- History, European History, Political Science, Romanian History, Romanian Politics, Peasant Studies, and 30 morePolish History, Political Parties, Electoral Systems, Sociology, Social History, Environmental History, Post-Soviet Studies, Central and Eastern Europe, Modern European History, Rural Sociology, Rural History, Moldova, Romania, Poland, Interwar Period History, Eastern European Studies, Romanian Studies, Post-Communist Studies, Party Politics, Corruption, Politics of Moldova, Polish Studies, Russian Studies, East European studies, Post-Communism, Eastern European history, Agrarian reform, Agrarian History, Agrarian Studies, and Agrarian Changeedit
Cardiovascular disease (CVD) and cancer mortality rates in Eastern European countries are among the highest in the world. Although unhealthy diet is an important risk factor for both of these chronic diseases, traditional eating habits... more
Cardiovascular disease (CVD) and cancer mortality rates in Eastern European countries are among the highest in the world. Although unhealthy diet is an important risk factor for both of these chronic diseases, traditional eating habits and their health effects in this region have not yet been explored. This analysis assessed the relationship between traditional dietary pattern and mortality from all-causes, CVD and cancer in Eastern European population-based cohorts.
Research Interests:
What did peasants discuss at party meetings? Were they mobilized by ethnic politics or indifferent to them altogether? The end of the First World War brought about universal male suffrage in much of Europe, and with it the process of mass... more
What did peasants discuss at party meetings? Were they mobilized by ethnic politics or indifferent to them altogether? The end of the First World War brought about universal male suffrage in much of Europe, and with it the process of mass politics began. The concept of national indifference is important in understanding interwar politics, because this period is often studied teleologically with attention focused on extremism and nationalism as the primary mobilizing issue
Agrarian movements have been under-researched, and when Agrarians have been studied, it has been through the prism of elite politics. This comparative paper seeks to redress this omission by looking at grassroots rural politics. The interwar countryside was marked by profound political, economic and social transformation but also in terms of what Robert Paxton has described as the ‘triple crisis of the countryside’ – worsening economic conditions, the declining status of the countryside and inadequate political representation. The paper will explore how reform and crisis impacted how agrarian politics functioned at a local level by asymmetrically comparing cases from Romania, Poland and Ireland, with the final case helping to contextualize Eastern Europe within the wider European experience This paper argues that the rural population was mobilized, but primarily in the context of local issues rather than national ethno-political questions. Local party organization was, to paraphrase James C Scott, the site ‘of an exchange of small arms fire’ in rural class conflict, as questions regarding the control of public space, generational conflict and power within the village mobilized peasants. Thus, I argue that it was the underlying socio-economic issues that mobilized the rural population, not nationalism. The dynamics of these conflicts were shaped by local economic, political and social power dynamics, and by using indifference as a concept, we can look more deeply at interwar politics from a grassroots perspective and develop a more nuanced understanding of local, national and European politics.
Agrarian movements have been under-researched, and when Agrarians have been studied, it has been through the prism of elite politics. This comparative paper seeks to redress this omission by looking at grassroots rural politics. The interwar countryside was marked by profound political, economic and social transformation but also in terms of what Robert Paxton has described as the ‘triple crisis of the countryside’ – worsening economic conditions, the declining status of the countryside and inadequate political representation. The paper will explore how reform and crisis impacted how agrarian politics functioned at a local level by asymmetrically comparing cases from Romania, Poland and Ireland, with the final case helping to contextualize Eastern Europe within the wider European experience This paper argues that the rural population was mobilized, but primarily in the context of local issues rather than national ethno-political questions. Local party organization was, to paraphrase James C Scott, the site ‘of an exchange of small arms fire’ in rural class conflict, as questions regarding the control of public space, generational conflict and power within the village mobilized peasants. Thus, I argue that it was the underlying socio-economic issues that mobilized the rural population, not nationalism. The dynamics of these conflicts were shaped by local economic, political and social power dynamics, and by using indifference as a concept, we can look more deeply at interwar politics from a grassroots perspective and develop a more nuanced understanding of local, national and European politics.
