I am an Assistant Professor in Qualitative Research Methodology at the Department of Methodology, London School of Economics. I have a PhD in Political Science from the London School of Economics on the politics of ethnicity and citizenship, with a specialisation in post-Soviet politics. I have published in Democratization, Social Science Quarterly and East European Politics and Societies, and have a forthcoming paper in Citizenship Studies.
I am working on a book project on the politics of co-ethnicity and citizenship which I analyse from the bottom-up, using the approach of everyday nationalism in the cases of Moldova and Crimea.
My new research project (EUintheUK) examines the experience of Brexit and EU citizenship for EU27 citizens residing in the UK.
In collecting data, analyzing data, or writing-up, researchers can find that the concepts they ha... more In collecting data, analyzing data, or writing-up, researchers can find that the concepts they had decided to use and the available concepts in the literature are mismatched with what they seek to explore and/or explain. This misalignment between concepts and observations can create analytical and theoretical blind spots, foreclosing the opportunity to delve deeper into and articulate the specificities and complexities of what they observe. Researchers experiencing such misalignment of concepts need strategies to help them reconceptualize existing concepts, which we hope to provide here to help researchers develop more nuanced and better-adapted concepts that provide more analytical, theoretical, and empirical leverage. This article suggests a four-step process of reconceptualization, a method for developing and iterating the concepts we employ in designing, conducting, and writing-up research. This method of reconceptualization addresses a gap in the existing literature on concepts by providing a new, practical, accessible, and pedagogically-oriented solution for this problem of misaligned concepts. We illustrate how to implement reconceptualization by working with the concept of 'local' and offer two examples of how we reconceptualized this concept in two projects in Dominica and Moldova. We show how, by reconceptualizing an initial concept, we can move forward in developing new and reconceptualized concepts. Hence, this article also offers two concepts: 'local-international' and 'internationalized local', that are more attuned to what we observe and richer in their empirical and analytical potential.
Russia's annexation of Crimea occurred after twenty years of relative peace and the apex (and fai... more Russia's annexation of Crimea occurred after twenty years of relative peace and the apex (and failure) of pro-Russian sentiments within Crimea. Annexation is surprising for Putin's willingness to pursue such risky actions, but also because it required elite support within Crimea. This article uses process tracing to test ethnonationalism in explaining support for Russia's annexation against a rival explanation focusing on the role of criminality and crime (financial-criminal incentive structure). By exposing how and which elites defected in Crimea, the article demonstrates that elite breakage and realignments occurred within a financial-criminal incentive structure to motivate engagement in annexation. In turn, this article discusses its broader implications for understanding Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine and the politics of conflict, nationalism, and the wider former Soviet Union.
In trying to analyse and understand Russian nationalism, most scholars focus on what Russian nati... more In trying to analyse and understand Russian nationalism, most scholars focus on what Russian nationalism is as an ideology. But to understand Russia's war in Ukraine we also need to understand what Russian nationalism does. This article explores how Russian nationalism has increasingly securitized and repressed three groups: Muslim minorities living in Russia as internal 'others', Ukrainian citizens as external 'others', and Crimean Tatars, as 'others' in between. Overall, I argue that we need to understand the breadth and depth of the repression against these 'others' of Russian nationalism, which now extends to Russia's desire to legitimize its genocide in Ukraine. This argument is also important in terms of policy: as Russia's war against Ukraine continues, there is a real risk that some western actors will listen to or repeat Putin's narrative that Russia is the victim and allow Putin to set the terms of ending war in Ukraine through the idea that Russia is the victim and not the aggressor.
"If Russia stops fighting, there will be no war. If Ukraine stops fighting, there will be no Ukra... more "If Russia stops fighting, there will be no war. If Ukraine stops fighting, there will be no Ukraine" is the sentiment used by Ukrainian protesters mobilising against Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Such a sentiment signifies the stakes of a war where Ukraine is a democratic nation-state fighting for its right to exist against a Russian invasion. Meanwhile, Russia is fighting for a version of Ukraine that is subservient to Russia's idea of what Ukraine should be as a nation-state: under a Russian hegemon geopolitically, where Ukraine's national idea and interpretation of history can be vetted and vetoed by the Russian state. While nationalism scholarship equips us to study Russia's war against Ukraine through the lens of Russian ethnic nationalism and Ukrainian civic nationalism, the ethnic/civic dichotomy falls short of unpacking the more pernicious logics that pervade Russia's intentions and actions towards Ukraine (demilitarisation and de-Nazification). Instead, this article explores the logics of Russia's war and Ukraine's resistance through the concept of existential nationalism where existential nationalism is Russia's motivation to pursue war, whatever the costs, and Ukraine's motivation to fight with everything it has.
In-depth interviews are a versatile form of qualitative data collection used by researchers acros... more In-depth interviews are a versatile form of qualitative data collection used by researchers across the social sciences. They allow individuals to explain, in their own words, how they understand and interpret the world around them. Interviews represent a deceptively familiar social encounter where people interact, asking and answering questions. They are, however, a very particular type of conversation, guided by the researcher and used for specific ends. This dynamic introduces a range of methodological, analytical and ethical challenges, for novice researchers in particular. In this primer, we focus on the stages and challenges of designing and conducting an interview project and analysing data from it, as well as strategies to overcome these challenges.
Despite the imperative to pay attention to the words we use as a routine dimension of research, t... more Despite the imperative to pay attention to the words we use as a routine dimension of research, the methodological and pedagogical tools illustrating how to work on our own use of language are largely missing within and beyond international relations (IR). To address this gap, we develop a method—the “Reflexive Review”—which adds a linguistic and reflexive dimension to the common practice of a literature review. This method is accessible for researchers who are neither linguistic specialists nor working on language and can be integrated within a standalone research project. First, we review the existing traditions used in IR to investigate language—quantitative text analysis, conceptual analysis, discourse analysis, deconstruction, and problematization—and assess their interest and limits regarding linguistic reflexivity. Second, we introduce four methodological steps for conducting the Reflexive Review, by reviewing literature to: (1) build a list of “priority words” that may need reflexive attention; (2) look for metalinguistic statements to synthesize how the literature has explicitly discussed these words; (3) identify patterns of word use, as collectively shared meanings that coexist and that we should become aware of; and (4) compare the identified uses of language with our own. Third, we demonstrate the Reflexive Review in practice based on a word commonly used in IR: “local.” We identify four patterns of the word use of “local” in IR literature as: a class of actors, a level of analysis, community, and experiences of the everyday. In sum, we demonstrate how a Reflexive Review enables us to implement reflexivity in practice and make more conscious linguistic choices, to support more nuanced, ethical, and rigorous analysis and empirical work.
