden (“the nation’s premiere bronyologists”), and my own ethnographic research into the Brony community along the East Coast and from Texas to Chicago, I will argue that what one finds at work amongst Bronies is not an embracement of a more egalitarian view of pop-culture media but rather an attempt to establish what cultural anthropologist Patrick W. Galbraith calls “a space of autonomous [male hetero-]sexuality” via the colonization and sexualization of a show originally intended to empower young girls, an aim which can be seen as both sexist and fundamentally narcissistic in nature, though the question remains if this is necessarily a negative.

ABSTRACT
Nigerian women constitute about half of the population of the country and are known to play vital roles as mother, producer, time manager, community organizer and social and political activist. But despite the major roles they play and their population, the society has not given recognition to these and to the fact that they are discriminated against. This is due to some cultural stereotype, abuse of religion, traditional practices and patriarchal societal structures. Nigerian women have therefore over the years become target of violence of diverse form based on their positions in promoting transformative politics. The research methodology is termed qualitative research and with the use of primary and secondary data gathered from questionnaires administered to staff and workers in Owo Local Government Secretariat, university libraries, news print and journals. This paper will therefore examine the theoretical perspective of the discrimination and inequality suffered by women; secondly, access the current status of women in politics and the various efforts made by them for their political empowerment; thirdly, identify problems women face in their quest to participate in politics and lastly suggest possible measures for their political empowerment.
Key words: Women’s participation, political empowerment, political process, patriarchy.

OPEN ACCESS: https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-84451-6#about

What do struggles for women’s and LGBTI+ rights in Russia, Turkey and the Scandinavian countries have in common? And what can actors who struggle for rights and justice in these contexts learn from each other? Based on a multisited ethnography of feminist and LGBTI+ activisms across Russia, Turkey and the Scandinavian countries, this Open Access book explores transnational struggles on various levels, from the micro-scale of the everyday to large-scale, spectacular events. Drawing on ethnographic insights and encounters from various sites, this book conceptualizes resistance as situated in the grey zone between barely perceptible, even hidden or covert, forms of mundane activist practices and highly visible street protests, gathering large crowds. Taking the reader beyond the dichotomies of visible/invisible and public/private, this book advances new understandings of resistance, solidarity, and activism in transnationalizing feminist and queer struggles, illustrated by rich ethnographic case studies from Russia, Scandinavia and Turkey.

This special issue – guest edited by Dr. Catherine Strong and Dr. Sarah Raine – focuses on Gender Politics in the Music Industry. It contains seven special issue articles, one open section article, and six book reviews.

Kara Attrep examines venues owned and curated by female proprietors; Toby Bennett analyzes discourses on gender inequality in contemporary UK music industries; Cecilia Björck and Åsa Bergman pay attention to the representation of women at jazz festivals in Sweden and the US; Helen Reddington sheds light on gender aspects in studio work via the concept of ventriloquism; Cécile Navarro explores the glocal intricacies of gender politics in music on the example of the Urban Women Week festival in Senegal; Charity Marsh analyzes the potential of community-based arts projects to challenge the gendered power dynamics of the music industries; Caroline O'Sullivan presents an ethnographic research on the dance and indie scenes in Dublin in the pre and post Social Media era.
In the open section of this issue, Adrian Sledmere attempts to deploy the Gothic in relation to Amy Winehouse. The review section consists of reviews from Liam Alan Maloy, Verónica Dávila, Nabeel Zuberi. Derek B. Scott, Nicholas P Greco, and Laura Niebling.