Research Interests: History, European History, Rural Sociology, Irish Studies, Romanian History, and 15 moreAgrarian Studies, Rural History, Polish History, Political Science, Nationalism, Agrarian Change, Romanian Studies, Nationalism And State Building, Irish History, Social History, Polish Studies, Central and Eastern Europe, Party Politics, Agrarian Social Movements, and Political Economy and History
Highlights • Ruling pro-European parties and long-established Communist Party lost significantly. • Moldova's Socialist Party were the biggest winner. • The elections concern more than ethnic and geopolitical cleavages. • Endemic... more
Highlights
• Ruling pro-European parties and long-established Communist Party lost significantly.
• Moldova's Socialist Party were the biggest winner.
• The elections concern more than ethnic and geopolitical cleavages.
• Endemic corruption is harming established parties' reputation and electability.
• Moldova's elections demonstrate continued electoral and institutional volatility.
• Ruling pro-European parties and long-established Communist Party lost significantly.
• Moldova's Socialist Party were the biggest winner.
• The elections concern more than ethnic and geopolitical cleavages.
• Endemic corruption is harming established parties' reputation and electability.
• Moldova's elections demonstrate continued electoral and institutional volatility.
Research Interests: Ethnic Studies, Eastern European Studies, Voting Behavior, Political Science, Politics, and 13 morePost-Soviet Regimes, Post-Soviet Studies, Elections, Elections and Voting Behavior, Moldova, Transnistria, Central and Eastern Europe, Corruption, Party Politics, Post-Communist Studies, Democratic Transitions, Ethnicity and National Identity, and Party System
Drawing on the work of Maurice Duverger, this paper explores the dynamics of dual systems in the post-communist world by focusing on Romania. Unlike in states such as Poland and Russia, where conflicts between the president and the... more
Drawing on the work of Maurice Duverger, this paper explores the dynamics of dual systems in the post-communist world by focusing on Romania. Unlike in states such as Poland and Russia, where conflicts between the president and the parliament were resolved relatively early in the transition period, conflict appears to have only recently emerged in Romania. This paper argues that the capacity for such conflict has existed since 1989 due to the nature of Romania’s exit from communism and its subsequent transition, which shaped and institutionalised the specific forms of Romanian political culture and its party system. However, actual conflict has emerged only because of recent, externally generated changes in the party system, and the relative decline in the electoral power of the Social Democratic Party. Two attempts by President Băsescu’s opponents to remove him from office, along with increasing constitutional manipulation by all actors, call into question the consolidation of democracy in Romania. That actors have shown a willingness to gain power or remove their opponents by any means necessary, including the use of undemocratic methods, rather than by establishing a broad popular base to achieve these ends reflects the structural problems of the Romanian party system.
Research Interests: Eastern European Studies, Political Science, Romanian Studies, Political Institutions, Parliamentary Studies, and 8 moreDemocratisation, Transitology (Political Science), Constitutional Politics, Semi-presidentialism, Central and Eastern Europe, Corruption, Party Politics, and Democratic Transitions
... The volume starts with an analysis by Julia Mannherz of social conflict in late imperial Russia and moves on to Sergei Zhuk's discussion of the Stundist movement in ... We would also like to thank our academic advisor... more
... The volume starts with an analysis by Julia Mannherz of social conflict in late imperial Russia and moves on to Sergei Zhuk's discussion of the Stundist movement in ... We would also like to thank our academic advisor Professor Alena Ledeneva for her support and guidance. ...