In 2016, Turner argued that 'we are all denizens now'. Taking this argument and the proliferation... more In 2016, Turner argued that 'we are all denizens now'. Taking this argument and the proliferation of quasi-citizenship as a starting point, this article argues that such an argument masks the enduring importance and exclusionary power of citizenship. This article considers quasi-citizenship as a more precarious and less secure status than citizenship, but less precarious and more secure status than non-citizenship. Taking the UK EU Settlement Scheme as a case-study, the article exposes the realities of quasi-citizenship as an intermediary status that seeks to exclude migrants from citizenship. Overall, the article argues that expanding quasi-citizenship policies suggest 1) the weakening of citizenship as a status, via offering increasingly lesser and fewer rights (partialization), 2) the hardening borders of citizenship, and 3) the parcelization of citizenship, with the gulf of differentiation increasing between those who have secure access to the rights and status of full citizenship and those who do not.
Conceiving of interviews as relationships of knowledge-creation involving a researcher and a rese... more Conceiving of interviews as relationships of knowledge-creation involving a researcher and a research participant, we engage with the ethical implications of the unpredictabilities of this relationship when conducting research in conflict and post-conflict contexts. Through a conservative application of the precautionary principle that prohibits change of all involved in the research process, presuming change (always) implies harm, scholars to date have overlooked the ethical challenges that stem from the unpredictability of the interview method. In turn, this perspective has limited our ability to capture and mitigate possible forms of harm, undermining the legitimacy and appropriateness of existing ethical guidelines. We argue for a deliberative and iterative approach to understandings of harm and harm thresholds in interview research. This argument draws on recent debates on the precautionary principle in natural sciences which address the unpredictabilities of research, allowing us to think about change in ways that is ethical.
This article analyzes engagement with Russias Compatriot policy, as an example of ethnizenship-ty... more This article analyzes engagement with Russias Compatriot policy, as an example of ethnizenship-type of quasi-citizenship, in Crimea, as the most likely case of Compatriot engagement. The article focuses on unpacking the lived experience of Compatriot identification and engagement and the rationale for this engagement. The article finds a narrow and niche engagement with the Compatriot policy in Crimea where only the most politicized and discriminated individuals, alongside beneficiaries of the Compatriot policy, identify as Compatriots. However, the article also finds dissatisfaction with the Compatriot policy because it fails to offer the kind of status, and rights and benefits, of full citizenship. Thus, while citizenship might be becoming fractured , via quasi-citizenship policies, citizenship remains the key point of entry to the kin-state. Focusing on the lived experience of quasi-citizenship, and examining quasi-citizenship as a category of practice, is crucial for developing understanding of the social and political impacts of quasi-citizenship policies.
This article discusses the lessons that can be drawn from post-Soviet experiences of democrati-sa... more This article discusses the lessons that can be drawn from post-Soviet experiences of democrati-sation in hybrid regimes for debates on Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) democratic backslid-ing. Focusing on Moldova and Ukraine, the article investigates the ebb and flow of post-Soviet democratisation in hybrid regimes. It explores factors that have hindered democratisation, namely state and media capture by business-political interests, and factors that have hindered authoritarian consolidation, namely civil society and citizens potential for mobilisation. The article reflects on how these factors can inform debates on backsliding in more consolidated democracies, such as CEE states.
As researchers, when do our ethical obligations end? How should our ethical obligations respond t... more As researchers, when do our ethical obligations end? How should our ethical obligations respond to dynamic and unstable political contexts? Political scientists frequently work in dynamic political situations which can pose new ethical questions beyond those existing at the point of fieldwork. Yet, research ethics are often conceived in terms of a static, if not hermetically sealed, field that remains frozen in time at the point we conduct fieldwork and collect data. This article argues, first, that we need to consider more systematically how a dynamic field intersects with ethical obligations. Second, the article argues that new, and unexpected, ethical questions can emerge after exiting the field, including responsibilities to research participants, dissemination, and publication, and returning to the field, which should be a part of how we conceive of ethical obligations.
Why do individuals become dual citizens by acquiring kin-state citizenship? This article examines... more Why do individuals become dual citizens by acquiring kin-state citizenship? This article examines the case of Moldova as an extreme case of kin-state dual citizenship acquisition. In Moldova, a majority of residents can acquire (or reacquire) Romanian citizenship by virtue of being descended from former Romania citizens. First, the article moves beyond institutional and migration-centred perspectives on dual citizenship acquisition. Instead, the article explores kin-state citizenship as a practice of citizenship acquisition. The article uses 55 interviews with ordinary people, conducted in Moldova between 2012 and 2013, to examine why individuals choose (or not) to acquire kin-state citizenship. Second, the article argues for understanding explanations of acquisition of kin-state citizenship beyond strategic vs identity explanations. Rather, the article considers a third dimension of legitimacy. This legitimacy dimension demonstrates how acquisition of kin-state citizenship is constructed as natural, normal and, thus, legitimate. The article finds that the legitimate dimension is used even by those who do not identify co-ethnically or with the kin-state. Ties of legitimacy can, therefore, bind individuals to the kin-state via citizenship, irrespective of whether they identify with the kin-state.
Russia Before and After Crimea: Nationalism and Identity, 2010–17, 2018
Chapter in "Russia Before and After Crimea: Nationalism and Identity, 2010–17", Pål Kolstø and He... more Chapter in "Russia Before and After Crimea: Nationalism and Identity, 2010–17", Pål Kolstø and Helge Blakkisrud (Eds), Edinburgh University Press, 2018.
This paper unpacks the legitimacy gap existing between post-communist policies of citizenship res... more This paper unpacks the legitimacy gap existing between post-communist policies of citizenship restitution , the experiences of these policies, and the media coverage of these policies. Considering citizenship restitution first as analogous to property restitution, theoretically citizenship restitution appears as compensatory , to right the wrongs of communist-and Soviet-era seizures and border changes, and appears to establish citizenship restitution as a right. Using UK media coverage of Romania's policy of citizenship restitution vis-à-vis Moldova, the paper shows the extent to which this policy is framed as an illegitimate loophole propagated by a 'Romanian Other' which is 'giving out' EU passports, exploited by an impoverished and criminal 'Moldovan Other', and inflicted on a 'UK Self' that is powerless to stem the tide of migration and block routes to gaining access to the EU via such policies. However, the paper also contrasts, and challenges, this media framing by using interviews with those acquiring Romanian citizenship in Moldova to demonstrate the extent to which acquiring Romanian citizenship in Moldova is a costly and lengthy procedure. Overall, the paper shows the extent to which citizenship restitution is a contested procedure, constructed as a right by the state seeking to compensate former citizens, and as illegitimate by those who construct a logic resulting from feeling threatened by policies of citizenship restitution.