“Evlilik geleneksel olarak kadınlara sunulmuş tek gelecektir. Birçok kadın ya evlidir, ya bir zamanlar evlilik geçirmiştir ya da evli olmadığı için acı çekiyordur.” Simone de Beauvoir
Özet
Kadının kapitalist piyasa içindeki emek sunumu ve sorunları ile bu altyapının üstünde gerçekleşen toplumsal konumu ve işlevi, tarım toplumunun moderniteye uzanan kültürel sürekliliği içinde ataerkil bir algıyla erkek-kadın ikilemi/çelişkisi üzerinden değerlendirilmeye devam edilmektedir. Oysa, özellikle iletişim ve bilişim teknolojisinin ulaştığı güncel aşamada, kadının piyasadaki yeri toprağa ve kol emeğine dayalı tarım toplumu ile kıyaslanamaz düzeyde çeşitlenmiş ve genişlemiştir. Böylece, kapitalist emek piyasası, kadının işgören olarak sadece erkeğin değil, hemcinsinin de karşısına çıkmak durumunda kaldığı bir rekabet ortamını ifade etmektedir. Bu bakımdan, kapitalist piyasa içinde kadının kadınla rekabeti, yeterince değerlendirilmiş değildir. Bu çalışma, bu yetersizliğe dikkat çekmek amacıyla hazırlanmıştır.
Kadının kadınla rekabetinde önemli bir etken, iş ilanlarında sıkça kullanıldığı gözlenen ‘prezentabl’ sözcüğünde ifadesini bulan ‘dışsal-cinsel’ özelliği iken, bir diğeri toplumsal kurum ve kurallara uyumdur. Bu anlamda, kadının istihdamında özel sektörde psikolojik pazarlamanın bir öğesi olarak ‘kadınsılık-cinsel çekim’ özellikleri ön plana çıkarken, bürokraside ise, devletin geleneksel kimliğine ve erilliğine koşut olarak ataerkil etkiler söz konusu olmaktadır. Bu kapsamda ‘evlilik”, kadının bürokratik istihdamında etkili en önemli çerçeveyi oluşturmaktadır. Evli kadın çalışanın özlük hakları, bireysel ölçekte ve geleneksel duyarlılığa dayalı olarak yöneticiler tarafından olduğu gibi, ‘aile birliğinin korunması’ gerekçesiyle yasa tarafından da korunmaktadır. ‘Aile birliğinin korunması’ gereksinimi ise, sadece kapitalizmin toplumsal birimi olan ve ‘baba, anne ve çocuklar” üçlüsünden ibaret ‘çekirdek aile’ kapsamında ve sınırlılığında düşünülmektedir. Kapitalist bir siyasal biçim olarak ulus devlet ve onun ‘yurttaşlık ideolojisi’, altyapısındaki bireyci piyasa gerçekliğine bağlı olarak anne-baba ve çocuklarından oluşan bir ‘çekirdek aile’ kültü geliştirmiş ve hukuk normlarını ve bürokratik işleyişini buna göre düzenlemiştir. Böylece, aile algısı, insanın duygusal doğasına aykırı olarak, salt maddî koşullara bağlı biçimde ‘bakmakla yükümlü olunan’ kişiler kategorisine indirgenmiştir. Bu yapı içerisinde, özellikle bürokratik işleyişte, kadının istihdamında eşinin doğrudan ve dolaylı etkisi geçerliliğini sürdürmektedir. Bu bağlamda, erkeğin gelir düzeyi ve toplumsal-meslekî konumu çoğu zaman kadınınki açısından da belirleyici olmaktadır. Eğitimli ve işgücüne sahip kadın bile, bu durumu ‘doğal-onaylanabilir’ görmektedir. Bu durum, en basit biçimde çıkar güdüsü ile açıklanabilir. Toplamda, bu durum, evli kadının istihdamında evli olmayan hemcinsine karşı haksız rekabet gücü olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır. ‘Bekâr’ kadının meslekî yeteneği, birikimi ve deneyimi, yasal ve toplumsal-geleneksel kurum ve kurallar karşısında, evli olan hemcinsi karşısında ikincil olarak ele alınmakta, hatta daha gerçekçi bir bakışla hiç değerlendirilmemektedir. Tüm kurumlarda olduğu gibi, üniversitede de evliliğin kadının istihdamında akademik nitelikten daha öncelikli biçimde belirleyici, çoğunlukla olumlu etkide bulunduğu bilinmektedir. Sonuçta, kapitalist piyasanın gereksinimleri ile geleneksel toplum yapısının ve ideolojisinin kültürel talepleri ve koşulları, bekâr kadının istihdamı önünde bir engel olarak yükselmekte, evliliği bir sosyo-ekonomik gereksinme olarak dayatmakta, böylece bekâr kadını toplumsal yaşayışa olduğu kadar insan duygusuna da yabancılaştıran bir psikolojik ortam yaratmaktadır. Bu çalışma, bu duruma dikkat çekmek amacıyla hazırlanmıştır.