Background Cardiovascular disease (CVD) and cancer mortality rates in Eastern European countries are among the highest in the world. Although unhealthy diet is an important risk factor for both of these chronic diseases, traditional... more
Background Cardiovascular disease (CVD) and cancer mortality rates in Eastern European countries are among the highest in the world. Although unhealthy diet is an important risk factor for both of these chronic diseases, traditional eating habits and their health effects in this region have not yet been explored. This analysis assessed the relationship between traditional dietary pattern and mortality from all-causes, CVD and cancer in Eastern European population-based cohorts. Methods We used data from the Health, Alcohol and Psychosocial factors in Eastern Europe (HAPIEE) multi-centre prospective cohort study based in Russia, Poland and the Czech Republic (age range at baseline: 45-70 years). Diet was assessed by food frequency questionnaire, and we constructed an Eastern European diet score (EEDS) from nine food groups considered as “traditional” in this region. The relationship between EEDS and all-cause, CVD and cancer mortality was calculated with Cox-regression models. Result...
Research Interests:
Romania has experienced large anti-government protests on multiple occasions in the last few years, most recently in August this year. Yet as Daniel Brett explains, the achievements of these protests have been modest and short-lived, with... more
Romania has experienced large anti-government protests on multiple occasions in the last few years, most recently in August this year. Yet as Daniel Brett explains, the achievements of these protests have been modest and short-lived, with the country's ruling Social Democratic Party still maintaining power. He highlights that while the protesters and opposition parties may be united in their opposition to corruption, they have radically different views on social and economic issues, hampering their ability to change the direction of Romanian politics.
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The Moldovan elections were seen as a vote for either Russia or Europe. The sudden support for the Moldovan Socialist party in the election was seen as evidence of a 'turn to Russia'. In this paper we argue that nationalism and ethnicity... more
The Moldovan elections were seen as a vote for either Russia or Europe. The sudden support for the Moldovan Socialist party in the election was seen as evidence of a 'turn to Russia'. In this paper we argue that nationalism and ethnicity are among the least important factors influencing voters. We argue that corruption and poverty are more important issues.
We look at the nature of the Moldovan electoral and party system, patterns of support and argue that the election was much more than Europe or Russia.
We look at the nature of the Moldovan electoral and party system, patterns of support and argue that the election was much more than Europe or Russia.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
With political science as its starting point, this paper uses theoretical frameworks developed by Maurice Duverger and Angelo Panebianco and takes a synoptic overview of agrarianism to deconstruct PNŢ as a political organization. It... more
With political science as its starting point, this paper uses theoretical frameworks developed by Maurice Duverger and Angelo Panebianco and takes a synoptic overview of agrarianism to deconstruct PNŢ as a political organization. It argues that internal division, which had its roots in ideological conflict around the place of the peasantry in society, prevented organizational reform of the party. The failure to reform in turn denied the peasantry active agency within the party and hence hampered the effectiveness of the party in representing peasant interests. This paper argues that PNŢ was not exceptional in suffering from these problems by comparing and contrasting it with examples from Ireland (Clann na Talmhan – Children of the Land / National Agricultural Party), Poland (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe -Polish Peasants Party) and Sweden (Centerpartiet – Centre Party). It argues that the post-1918 period needs to be contextualised by a deeper analysis of founding moments and decisions made the early developmental stages of the parties. Doing so will deepen our understanding of peasant politics in Romania but also situate the Romanian case within the wider family of rural/agrarian parties that were emerging across Europe during this period.