Everyday nationalism as a sub-field refocuses attention on the 'masses' and human agency within n... more Everyday nationalism as a sub-field refocuses attention on the 'masses' and human agency within nationalism studies to consider the role and relevance of the everyday, and relevance of the lived experience of nationalism. Everyday nationalism focuses, in particular, on the agency of ordinary people, as opposed to elites, as the co-constituents, participants and consumers, of national symbols, rituals and identities. The everyday nationalism approach builds on Billig's (1995) work on banal nationalism but diverts in its focus on human agency, to understand the meaning and experiences of nationhood from the perspective of those on the ground. The everyday nationalism approach therefore seeks to offer an empirical lens for Hobsbawm's (1992: 10) affirmation to consider the dual aspects of nationalism, which are " constructed essentially from above " and "which cannot be understood unless also analyzed from below" , which Hobsbawm conceives as the "assumptions, hopes, needs, longings and interests of ordinary people" .
Highlights
• Ruling pro-European parties and long-established Communist Party lost significantl... more Highlights
• Ruling pro-European parties and long-established Communist Party lost significantly. • Moldova's Socialist Party were the biggest winner. • The elections concern more than ethnic and geopolitical cleavages. • Endemic corruption is harming established parties' reputation and electability. • Moldova's elections demonstrate continued electoral and institutional volatility.
Objective: This article investigates what kin identification means from a bottom-up perspective i... more Objective: This article investigates what kin identification means from a bottom-up perspective in two kin majority cases: Moldova and Crimea.
Methods: The article is based on ∼50 fieldwork interviews conducted in both Moldova and Crimea with everyday social actors (2012–2013).
Results: Ethnic homogeneity for kin majorities is more fractured that previously considered. Respondents identified more in terms of assemblages of ethnic, cultural, political, linguistic, and territorial identities than in mutually exclusive census categories.
Conclusions: To understand fully the relations between kin majorities, their kin-state and home-state and the impact of growing kin engagement policies, like dual citizenship, it is necessary to analyze the complexities of the lived experience of kin identification for members of kin majorities and how this relates to kin-state identification and affiliation. Understanding these complexities helps to have a more nuanced understanding of the role of ethnicity in post-Communist societies, in terms of kin-state and intrastate relations.
In collecting data, analyzing data, or writing-up, researchers can find that the concepts they ha... more In collecting data, analyzing data, or writing-up, researchers can find that the concepts they had decided to use and the available concepts in the literature are mismatched with what they seek to explore and/or explain. This misalignment between concepts and observations can create analytical and theoretical blind spots, foreclosing the opportunity to delve deeper into and articulate the specificities and complexities of what they observe. Researchers experiencing such misalignment of concepts need strategies to help them reconceptualize existing concepts, which we hope to provide here to help researchers develop more nuanced and better-adapted concepts that provide more analytical, theoretical, and empirical leverage. This article suggests a four-step process of reconceptualization, a method for developing and iterating the concepts we employ in designing, conducting, and writing-up research. This method of reconceptualization addresses a gap in the existing literature on concepts by providing a new, practical, accessible, and pedagogically-oriented solution for this problem of misaligned concepts. We illustrate how to implement reconceptualization by working with the concept of 'local' and offer two examples of how we reconceptualized this concept in two projects in Dominica and Moldova. We show how, by reconceptualizing an initial concept, we can move forward in developing new and reconceptualized concepts. Hence, this article also offers two concepts: 'local-international' and 'internationalized local', that are more attuned to what we observe and richer in their empirical and analytical potential.
Russia's annexation of Crimea occurred after twenty years of relative peace and the apex (and fai... more Russia's annexation of Crimea occurred after twenty years of relative peace and the apex (and failure) of pro-Russian sentiments within Crimea. Annexation is surprising for Putin's willingness to pursue such risky actions, but also because it required elite support within Crimea. This article uses process tracing to test ethnonationalism in explaining support for Russia's annexation against a rival explanation focusing on the role of criminality and crime (financial-criminal incentive structure). By exposing how and which elites defected in Crimea, the article demonstrates that elite breakage and realignments occurred within a financial-criminal incentive structure to motivate engagement in annexation. In turn, this article discusses its broader implications for understanding Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine and the politics of conflict, nationalism, and the wider former Soviet Union.
In trying to analyse and understand Russian nationalism, most scholars focus on what Russian nati... more In trying to analyse and understand Russian nationalism, most scholars focus on what Russian nationalism is as an ideology. But to understand Russia's war in Ukraine we also need to understand what Russian nationalism does. This article explores how Russian nationalism has increasingly securitized and repressed three groups: Muslim minorities living in Russia as internal 'others', Ukrainian citizens as external 'others', and Crimean Tatars, as 'others' in between. Overall, I argue that we need to understand the breadth and depth of the repression against these 'others' of Russian nationalism, which now extends to Russia's desire to legitimize its genocide in Ukraine. This argument is also important in terms of policy: as Russia's war against Ukraine continues, there is a real risk that some western actors will listen to or repeat Putin's narrative that Russia is the victim and allow Putin to set the terms of ending war in Ukraine through the idea that Russia is the victim and not the aggressor.
"If Russia stops fighting, there will be no war. If Ukraine stops fighting, there will be no Ukra... more "If Russia stops fighting, there will be no war. If Ukraine stops fighting, there will be no Ukraine" is the sentiment used by Ukrainian protesters mobilising against Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Such a sentiment signifies the stakes of a war where Ukraine is a democratic nation-state fighting for its right to exist against a Russian invasion. Meanwhile, Russia is fighting for a version of Ukraine that is subservient to Russia's idea of what Ukraine should be as a nation-state: under a Russian hegemon geopolitically, where Ukraine's national idea and interpretation of history can be vetted and vetoed by the Russian state. While nationalism scholarship equips us to study Russia's war against Ukraine through the lens of Russian ethnic nationalism and Ukrainian civic nationalism, the ethnic/civic dichotomy falls short of unpacking the more pernicious logics that pervade Russia's intentions and actions towards Ukraine (demilitarisation and de-Nazification). Instead, this article explores the logics of Russia's war and Ukraine's resistance through the concept of existential nationalism where existential nationalism is Russia's motivation to pursue war, whatever the costs, and Ukraine's motivation to fight with everything it has.