Anahtar Sözcükler, Toplumsal Cinsiyet, Kapitalizm, İstihdam, Kadın, Türkiye.

Through a synthesis of fledgling theories of post-truth (author, 2006, 2014, 2016, 2017) developing around Donald Trump and Brexit and theories of emotions in populism, I analyze the right-wing French movement La Manif Pour Tous, and their ongoing issue campaign against what they call “gender theory in the schools.” After I identify their populist qualities, I analyze five prominent post-truth qualities in the movement: 1) organization and public presentation; 2) “active distrust” qualities; 3) emotional/affective qualities; 4) “rumor bombs” about gender theory; and 5) conjunctural specificity within gender, sexuality and other backlashes. Considering the conjunctural convergence of social trust and truth deficits, I propose that the post-truth and “rumor-bombing” aspects simultaneous with their populist nature are better understood as a kind of emotional or “emo-truth” common to both performance of authenticity in Reality TV shows and right-wing populist movements today. Finally, I propose cases like this point to a mainstreaming of post-truth populism, across Western liberal democracies and beyond.

This undergraduate dissertation applies Bakhtin's theory of carnival to Aristophanes' fifth-century comedy, the Thesmophoriazusae, and the prologue to Chaucer's fourteenth-century dream poem, The Legend of Good Women. It seeks to show that both of these texts employ manifestations of carnival to invert the natural order of men over women, but not with the sole aim of providing a commentary on gender politics; rather, in both cases the carnivalesque inversion reveals an anxiety over literary control.

Originating in South Korea’s Neo-Confucian heritage, which continues to be deeply embedded in the contemporary practices of its society, the perpetuation of binary model of masculinity and femininity has led to visible initiation of gender power struggles across various socio-political and cultural spheres. Taking this under consideration, in this article I draw upon Foucauldian discourse analysis of speech as expression of dominance in order to examine the language used in the South Korean mini-series Incomplete Life as means of re-shaping the modern definition of gender in a hierarchical, male dominated domain of a fictional work place. More specifically, I seek to analyse the way in which the often derogatory in nature language used by one of the characters, an assistant team manager, towards his new female colleague reveals the power imbalance between male and female gender, and how it is often turned into a tool of oppression of the latter. Furthermore, focusing on the context and content of the character’s verbal exchanges - rather than grammatical markings, such a honorifics, which relate strictly to order of seniority, but are irrelevant to the gender of the speaker - I explain how one’s gender identity becomes defined by the language used to address them, which additionally conceptualises and validates the idea of gender as a social construct. In the final section of the essay, I I conclude my discussion by summarising my findings.

Following 25 years of democratic transformation in Eastern Europe, we are still confronted with ambiguous results regard-ing gender relations. Democratisation was neither synonymous with gender democracy, nor did the transition to a „free“ market economy produce economic gender equality. This introduction to our special issues surveys new research on gender relations in the Eastern member states of the European Union. We then evaluate the structural impact of EU mandates in these domains, i. e., on the architecture of Women’s Policy Agencies and on the role of women’s Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). We present a case study on gender developments in Ukraine as a non-member state to further illustrate the contradictory nature of evolving gender relations in the region as regards women’s roles, social policies and female activism. The introduction closes with reflections on the types of research and political activities that could further the pursuit of gender equality.

This chapter offers an outline of the four women editors’ academic paths’ interweaving and overlapping with the #MeToo Movement and the worldwide transformation about how female agency and subjectivity is perceived in film and media industry. The outcome of the International Conference on Female Agency and Subjectivity in Film and Television that was held at Istanbul Bilgi University in April 10-13, 2019 is gathered under three sections for this book: “The women behind the camera”, “women on screen”, and “women in context and culture: representational struggles across genres and platforms.” In this introduction, the editors pay their tribute to all women who have been kept invisible and mute in storylines, behind the cameras and in the production processes.

Jill Schostak and I wrote this book as part of our evolving interest in doing research radically.  By radically we mean engaging with people's voices to learn how to create the conditions for social justice and for democratising all the organisations of everyday life.  We draw on our own research but also on the ways in which the media is used to shaw people's voices and behaviours.  We explore all the ways in which the desires and demands of elites are inscribed upon minds and bodies as well as how writing may create the conditions for counter inscriptions.  Writing research is to engage politically.  Whether it is the Arab Spring re-inscribing hopes for freedom, the Occupy Movement or young people challenging orthodoxies at home or in classrooms through use of the media, it is the power of writing in its broadest sense that makes the difference.