Research Interests: Eastern European Studies, Irish Studies, Romanian History, Peasant Studies, Rural History, and 14 morePolish History, Political Science, Eastern European history, Irish Politics, Romanian Studies, Polish Studies, Interwar Rural History, Interwar Period History, Scandinavian Studies, Romanian Politics, Modern European History, Rural politics, Party Politics, and Agrarianism
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Research Interests:
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Review of Rural protest groups and populist political parties edited by Dirk Strijker, Gerrit Voerman and Ida Terluin
Research Interests: European History, Rural Sociology, Eastern European Studies, European Studies, Political Parties, and 13 moreRural History, British Politics, Political Science, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Populism, Agriculture, European Union, French Politics, Australian Politics, Dutch Politics, Sociology - History - Social classes - Countryside - Politics, Rural politics, and Europe
Review of 'The Collectivization of Agriculture in Communist Eastern Europe: Comparison and Entanglements.' Editors Constantin Iordachi and Arnd Bauerkämper. Budapest, New York, CEU Press, 2014
Research Interests: Rural Sociology, Eastern European Studies, Soviet History, Peasant Studies, Rural History, and 15 morePolitical Science, Baltic Studies, Eastern European history, Yugoslavia, Communism, Bulgaria, Romanian Studies, Czech & Slovak Studies, Agriculture, Poland, Albania, Central and Eastern Europe, Hungary, East Germany, and Agrarian Collectivisation
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Contents Mysterious knocks, flying potatoes and rebellious servants: Spiritualism and social conflict in late imperial Russia Julia Mannherz The Ukrainian Stundists and Russian Jews: a collaboration of evangelical peasants with... more
Contents
Mysterious knocks, flying potatoes and rebellious servants: Spiritualism and social conflict in late imperial Russia
Julia Mannherz
The Ukrainian Stundists and Russian Jews: a collaboration of evangelical peasants with Jewish intellectuals in late imperial Russia
Sergei Zhuk
“Forebears”, “saints” and “martyrs”: the politics of commemoration in Bulgaria in the 1880s and 1890s
Stefan Detchev
Celebrating the nation: the case of Upper Silesia after the plebiscite in 1921
Andrzej Michalczyk
Three states, one common past: chance or malediction? The role of history and historiography for the formation of collective identities and mutual relations in
Belarus, Lithuania and Poland
Rüdiger Ritter
The Bulgarian monarchy: a politically motivated revision of a historical image in a post -socialist transitional society
Markus Wien
Emerging institutional order? National Investment Funds in Poland
Maria Aluchna
Mysterious knocks, flying potatoes and rebellious servants: Spiritualism and social conflict in late imperial Russia
Julia Mannherz
The Ukrainian Stundists and Russian Jews: a collaboration of evangelical peasants with Jewish intellectuals in late imperial Russia
Sergei Zhuk
“Forebears”, “saints” and “martyrs”: the politics of commemoration in Bulgaria in the 1880s and 1890s
Stefan Detchev
Celebrating the nation: the case of Upper Silesia after the plebiscite in 1921
Andrzej Michalczyk
Three states, one common past: chance or malediction? The role of history and historiography for the formation of collective identities and mutual relations in
Belarus, Lithuania and Poland
Rüdiger Ritter
The Bulgarian monarchy: a politically motivated revision of a historical image in a post -socialist transitional society
Markus Wien
Emerging institutional order? National Investment Funds in Poland
Maria Aluchna
A discussion of the results of the Romanian presidential elections and potential future developments.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
A short newspaper article on the emergence of the protest movement in Romania over the last decade.
Research Interests:
A short article on the protests in Romania and the political background to them.
Research Interests:
Romania has witnessed large anti-government protests over a proposed amnesty for prisoners which has the potential to free several officials currently in jail for corruption. The background, explaining that attacks on Romania’s... more
Romania has witnessed large anti-government protests over a proposed amnesty for prisoners which has the potential to free several officials currently in jail for corruption. The background, explaining that attacks on Romania’s anti-corruption efforts have been threefold, coming through the legislative process, through a domestic campaign against the anti-corruption directorate (DNA) and its chief prosecutor Laura Codruța Kövesi, and via criticism of the DNA outside of Romania.