In-depth interviews are a versatile form of qualitative data collection used by researchers acros... more In-depth interviews are a versatile form of qualitative data collection used by researchers across the social sciences. They allow individuals to explain, in their own words, how they understand and interpret the world around them. Interviews represent a deceptively familiar social encounter where people interact, asking and answering questions. They are, however, a very particular type of conversation, guided by the researcher and used for specific ends. This dynamic introduces a range of methodological, analytical and ethical challenges, for novice researchers in particular. In this primer, we focus on the stages and challenges of designing and conducting an interview project and analysing data from it, as well as strategies to overcome these challenges.
Despite the imperative to pay attention to the words we use as a routine dimension of research, t... more Despite the imperative to pay attention to the words we use as a routine dimension of research, the methodological and pedagogical tools illustrating how to work on our own use of language are largely missing within and beyond international relations (IR). To address this gap, we develop a method—the “Reflexive Review”—which adds a linguistic and reflexive dimension to the common practice of a literature review. This method is accessible for researchers who are neither linguistic specialists nor working on language and can be integrated within a standalone research project. First, we review the existing traditions used in IR to investigate language—quantitative text analysis, conceptual analysis, discourse analysis, deconstruction, and problematization—and assess their interest and limits regarding linguistic reflexivity. Second, we introduce four methodological steps for conducting the Reflexive Review, by reviewing literature to: (1) build a list of “priority words” that may need reflexive attention; (2) look for metalinguistic statements to synthesize how the literature has explicitly discussed these words; (3) identify patterns of word use, as collectively shared meanings that coexist and that we should become aware of; and (4) compare the identified uses of language with our own. Third, we demonstrate the Reflexive Review in practice based on a word commonly used in IR: “local.” We identify four patterns of the word use of “local” in IR literature as: a class of actors, a level of analysis, community, and experiences of the everyday. In sum, we demonstrate how a Reflexive Review enables us to implement reflexivity in practice and make more conscious linguistic choices, to support more nuanced, ethical, and rigorous analysis and empirical work.
In 2016, Turner argued that 'we are all denizens now'. Taking this argument and the proliferation... more In 2016, Turner argued that 'we are all denizens now'. Taking this argument and the proliferation of quasi-citizenship as a starting point, this article argues that such an argument masks the enduring importance and exclusionary power of citizenship. This article considers quasi-citizenship as a more precarious and less secure status than citizenship, but less precarious and more secure status than non-citizenship. Taking the UK EU Settlement Scheme as a case-study, the article exposes the realities of quasi-citizenship as an intermediary status that seeks to exclude migrants from citizenship. Overall, the article argues that expanding quasi-citizenship policies suggest 1) the weakening of citizenship as a status, via offering increasingly lesser and fewer rights (partialization), 2) the hardening borders of citizenship, and 3) the parcelization of citizenship, with the gulf of differentiation increasing between those who have secure access to the rights and status of full citizenship and those who do not.
Conceiving of interviews as relationships of knowledge-creation involving a researcher and a rese... more Conceiving of interviews as relationships of knowledge-creation involving a researcher and a research participant, we engage with the ethical implications of the unpredictabilities of this relationship when conducting research in conflict and post-conflict contexts. Through a conservative application of the precautionary principle that prohibits change of all involved in the research process, presuming change (always) implies harm, scholars to date have overlooked the ethical challenges that stem from the unpredictability of the interview method. In turn, this perspective has limited our ability to capture and mitigate possible forms of harm, undermining the legitimacy and appropriateness of existing ethical guidelines. We argue for a deliberative and iterative approach to understandings of harm and harm thresholds in interview research. This argument draws on recent debates on the precautionary principle in natural sciences which address the unpredictabilities of research, allowing us to think about change in ways that is ethical.
This article analyzes engagement with Russias Compatriot policy, as an example of ethnizenship-ty... more This article analyzes engagement with Russias Compatriot policy, as an example of ethnizenship-type of quasi-citizenship, in Crimea, as the most likely case of Compatriot engagement. The article focuses on unpacking the lived experience of Compatriot identification and engagement and the rationale for this engagement. The article finds a narrow and niche engagement with the Compatriot policy in Crimea where only the most politicized and discriminated individuals, alongside beneficiaries of the Compatriot policy, identify as Compatriots. However, the article also finds dissatisfaction with the Compatriot policy because it fails to offer the kind of status, and rights and benefits, of full citizenship. Thus, while citizenship might be becoming fractured , via quasi-citizenship policies, citizenship remains the key point of entry to the kin-state. Focusing on the lived experience of quasi-citizenship, and examining quasi-citizenship as a category of practice, is crucial for developing understanding of the social and political impacts of quasi-citizenship policies.
This article discusses the lessons that can be drawn from post-Soviet experiences of democrati-sa... more This article discusses the lessons that can be drawn from post-Soviet experiences of democrati-sation in hybrid regimes for debates on Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) democratic backslid-ing. Focusing on Moldova and Ukraine, the article investigates the ebb and flow of post-Soviet democratisation in hybrid regimes. It explores factors that have hindered democratisation, namely state and media capture by business-political interests, and factors that have hindered authoritarian consolidation, namely civil society and citizens potential for mobilisation. The article reflects on how these factors can inform debates on backsliding in more consolidated democracies, such as CEE states.
As researchers, when do our ethical obligations end? How should our ethical obligations respond t... more As researchers, when do our ethical obligations end? How should our ethical obligations respond to dynamic and unstable political contexts? Political scientists frequently work in dynamic political situations which can pose new ethical questions beyond those existing at the point of fieldwork. Yet, research ethics are often conceived in terms of a static, if not hermetically sealed, field that remains frozen in time at the point we conduct fieldwork and collect data. This article argues, first, that we need to consider more systematically how a dynamic field intersects with ethical obligations. Second, the article argues that new, and unexpected, ethical questions can emerge after exiting the field, including responsibilities to research participants, dissemination, and publication, and returning to the field, which should be a part of how we conceive of ethical obligations.
Why do individuals become dual citizens by acquiring kin-state citizenship? This article examines... more Why do individuals become dual citizens by acquiring kin-state citizenship? This article examines the case of Moldova as an extreme case of kin-state dual citizenship acquisition. In Moldova, a majority of residents can acquire (or reacquire) Romanian citizenship by virtue of being descended from former Romania citizens. First, the article moves beyond institutional and migration-centred perspectives on dual citizenship acquisition. Instead, the article explores kin-state citizenship as a practice of citizenship acquisition. The article uses 55 interviews with ordinary people, conducted in Moldova between 2012 and 2013, to examine why individuals choose (or not) to acquire kin-state citizenship. Second, the article argues for understanding explanations of acquisition of kin-state citizenship beyond strategic vs identity explanations. Rather, the article considers a third dimension of legitimacy. This legitimacy dimension demonstrates how acquisition of kin-state citizenship is constructed as natural, normal and, thus, legitimate. The article finds that the legitimate dimension is used even by those who do not identify co-ethnically or with the kin-state. Ties of legitimacy can, therefore, bind individuals to the kin-state via citizenship, irrespective of whether they identify with the kin-state.