This chapter analyzes the reflections of Turkey’s neoconservative and neoliberal politics of gender on daytime television. The focus is on Bridal House, a popular daytime TV show in Turkey which interpellates women as domestic subjects competing with other women to prove their domestic abilities, particularly the ability to navigate the etiquette of domestic consumption. Hierarchies are instigated among women through symbolic battles on “tasteful” consumption, and the marital household surfaces as a space of constant regulation where women strive to be ideal housewives. By analyzing Bridal House through a Bourdieusian framework, this chapter traces the representations of the “ideal female subject” along neoconservative and neoliberal lines, and demonstrates the ways in which symbolic violences are enacted on women in contemporary Turkey’s daytime TV culture.

The course aims to examine gender relations in the contemporary Ukrainian society (in comparative international perspective) and discuss of (possible) impact of Western (EU) influence on them. Gender (in)equality in the public (politics, labor market) and private (family) spheres in Ukraine are studied. Students are supposed to evaluate critically different researches of gender relations in Ukraine (conducted during large EU, UNDP etc. projects), main gender legislation adopted recently, international obligations of Ukraine towards implementation of equal rights and opportunities for women and men. 
Moreover, gender politics in EU will be discussed critically (based on experience of particular countries). For example, as it is argued in “Strategy for equality between women and men – 2010–2015”: “Women are under-represented in the decision-making process, both in parliaments and national governments and on management boards of large companies, despite making up half the workforce and more than half of new university graduates in the EU.” The question is: What should be done on different levels by different actors (EU, member states, NGOs etc.) to change (improve) situation? It will be stressed on reconciliation of work, private and family life that is recognized at the EU level as an important priority for achieving gender equality and to facilitate women’s possibilities to take part in political life.
Both negative and positive trends, challenges and opportunities in the recent Ukrainian politics that are connected with gender equality implementation issues will be discussed. Besides, particular course topics will be devoted to LGBT issues; gender intersection with ethnicity / nationality (Roma women problems). 
Course will have mainly sociological perspective. International and national reports, public opinion surveys, legislation, research etc. will be critically analyzed. Moreover, besides Sociology, course intersects such majors as Political studies, Area studies (Eastern European / Post-Soviet, European Union Studies), Human rights studies and others.

This article starts from Sørensen and Torfing’s (2004) notion that the field of network governance is ‘somewhat eclectic and confusing’ and that it lacks a sound ontological foundation. I will argue that the lack of a proper conceptualization of intermediate-scale entities such as inter- personal networks, organizations or social movements in network govern- ance hampers the introduction of post-liberal concepts of democracy into network governance. In the second part of the article I introduce DeLanda’s theory of social complexity, which is a development of DeuleuzoGuattarian Assemblage Theory. I propose it as an ontological foundation for network governance research. Assemblage theory connects to concepts of minor and major politics. In the third part of the article I present a concept of ‘minor governance’ in order to revisit demo- cratic network governance.
Keywords assemblage theory, Deleuze, minor politics, network governance