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The Moldovan presidential election, which took place on 13 November, was framed as a straight choice between pro-Russian and pro-European candidates. The subsequent victory of Igor Dodon has been viewed as marking the end of Moldova's... more
The Moldovan presidential election, which took place on 13 November, was framed as a straight choice between pro-Russian and pro-European candidates. The subsequent victory of Igor Dodon has been viewed as marking the end of Moldova's Europeanisation and a potential return to Moscow's sphere of influence, some seven years after the 'Twitter Revolution' that brought down the Moldovan communists. Dan Brett looks at why Dodon won, how he won, and the potential consequences of his victory for the country. Igor Dodon's narrow victory in Moldova's presidential election has been portrayed by some commentators as the country returning to Russia's sphere of influence and the end of its democratisation efforts. But why did voters really choose to support Dodon over his rival Maia Sandu and what does Dodon's victory mean for future developments in Moldova? Moldovan politics is often seen through the prism of geo and ethno-politics, but this does not tell the full story. Dodon's victory can be seen as a return of the 'Old Guard' and a reflection of the failure of the political elite tasked with moving Moldova forward after the revolution. The events of 2009, when the so called 'Twitter Revolution' erupted against the then Communist government, did not usher in a new era of politics, but rather a battle for control between Moldova's two main oligarchs, Vlad Filat and Vlad Plahotniuc, each with their own parties supporting them. The theft of one billion dollars from Moldovan banks led to the fall of the fragile 'pro-European' coalition and to the jailing of Filat, although many viewed him as the fall-guy and instead point the finger at Plahotniuc.
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A tragic accident at a Bucharest nightclub resulted in 32 people losing their lives and triggered a series of events that culminated in the resignation of Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ponta on 4 November. Ponta was already under... more
A tragic accident at a Bucharest nightclub resulted in 32 people losing their lives and triggered a series of events that culminated in the resignation of Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ponta on 4 November. Ponta was already under significant pressure to quit following corruption allegations, but had resisted handing in his resignation until now. Why this change of heart? A comprehensive analysis of the situation and points out that, for Ponta, resigning over an accident he could not be blamed for was the easiest way out. Despite Ponta’s resignation, widespread anger at perceived political corruption has ensured protests have continued on the streets of Romanian towns and cities, with even the country’s popular President Klaus Iohannis potentially in the firing line.
full version here - http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2015/11/05/romanias-politics-on-fire-why-victor-ponta-resigned-and-what-it-means-for-the-country/
full version here - http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2015/11/05/romanias-politics-on-fire-why-victor-ponta-resigned-and-what-it-means-for-the-country/
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A recent anti-corruption spree, led by public prosecutor Laura Kövesi, has taken Romanian political elite by ‘earthquake’. This article discusses the multifaceted roots of the country’s corrupt practices: “If there is a historical legacy,... more
A recent anti-corruption spree, led by public prosecutor Laura Kövesi, has taken Romanian political elite by ‘earthquake’. This article discusses the multifaceted roots of the country’s corrupt practices: “If there is a historical legacy, it comes from the Communist period and the absence of a political rupture in 1989 meant that its networks remained unbroken”. Nevertheless, today’s indicted politicians were just teenagers when Communism ended. Is history really to blame?
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The fall of Victor Ponta’s PSD government in November 2015 was supposed to usher in a new era of politics for Romania. However, local elections held on 5 June resulted in victories for the PSD across the country, including in Bucharest,... more
The fall of Victor Ponta’s PSD government in November 2015 was supposed to usher in a new era of politics for Romania. However, local elections held on 5 June resulted in victories for the PSD across the country, including in Bucharest, with several politicians who are either under investigation, or even (in one case) currently in jail, being elected. How and why did the ‘old guard’ did so well in the vote and what do the results tell us about politics and corruption issues in Romania?
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Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ponta has been charged with corruption, following a long-running investigation. This blog discusses the likely consequences of the charges, with Ponta resigning from the leadership of his governing Social... more
Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ponta has been charged with corruption, following a long-running investigation. This blog discusses the likely consequences of the charges, with Ponta resigning from the leadership of his governing Social Democratic Party (PSD), but refusing to vacate the office of Prime Minister. It argues that the early signs are the PSD intend to use the scandal to attempt to undermine wider anti-corruption efforts.
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The latest corruption scandal in Romania has brought charges against Prime Minister Victor Ponta. Despite calls from President Klaus Iohannis for Ponta to resign, Ponta is so far refusing to go, claiming that the case will be... more
The latest corruption scandal in Romania has brought charges against Prime Minister Victor Ponta. Despite calls from President Klaus Iohannis for Ponta to resign, Ponta is so far refusing to go, claiming that the case will be “meticulously dismantled … through clear proof and certified documents”. The scandal threatens to produce another summer of political conflict and polarisation with attention focussed on corruption and internecine political battles rather than economic, social and international issues.