Russia Before and After Crimea: Nationalism and Identity, 2010–17, 2018
Chapter in "Russia Before and After Crimea: Nationalism and Identity, 2010–17", Pål Kolstø and He... more Chapter in "Russia Before and After Crimea: Nationalism and Identity, 2010–17", Pål Kolstø and Helge Blakkisrud (Eds), Edinburgh University Press, 2018.
This paper unpacks the legitimacy gap existing between post-communist policies of citizenship res... more This paper unpacks the legitimacy gap existing between post-communist policies of citizenship restitution , the experiences of these policies, and the media coverage of these policies. Considering citizenship restitution first as analogous to property restitution, theoretically citizenship restitution appears as compensatory , to right the wrongs of communist-and Soviet-era seizures and border changes, and appears to establish citizenship restitution as a right. Using UK media coverage of Romania's policy of citizenship restitution vis-à-vis Moldova, the paper shows the extent to which this policy is framed as an illegitimate loophole propagated by a 'Romanian Other' which is 'giving out' EU passports, exploited by an impoverished and criminal 'Moldovan Other', and inflicted on a 'UK Self' that is powerless to stem the tide of migration and block routes to gaining access to the EU via such policies. However, the paper also contrasts, and challenges, this media framing by using interviews with those acquiring Romanian citizenship in Moldova to demonstrate the extent to which acquiring Romanian citizenship in Moldova is a costly and lengthy procedure. Overall, the paper shows the extent to which citizenship restitution is a contested procedure, constructed as a right by the state seeking to compensate former citizens, and as illegitimate by those who construct a logic resulting from feeling threatened by policies of citizenship restitution.
Everyday nationalism as a sub-field refocuses attention on the 'masses' and human agency within n... more Everyday nationalism as a sub-field refocuses attention on the 'masses' and human agency within nationalism studies to consider the role and relevance of the everyday, and relevance of the lived experience of nationalism. Everyday nationalism focuses, in particular, on the agency of ordinary people, as opposed to elites, as the co-constituents, participants and consumers, of national symbols, rituals and identities. The everyday nationalism approach builds on Billig's (1995) work on banal nationalism but diverts in its focus on human agency, to understand the meaning and experiences of nationhood from the perspective of those on the ground. The everyday nationalism approach therefore seeks to offer an empirical lens for Hobsbawm's (1992: 10) affirmation to consider the dual aspects of nationalism, which are " constructed essentially from above " and "which cannot be understood unless also analyzed from below" , which Hobsbawm conceives as the "assumptions, hopes, needs, longings and interests of ordinary people" .
Highlights
• Ruling pro-European parties and long-established Communist Party lost significantl... more Highlights
• Ruling pro-European parties and long-established Communist Party lost significantly. • Moldova's Socialist Party were the biggest winner. • The elections concern more than ethnic and geopolitical cleavages. • Endemic corruption is harming established parties' reputation and electability. • Moldova's elections demonstrate continued electoral and institutional volatility.
Objective: This article investigates what kin identification means from a bottom-up perspective i... more Objective: This article investigates what kin identification means from a bottom-up perspective in two kin majority cases: Moldova and Crimea.
Methods: The article is based on ∼50 fieldwork interviews conducted in both Moldova and Crimea with everyday social actors (2012–2013).
Results: Ethnic homogeneity for kin majorities is more fractured that previously considered. Respondents identified more in terms of assemblages of ethnic, cultural, political, linguistic, and territorial identities than in mutually exclusive census categories.
Conclusions: To understand fully the relations between kin majorities, their kin-state and home-state and the impact of growing kin engagement policies, like dual citizenship, it is necessary to analyze the complexities of the lived experience of kin identification for members of kin majorities and how this relates to kin-state identification and affiliation. Understanding these complexities helps to have a more nuanced understanding of the role of ethnicity in post-Communist societies, in terms of kin-state and intrastate relations.
This report explores how more recent changes to Moldova's legal framework of citizenship chart a ... more This report explores how more recent changes to Moldova's legal framework of citizenship chart a different path, away from domestic conflicts (Transnistria) and kin-state politics of citizenship (Romania), towards the opening and closing of Moldova's citizenship by investment (CBI) program between 2016 and 2020.
Misguided calls within Germany for tacitly accepting or even officially recognizing Russia’s 2014... more Misguided calls within Germany for tacitly accepting or even officially recognizing Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea are diverting attention from the situation on the ground. Despite Russian promises made to the Crimean Tatar community, authorities are now cracking down on Tatar political and media organizations, under the pretext of the fight against “political extremism.” Crimean Tatars are once again a vulnerable minority– in the only place they call their homeland: the Crimean peninsula.
Thousands of people have taken part in a series of protests in Moldova’s capital, Chisinau, with ... more Thousands of people have taken part in a series of protests in Moldova’s capital, Chisinau, with protesters demanding the government’s resignation and early elections over a $1 billion bank fraud case. Daniel Brett, Ellie Knott and Mihai Popșoi outline why the protests are taking place, who the protesters are, and the likely impact on Moldovan politics. They write that while early elections may be the only option to reset the country’s politics, there are no certainties over what the long-term consequences will be for Moldova moving forward.
The latest Eastern Partnership summit was held in Riga on 21-22 May. The summit was the first to ... more The latest Eastern Partnership summit was held in Riga on 21-22 May. The summit was the first to be held since the Vilnius summit in November 2013 which precipitated the Ukraine crisis. Ellie Knott writes on the outcome of the summit and what it means for the development of relations between the EU and Eastern Partnership states. She notes that the EU is now faced with a difficult balancing act of convincing Russia that it is not engaged in direct competition for influence over post-Soviet states, while offering enough concessions to those Eastern Partnership countries that would like to pursue deeper EU integration.
The most shocking result of the Moldovan elections has been the rise of the Socialist Party, clos... more The most shocking result of the Moldovan elections has been the rise of the Socialist Party, closely associated with Russia. “It would be incorrect to see them as Russian stooges, opportunists, or as old faces under a new banner. Instead, their support has come from those concerned about corruption, poverty, Europeanisation and a growing dissatisfaction with Moldova’s Communist Party’s leadership”, argue Daniel Brett and Eleanor Knott.