En Turquie, la problématique de l'égalité des sexes et la féminisation de la politique ont pris une importance croissante dans la démocratisation du pays. Cette thèse examine comment deux partis politiques issus d'idéologies différentes accueillent la norme d'égalité des sexes et les femmes en politique. Les partis étudiés sont Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (l'AKP, le Parti de la justice et du développement), de centre droit et Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (le CHP, le Parti républicain du peuple), de centre gauche. Notre recherche, qui se fonde sur deux quotidiens d'idéologie différente, Yeni Şafak (La nouvelle aurore) et Cumhuriyet (La république), les publications internes des partis politiques, les programmes, leurs statuts et une cinquantaine d'entretiens, montre que les deux partis traitent tous les deux de la cause des femmes. Les dirigeants de l'AKP considèrent les problèmes des femmes comme un domaine où ils peuvent manifester une rupture avec leur passé islamiste. Etant au pouvoir, l'AKP fait de grands efforts pour la cause des femmes. Pourtant à l'AKP, il y a des adhérents qui n’ont pas intériorisé l'idée de l'égalité des sexes, le discours conserve certains aspects très conservateurs, et le parti s'oppose aux quotas dans ses statuts. Au CHP, l'égalité des sexes est ancrée dans la culture du parti, renforcée par un quota de genre inscrit dans les statuts. Mais les femmes promues en politique ne sont pas aussi nombreuses qu'on pourrait l’attendre. Cette recherche montre que malgré leurs différences d'idéologie, en Turquie, le centre gauche et droit ne sont pas très différents l'un de l'autre en ce qui concerne la pratique de l'approche des problèmes des femmes et la promotion des femmes en politique.////In Turkey, the problematic of gender equality and the feminisation of the governing bodies have drawn more attention than ever in the context of democratisation. This thesis aims at assessing to what extent two ideologically different political parties differ from each another in their outlook on gender politics and women politicians. The two leading parties of the country, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (the JDP, the Justice and Development Party) of the center right and Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (The RPP, the Republican People’s Party) of the center left form our research cases. The analysis is based on two ideologically different dailies, Yeni Şafak (The New Dawn) and Cumhuriyet (The Republic), on party publications, programs, and statutes and on about fifty interviews. The conclusion shows that both the JDP and the RPP defend women’s cause. The JDP leaders take women’s problems as a domain where they can prove that they have departed their Islamist background. Being in office, the JDP makes a great effort in favor of women’s cause. However, in the JDP, there are members who have not yet internalized gender equality. The party’s discourse contains very conservative statements, and the JDP strongly opposes gender quotas. In the RPP, gender equality is imprinted in the party’s political culture, and reinforced by the endorsement of a gender quota in its statutes. However, women politicians are not as frequently promoted as we would anticipate. This research shows that, despite some evidence of ideological differences, in Turkey, the center left and right are not very different one from another in the implementation of their approach to women’s problems and to the promotion of women as politicians.

Como citar: Díaz Jiménez, Oniel Francisco; Góngora Cervantes, Vanessa y Vilches Hinojosa, Miguel (2020) Estudio introductorio: ¿Por qué se consideran 'críticas' las elecciones de 2018? En Díaz Jiménez, Oniel Francisco; Góngora Cervantes, Vanessa y Vilches Hinojosa, Miguel (Coords.). Las elecciones críticas de 2018. Un balance de los procesos electorales federales y locales en México. México: Universidad de Guanajuato/Grañen Porrúa

En este libro nombramos “críticas” a las elecciones de 2018 porque observamos: primero, una reconfiguración electoral del sistema de partidos derivada de que una buena parte de las bases de apoyo de los partidos tradicionales cambiaron radicalmente y se redireccionaron a un partido político emergente de izquierda (con importantes variaciones a nivel subnacional, como el caso de Guanajuato); segundo, una reconfiguración política que acarrea interrogantes en la relación ejecutivo-legislativo y en el funcionamiento y continuidad de otras instituciones democráticas del país, en un panorama de mayor centralización y personalización en un líder carismático; y tercero, porque se pone a prueba la permanencia de élites y prácticas partidistas obsoletas y poco incluyentes, con un aumento trascendental de la participación y elección de candidatas mujeres, con la irrupción de actores emergentes como los jóvenes, las personas residentes en el extranjero, indígenas y de sexualidad e identidad de género diversa, lo cual impuso nuevos retos en las propuestas y estrategias de comunicación de los partidos políticos. Este libro es el producto de análisis académico objetivo, basado en metodologías de investigación, evidencia u opiniones informadas de los y las autoras. En cada uno de los capítulos se abordan los antecedentes de los temas o casos estudiados, la evolución de la normatividad electoral, del comportamiento del electorado y de los contextos nacionales y estatales derivados. Ello permite contextualizar los resultados de los comicios 2018 y entender por qué se consideraron elecciones críticas, esto es, generadoras de una transformación radical de la orientación del voto y de la base social de apoyo de los partidos políticos. Asimismo, todos los capítulos exploran los retos, expectativas y posibles escenarios que se derivan del último proceso electoral: algunos con un tono más precautorio que otros, pero basados en preceptos teóricos y evidencia empírica.