The outcome of the Romanian presidential elections has been nothing short of surprising: underdog... more The outcome of the Romanian presidential elections has been nothing short of surprising: underdog candidate Klaus Iohannis beat the incumbent prime minister and favourite, Victor Ponta, with a very convincing result. Daniel Brett and Eleanor Knott take us through the whole story and get ready to discuss Where does Romania go from here at our event on 1 December.
After events in Ukraine in 2014, there’s been a lot of reflection on what this means for other po... more After events in Ukraine in 2014, there’s been a lot of reflection on what this means for other post-Soviet states, and in particular Moldova, with its own separatist regions (Transnistria, Gagauzia) and upcoming elections at the end of November. However, Moldova’s recent political experiences also offer a useful point of reflection for key lessons that Ukraine needs to learn going forward. Most importantly, this concerns the way in which Ukraine constructs itself as a post-Euromaidan state, in particular how politicians interact between themselves and whether they act for primarily to serve their own interests, or those of the wider Ukrainian society.
A ceasefire was agreed between Ukraine and separatist forces on 5 September, although it is uncle... more A ceasefire was agreed between Ukraine and separatist forces on 5 September, although it is unclear whether this will hold following shelling in the city of Mariupol and near Donetsk airport on Sunday. Ellie Knott writes on public opinion within Russia toward the conflict. She notes that while Vladimir Putin’s approval ratings have increased during the Ukraine crisis, there is relatively low public support for the annexation of the regions of Donetsk and Luhansk.
Moldova is scheduled to sign an Association Agreement with the EU later this month, with Parliame... more Moldova is scheduled to sign an Association Agreement with the EU later this month, with Parliamentary elections also due to be held in November. Ellie Knott and David Rinnert write on the impact the Ukraine crisis has had on domestic politics and Moldova’s delicate balance between the EU and Russia. They argue that the crisis has complicated the country’s political situation, with ethnic groups divided over relations with the EU and Russia’s annexation of Crimea. This could have an impact not only in terms of foreign policy, but also on the support for political parties in November.
The Moldovan elections were seen as a vote for either Russia or Europe. The sudden support for th... more The Moldovan elections were seen as a vote for either Russia or Europe. The sudden support for the Moldovan Socialist party in the election was seen as evidence of a 'turn to Russia'. In this paper we argue that nationalism and ethnicity are among the least important factors influencing voters. We argue that corruption and poverty are more important issues.
We look at the nature of the Moldovan electoral and party system, patterns of support and argue that the election was much more than Europe or Russia.
The question of why individuals vote, the so-called “paradox of voting”, has been a crucial debat... more The question of why individuals vote, the so-called “paradox of voting”, has been a crucial debate within political science, conceived deductively as an interaction between costs, benefits and, as some argue, duties. This article situates the question of why individuals vote, inductively, and within the context of extra-territorial elections focusing on how and why those who acquire citizenship kin-states participate in kin-state elections following citizenship acquisition, while continuing to reside outside of the kin-state. The article uses the case of newly-acquired Romanian citizens in Moldova, who have never nor intend to reside in Romania, to unpack whether, how and why individuals acquiring Romanian citizenship in Moldova vote in Romanian elections. The article uses an interpretive and inductive approach to explore, from the bottom-up, both the experiences of, and motivations for, political participation of extra-territorial citizens. The article finds, unexpectedly, how those acquiring Romanian citizenship in Moldova are motivated by a duty to participate. Overall, the article argues for a relational and reciprocal understanding of citizenship and voting, between the kin-state, facilitating citizenship as a right, and the citizen, performing their duty, implied by citizenship, to vote.
Existing analyses of kin-state relations have focused only on cases where kin communities compris... more Existing analyses of kin-state relations have focused only on cases where kin communities comprise local minorities and have analysed relations primarily from top-down perspectives, by examining only the state-level actors and institutions involved. There is little research on cases where kin communities comprise local majorities and little research conducted from a bottom-up perspective, which engages with the members of these communities and understands the meaning of kin identification from their perspective. This paper will look at the meaning of kin identification in two kin majority cases, Moldova and Crimea. The paper will argue that in order to understand fully the relations between kin majorities, their kin-state and home state and understand the growing institutions that exist for kin communities, like dual citizenship, it is necessary to start by understanding the nature of kin identification for members of this community. Secondly, the paper will argue that kin majorities need to be analysed in their own right, since they form a greater proportion within the home-state and thus play a crucial role in local society and politics.
The paper will investigate what it means to be Romanian in Moldova and Russian in Crimea, in terms of ethnic, civic, linguistic, territorial and cultural ties. Using political ethnography, this paper will use interview material gathered from field research with everyday actors in Crimea and Moldova, where respondents were asked in detail about how they described their own identity and about what made them identify in these ways. The paper will challenge existing understandings of identification with kin-states by demonstrating how mutually exclusive ethnicity categories, such as Romanian and Russian, do not work in these circumstances. The paper will discuss how there are many different ways of identifying with the kin-state, which blur the Romanian/Moldovan and Russian/Ukrainian boundaries, and indicate local identities to be more configurations of different historical, linguistic, cultural and political meanings.
Much of political science and nationalism research has failed to engage with everyday actors, particularly those residing in the Former Soviet Union, and failed to pick apart the categories that are ascribed to communities. This paper hopes to begin to reverse this trend, by putting the respondents at the centre to analyse how and why they identify with the kin-state and what this means in terms of the relations between the kin-state, kin majority and the state where they reside. This analysis will allow a greater understanding of the dynamics of kin-state relations from the perspective of members of the kin community and a discussion of the impact of kin-state relations within these cases from the perspective of the wider political and geopolitical context.
This paper will discuss the use of interviews and ethnographic methods for political science rese... more This paper will discuss the use of interviews and ethnographic methods for political science research in Eastern Europe. It will argue that such methods are vital for understanding the meaning of taken-for-granted political concepts and data, such as census data, by using a bottom-up approach which engages with people from the region and tries to understand from their perspective what concepts such as national identity and citizenship mean in everyday life.
This paper will first introduce the methods of ethnographic interviews by discussing how they can be applied and their value within political science. The paper will then use data gathered from interviews in Moldova and Ukraine to demonstrate the value of such an approach. The paper will show how interview data can add significantly to understanding of political concepts in these cases by adding a richness of context and a bottom-up perspective that quantitative and elite-level interviews do not engage with. Lastly the paper will draw on experiences gained from field research to discuss the problems of ethnographic research within political science and the post-Soviet region, and examine how these can be overcome, to contribute to a more rigorous political ethnographic approach in the post-Soviet space.
Overall this paper will argue that this approach fills in the gaps of understanding within the region and political science about what institutions, like citizenship, mean for those that are using them. It will argue that this kind of research is vital for bridging the gaps between the disciplines of anthropology and political science, by examining the bottom-up perspective of politics in the region.
Williams’s second book on the history of the Crimean Tatars, The Crimean Tatars: From Soviet Geno... more Williams’s second book on the history of the Crimean Tatars, The Crimean Tatars: From Soviet Genocide to Putin’s Conquest, offers a timely and rich historical account of this community, stretching from Crimea’s annexation from the Ottoman empire to the Russian Empire in 1783 to the present ‘second annexation’ of 2014. It offers a historical context, if not haunting reflection, on the brutalities experienced by Crimea’s indigenous minority, of their ‘forced exile, genocide and revival as a nation’, at a time of great uncertainty, as well as the effect of these traumas on the national identity of this community.
Ontologically, we know that the international and local are connected, now and in the past. Howev... more Ontologically, we know that the international and local are connected, now and in the past. However, it has been a challenge for International Relations scholars to study this intersection, both theoretically and methodologically. In this workshop, we aim to bring local-international scholars together to address this challenge directly and explicitly. The workshop's objective is to go beyond the case studies from which local-international challenges emerge, to develop innovative ways of going beyond disciplinary boundaries to address the local-international dimensions, and transformations, of the social world. First, scholars have become more aware that their disciplines lend themselves to address certain scales and units of analysis while overlooking others. IR scholars have focused on the " international " and the " world system " , while struggling to connect these with individual experiences and practices. On the other side, comparative politics has focused on the domestic while only recently acknowledging the transnational construction of many of the objects political scientists study (e.g. public policies, social movements, populism). Second, the current transformation of the world has merged the international and the local to an even greater degree. As scholars, addressing this interconnection has become even more urgent. Research on glocalization and multi-level analysis has aimed to understand the growing interconnectedness of human experiences and the attendant transformation of governance. At the same time, scholars frequently collapse geopolitics and domestic politics (e.g. spheres of influence, election outcomes). There are, however, spaces, sights and temporalities which have always been at the intersection of the local and the international. Refugees, soldiers and diplomats experience this intersection every day. Scholars of the local-international, studying the sociology of borders, micro-state politics and the international politics of citizenship, among others, have been required by the nature of their topic to develop case studies which address this intersection. However, they are scattered across different disciplines and research traditions.
This text is based on a talk I gave on 6 March 2015 as part of a discussion hosted by Research Tu... more This text is based on a talk I gave on 6 March 2015 as part of a discussion hosted by Research Turkey on “Ukrainian Crisis and the Atrocities in Crimea: The Never-Ending Persecution of Crimean Tatars”.
Thesis Abstract:
With the increasing importance and prevalence of kin-state policies, this thesi... more Thesis Abstract:
With the increasing importance and prevalence of kin-state policies, this thesis identifies three gaps in existing kin-state research. Theoretically, existing literature focuses on how kin relations can induce or reduce conflict between states, overlooking the dynamics of interaction between kin-states and kin communities. Conceptually, existing literature focuses on kin communities as minorities, overlooking kin majorities. Methodologically, existing literature focuses on top-down institutional and state-level analyses of kin-state relations, overlooking bottom-up agency-centred perspectives.
To address these gaps, the thesis develops a model of nested integration, to analyse relations been kin-states and kin majorities from a bottom-up perspective. Nested integration does not challenge the borders separating kin-state from kin communities, but affects the meaning of this border. The thesis examines the comparative explanatory power of this model of nested integration by generating evidence about the meanings of kin identification and engagement with different kin-state practices, through a cross-case comparison of Crimea vis-` a-vis Russia and Moldova vis-` a-vis Romania. These cases are selected from a wider kin majority typology as two contrasting examples of kin-state policies: Romanian citizenship in Moldova and Russian quasi-citizenship Compatriot policy in Crimea.
Overall, the thesis argues that Moldova exhibits more nested integration than Crimea because of the type, legitimacy and availability of kin-state provision, which the thesis argues is consequential for the degree of nested integration observed. The thesis also refines the model of nested integration, by taking account of empirical evidence, arguing for the importance of considering internal fractionalization within the kin majority, social dependence and geopolitical dependence. Incorporating these elements within the model shows kin-state relations to concern not only issues of identity, but also security, public goods provision and geopolitical region-building narratives. These elements have been overlooked by existing research and demonstrate the importance of a bottom-up, agency-centred and comparative perspective for kin-state scholarship.
This course focuses on how to design and conduct small-n case study and comparative research. Thi... more This course focuses on how to design and conduct small-n case study and comparative research. Thinking outside of students' areas of interest and specialisms and topics, students will be encouraged to develop the concepts and comparative frameworks that underpin these phenomena. In other words, students will begin to develop their research topics as cases of something. The course covers questions of design and methods of case study research, from single-n to small-n case studies including discussions of process tracing and Mill's methods. The course addresses both the theoretical and methodological discussions that underpin research design as well as the practical questions of how to conduct case study research, including gathering, assessing and using evidence. Examples from the fields of comparative politics, IR, development studies, sociology and European studies will be used throughout the lectures and seminars.
Kin Majorities: Identity and Citizenship in Crimea and Moldova, 2022
In Moldova, the number of dual citizens has risen exponentially in the last decades. Before annex... more In Moldova, the number of dual citizens has risen exponentially in the last decades. Before annexation, many saw Russia as granting citizenship to-or passportizing-large numbers in Crimea. Both are regions with kin majorities: local majorities claimed as co-ethnic by external states offering citizenship, among other benefits. As functioning citizens of the states in which they reside, kin majorities do not need to acquire citizenship from an external state. Yet many do so in high numbers.
Kin Majorities explores why these communities engage with dual citizenship and how this intersects, or not, with identity. Analyzing data collected from ordinary people in Crimea and Moldova in 2012 and 2013, just before Russia’s annexation of Crimea, Eleanor Knott provides a crucial window into Russian identification in a time of calm. Perhaps surprisingly, the discourse and practice of Russian citizenship was largely absent in Crimea before annexation. Comparing the situation in Crimea with the strong presence of Romanian citizenship in Moldova, Knott explores two rarely researched cases from the ground up, shedding light on why Romanian citizenship was more prevalent and popular in Moldova than Russian citizenship in Crimea, and to what extent identity helps explain the difference.
Kin Majorities offers a fresh and nuanced perspective on how citizenship interacts with cross-border and local identities, with crucial implications for the politics of geography, nation, and kin-states, as well as broader understandings of post-Soviet politics.
Uploads
• Ruling pro-European parties and long-established Communist Party lost significantly.
• Moldova's Socialist Party were the biggest winner.
• The elections concern more than ethnic and geopolitical cleavages.