Disponible en:
https://www.editorialgranenporrua.com.mx/ebook.php?id=151
http://cdn.mgporrua.com.mx/?file=Las-elecciones-criticas-de-2018.pdf
https://www.gandhi.com.mx/las-elecciones-criticas-de-2018
https://www.editorialgranenporrua.com.mx/las-elecciones-criticas-de-2018-un-balance-de-los-procesos__150.php
http://www.ugto.mx/editorial/libreria-ug

In his important book, Tom Digby argues that warrior societies breed warrior masculinities-conceptions of masculinity organized around the goals of protection, providing and procreation. Misogyny is built into warrior masculinities and functions to preserve a binary conception of gender. In this reply, I applaud Digby's analysis of warrior identities and his call for the transformation of masculine identities in the service of reaching gender parity. I take issue with two polarizing claims-namely that gender identities emerge through a process of "cultural programming", and that misogyny is a central property of warrior masculinity. In place of these assertions, I offer a bio-cultural account of the development of gender identity. I argue that the goal of gender parity requires that we move beyond polarizing modes of adversarial discourse. In its place, we should seek social transformation through a dialectical approach that integrates the goals of power equalization and mutual understanding.

Given the growing importance of state subsidies as a source of party income, several countries have introduced policies that link the provision of party funding to the promotion of gender equality in political representation. Variations in the assignment of public funding-that is, financial incentives and cuts-are increasingly employed to promote equal gender participation in intraparty politics and in public office. However, we know little about why and how these equality promotion policies have been adopted in different countries, how they work in practice, and, most importantly, what effects they have on women's representation. To contribute to this debate, after embedding gender-targeted public funding regulations in the broader set of political representation policies and presenting a comparative overview of existing rules in the European Union, the article concentrates on the Italian case. We examine the evolution of Italian regulation of gender electoral financing and the extent to which the Italian parties have complied with the rules over time. The results show that this set of policy instruments, when poorly designed, is nothing more than symbolic policy. The lack of appropriate mechanisms for sanctions and rewards, which can induce parties to change their behavior, has hampered the effectiveness of these policy measures.

Whilst the politics of reproduction have been at the heart of feminist struggles for over a century and a half, their analysis has not yet come to occupy a central place in the interdisciplinary study of citizenship. This volume takes up the challenge posed by Bryan Turner, when he noted "the absence of any systematic thinking about familial relations, reproduction and citizenship" (2008), and offers the first major global collection of work exploring this nexus of practices and political contestations. The book brings together citizenship scholars from across Europe, the Americas, and Australia to develop feminist and queer analyses of the relationship between citizenship and reproduction, and to explore the ways in which citizenship is reproduced. Extending the foundational work of feminist political theorists and sociologists who have interrogated the public/private dichotomy on which traditional civic republican and liberal understandings of citizenship rest, the contr...

This article focuses on the significance of having women leaders during covid 19 crisis. From the beginning of the ongoing corona virus pandemic there has been a lot of media attention paid to their relationship between female and male leaders of various nations in effectiveness of their handling of the covid 19 crisis. The Global Gender Gap Report 2020 shows that the countries fought against the pandemic most effectively led by women are high on the list. It also reveals that the same countries rank high when it comes to having women on corporate boards. The data from various nations has been collected through secondary sources. This article concludes that the presence of women leaders is indeed needed as they focus on both the gender for promoting gender parity during crisis too.

This article comparatively examines French and English literature based on two novels published in 1947, Malcolm Lowry's Under the Volcano and Jean-Louis Curtis' The Forests of Night. Both novels employ the mythic device to construct narratives on the twilight of the British Empire and the German occupied French Vichy regime, respectively, depicting experiences of resistance and collaboration on the eve of and during the Second World War. Both invent a system of symbolic imagery modelled on the Surrealist template in Jean Cocteau's The Infernal Machine, that turns the classical mythic device still prevalent in the early 20 th century (i.e. in Joyce or Eliot) upside down. The revolution in Mythic Imagination follows the Structuralist Revolution initiated by Durkheim, Saussure and Bachelard, evacuating fixed ontological architecture to portray relational interdependency without essence. These novels pursue overlapping ethical investigations, on "non-interventionism" in Lowry and "fraternity" in Curtis. The novels raise questions about the relation between colonialism and fascism and the impact of non-Western mythic universes (i.e. Hinduism) upon the Mythic Imagination. They have implications for our understanding of gender relations, as well as the value of political activism and progress.

This chapter analyses the establishment and expansion of antiracist feminism in the last decade throughout the Nordic region, with new groups, media sites, and public events organised, especially in the large cities. I examine antiracist feminist and queer of colour activism in which the main or sole actors belong to groups racialised as non-white or “others” in Nordic societies. A fundamental argument developed in the chapter is the central role and potential of these emerging social movements to reconfigure political agendas and tackling of pressing societal issues, due to their capacity to overlap and connect the borders of antiracist, feminist, and (to some extent) class-based politics. The chapter further argues for the usefulness of theorising the neoliberal turn of racial capitalism as the societal condition in which feminist activism takes place.

My analysis shows that although Ukraine has a state gender policy in education it is very superficial and inconsistent, especially in the area of primary and secondary education.
The analysis of hidden gender discourses, meanwhile, shows how underpinning premises of gender inequality are necessarily included in various educational spaces in Ukraine. They are discernible in the content of curricula and textbooks, in the features of gender stratification in the teaching profession, and in the structure of educational institutions. The chapter also examines the field of ‘gender pedagogy’ in modern Ukraine, as one possible solution to current gender problems in education, and offers a critical analysis of this approach.

Starting from the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, the interest towards gender and media has found a new vitality in the public debate and it represents a good signal for the defence of institutional pluralism and the improving of internal cohesion in the public space. In Europe, there are different institutional and cultural approaches, the European institutions have adopted these suggestions, and they are trying to promote best gender practices within the public and political dimensions, using formal recommendations. Unfortunately, though, there is a main obstacle, which is the persistence of a man-centred culture, difficult to get rid of, and, paradoxically, gender discourses are used against women. The main researches on gender and media are following two paths. On the one side, the gender studies are focused in the media representation and in the struggle against gender stereotypes (e.g. the " Global Media Monitoring Project "). On the other, it looks at the women representative opportunities and the disharmonies within media organisations (e.g. the " Gender-Sensitive Indicators for Media " project). In the communication field, old and new media are producing a cultural hybridization. The web seems to offer new opportunities to gender and a higher visibility of women leaders is changing gender representations. Starting from this idea, the aim of this paper is to analyse media gender representations of the women's representative in the Italian public debate. From a prosumer perspective, the study will analyse some models of representation and self-representation of women in the media. Once identified the models, it will consider as traditional media to social media. The implication of this paper is to discuss how far gender opportunities in media strategies are actually changing. Gender, media and new thecnologies For a long time the core of the debate on gender has wrongly focused only on the biological differences between men and women. For some years, this inappropriate overlap of sex and gender, has been criticised. The current debate, on the contrary, argues that gender should be defined as cultural expectancy related to roles (male and female) and refer to cultural, social and psychological differences in the sexuality of male and female individuals. This recent idea of gender is more and more linked to socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity. The different analytical gender perspectives can be summarized in different ideas, many of these have now become anachronistic, even if their influence in the debate has never

The aim of this paper is to explore from a comparative perspective the direct and indirect effects of the application of systems of electoral gender quotas. The two countries chosen for the study were Argentina and Uruguay, whose political systems, culture and history, and general level of socio-economic development have many shared characteristics, providing a common framework within which to compare the question of women’s participation in formal politics. Argentina was a precursor in both Latin America and the world with respect to the adoption of a quota system in national law, while Uruguay remains one of the few countries in the region that has not introduced a quota law. The main objective of this paper is to undertake a comparative study of the Argentinean and Uruguayan cases based on an analysis of women MPs’ parliamentary activity, focusing on the bills they present, in order to identify effects of quotas on the contents of the parliamentary gender agenda.

What grounds gave birth to December’s revolt and most importantly, what new grounds has the revolt given birth to in return? The political background of the events of those days and their repercussions are dis-cussed extensively in the next part of this book. What we have tried to do here is to take a look at the actual, physical grounds of the uprising and its legacies — to read it, that is, through its inscription in the urban space of the city of Athens. To look at urban struggles in new sites of confrontation that have opened up there since; everyday reminders that December lives.