• Endemic corruption is harming established parties' reputation and electability.
• Moldova's elections demonstrate continued electoral and institutional volatility.
Methods: The article is based on ∼50 fieldwork interviews conducted in both Moldova and Crimea with everyday social actors (2012–2013).
Results: Ethnic homogeneity for kin majorities is more fractured that previously considered. Respondents identified more in terms of assemblages of ethnic, cultural, political, linguistic, and territorial identities than in mutually exclusive census categories.
Conclusions: To understand fully the relations between kin majorities, their kin-state and home-state and the impact of growing kin engagement policies, like dual citizenship, it is necessary to analyze the complexities of the lived experience of kin identification for members of kin majorities and how this relates to kin-state identification and affiliation. Understanding these complexities helps to have a more nuanced understanding of the role of ethnicity in post-Communist societies, in terms of kin-state and intrastate relations.
• Ruling pro-European parties and long-established Communist Party lost significantly.
• Moldova's Socialist Party were the biggest winner.
• The elections concern more than ethnic and geopolitical cleavages.
• Endemic corruption is harming established parties' reputation and electability.
• Moldova's elections demonstrate continued electoral and institutional volatility.
Methods: The article is based on ∼50 fieldwork interviews conducted in both Moldova and Crimea with everyday social actors (2012–2013).
Results: Ethnic homogeneity for kin majorities is more fractured that previously considered. Respondents identified more in terms of assemblages of ethnic, cultural, political, linguistic, and territorial identities than in mutually exclusive census categories.
Conclusions: To understand fully the relations between kin majorities, their kin-state and home-state and the impact of growing kin engagement policies, like dual citizenship, it is necessary to analyze the complexities of the lived experience of kin identification for members of kin majorities and how this relates to kin-state identification and affiliation. Understanding these complexities helps to have a more nuanced understanding of the role of ethnicity in post-Communist societies, in terms of kin-state and intrastate relations.
We look at the nature of the Moldovan electoral and party system, patterns of support and argue that the election was much more than Europe or Russia.
The paper will investigate what it means to be Romanian in Moldova and Russian in Crimea, in terms of ethnic, civic, linguistic, territorial and cultural ties. Using political ethnography, this paper will use interview material gathered from field research with everyday actors in Crimea and Moldova, where respondents were asked in detail about how they described their own identity and about what made them identify in these ways. The paper will challenge existing understandings of identification with kin-states by demonstrating how mutually exclusive ethnicity categories, such as Romanian and Russian, do not work in these circumstances. The paper will discuss how there are many different ways of identifying with the kin-state, which blur the Romanian/Moldovan and Russian/Ukrainian boundaries, and indicate local identities to be more configurations of different historical, linguistic, cultural and political meanings.
Much of political science and nationalism research has failed to engage with everyday actors, particularly those residing in the Former Soviet Union, and failed to pick apart the categories that are ascribed to communities. This paper hopes to begin to reverse this trend, by putting the respondents at the centre to analyse how and why they identify with the kin-state and what this means in terms of the relations between the kin-state, kin majority and the state where they reside. This analysis will allow a greater understanding of the dynamics of kin-state relations from the perspective of members of the kin community and a discussion of the impact of kin-state relations within these cases from the perspective of the wider political and geopolitical context.
This paper will first introduce the methods of ethnographic interviews by discussing how they can be applied and their value within political science. The paper will then use data gathered from interviews in Moldova and Ukraine to demonstrate the value of such an approach. The paper will show how interview data can add significantly to understanding of political concepts in these cases by adding a richness of context and a bottom-up perspective that quantitative and elite-level interviews do not engage with. Lastly the paper will draw on experiences gained from field research to discuss the problems of ethnographic research within political science and the post-Soviet region, and examine how these can be overcome, to contribute to a more rigorous political ethnographic approach in the post-Soviet space.
Overall this paper will argue that this approach fills in the gaps of understanding within the region and political science about what institutions, like citizenship, mean for those that are using them. It will argue that this kind of research is vital for bridging the gaps between the disciplines of anthropology and political science, by examining the bottom-up perspective of politics in the region.
With the increasing importance and prevalence of kin-state policies, this thesis identifies three gaps in existing kin-state research. Theoretically, existing literature focuses on how kin relations can induce or reduce conflict between states, overlooking the dynamics of interaction between kin-states and kin communities. Conceptually, existing literature focuses on kin communities as minorities, overlooking kin majorities. Methodologically, existing literature focuses on top-down institutional and state-level analyses of kin-state relations, overlooking bottom-up agency-centred perspectives.
To address these gaps, the thesis develops a model of nested integration, to analyse relations been kin-states and kin majorities from a bottom-up perspective. Nested integration does not challenge the borders separating kin-state from kin communities, but affects the meaning of this border. The thesis examines the comparative explanatory power of this model of nested integration by generating evidence about the meanings of kin identification and engagement with different kin-state practices, through a cross-case comparison of Crimea vis-` a-vis Russia and Moldova vis-` a-vis Romania. These cases are selected from a wider kin majority typology as two contrasting examples of kin-state policies: Romanian citizenship in Moldova and Russian quasi-citizenship Compatriot policy in Crimea.
Overall, the thesis argues that Moldova exhibits more nested integration than Crimea because of the type, legitimacy and availability of kin-state provision, which the thesis argues is consequential for the degree of nested integration observed. The thesis also refines the model of nested integration, by taking account of empirical evidence, arguing for the importance of considering internal fractionalization within the kin majority, social dependence and geopolitical dependence. Incorporating these elements within the model shows kin-state relations to concern not only issues of identity, but also security, public goods provision and geopolitical region-building narratives. These elements have been overlooked by existing research and demonstrate the importance of a bottom-up, agency-centred and comparative perspective for kin-state scholarship.
Kin Majorities explores why these communities engage with dual citizenship and how this intersects, or not, with identity. Analyzing data collected from ordinary people in Crimea and Moldova in 2012 and 2013, just before Russia’s annexation of Crimea, Eleanor Knott provides a crucial window into Russian identification in a time of calm. Perhaps surprisingly, the discourse and practice of Russian citizenship was largely absent in Crimea before annexation. Comparing the situation in Crimea with the strong presence of Romanian citizenship in Moldova, Knott explores two rarely researched cases from the ground up, shedding light on why Romanian citizenship was more prevalent and popular in Moldova than Russian citizenship in Crimea, and to what extent identity helps explain the difference.
Kin Majorities offers a fresh and nuanced perspective on how citizenship interacts with cross-border and local identities, with crucial implications for the politics of geography, nation, and kin-states, as well as broader understandings of post-Soviet politics.