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Television interview with Ukraine's Inter Channel station on the result of the 2015 British elections.
Filmed 8th May 2015.
Filmed 8th May 2015.
Research Interests:
The present thesis examines the relationship between the Romanian peasantry as a social group and their political representatives in the period between 1918 and 1947. As such it seeks to explain the implications of socio-economic changes... more
The present thesis examines the relationship between the Romanian peasantry as a social group and their political representatives in the period between 1918 and 1947. As such it seeks to explain the implications of socio-economic changes within rural society upon the political effectiveness of the Romanian National Peasant Party (PNŢ) and covers an important blind spot in English- and Romanian-language historiography, which concentrates almost exclusively on high-level politics.
Traditional historiography and political science on Romania, and Eastern Europe in general, look upon the period at the end of the Second World War as a break with ‘normal politics’. This thesis concentrates on the Romanian case and argues that in fact the post-1944 period represents the culmination of longer-term political, social and economic processes, all of which severely hampered the ability of PNŢ to oppose the Communists. While not seeking to present a counterfactual narrative, the thesis provides a more nuanced analysis of Romanian politics as well as a contextualization of it within Eastern European Agrarian politics. To this purpose, the thesis uses an interdisciplinary methodology drawing upon political science and sociology. It looks into the development of grass roots politics and the interaction of the local-level (village) politics with elite/national politics in a society undergoing rapid socio-economic transformation. Drawing upon two new archival holdings which provide unprecedented, albeit limited, insights into the internal workings of PNŢ, the thesis emphasizes the role of PNŢ as a political institution and of its organization structures and seeks to account for the party’s failure to undergo any structural reform. It concentrates upon issues of agency, representation and mobilization and proposes an explanation (which archival material that may surface in the future will, I believe, corroborate) as to why the relationship between the social group and their political representatives broke down and what implications this had for the success of the party.
To advance the analysis, I have made the methodological choice of comparing and contrasting the development of Agrarian politics in Romania with that of Poland. Although by no means taking centre stage in the context of the present thesis, the Polish case, however, discharges a dual function: 1) it is used as a mise en scène, providing a wider context for developments in Romanian politics and thus helping avoid the problem of ‘exceptionalism’; 2) it represents a cognate case whereby gaps currently existing in Romanian historiography can be compensated for by analogy with similar historical and political developments in Poland.
On a more general note, this thesis seeks to move beyond traditional explanations as to why PNŢ was unsuccessful in achieving their stated political goals during the interwar and post-war periods. This is achieved by looking at the institutional underpinning of the party and the interaction between their political organization and the social class they represented.
Traditional historiography and political science on Romania, and Eastern Europe in general, look upon the period at the end of the Second World War as a break with ‘normal politics’. This thesis concentrates on the Romanian case and argues that in fact the post-1944 period represents the culmination of longer-term political, social and economic processes, all of which severely hampered the ability of PNŢ to oppose the Communists. While not seeking to present a counterfactual narrative, the thesis provides a more nuanced analysis of Romanian politics as well as a contextualization of it within Eastern European Agrarian politics. To this purpose, the thesis uses an interdisciplinary methodology drawing upon political science and sociology. It looks into the development of grass roots politics and the interaction of the local-level (village) politics with elite/national politics in a society undergoing rapid socio-economic transformation. Drawing upon two new archival holdings which provide unprecedented, albeit limited, insights into the internal workings of PNŢ, the thesis emphasizes the role of PNŢ as a political institution and of its organization structures and seeks to account for the party’s failure to undergo any structural reform. It concentrates upon issues of agency, representation and mobilization and proposes an explanation (which archival material that may surface in the future will, I believe, corroborate) as to why the relationship between the social group and their political representatives broke down and what implications this had for the success of the party.
To advance the analysis, I have made the methodological choice of comparing and contrasting the development of Agrarian politics in Romania with that of Poland. Although by no means taking centre stage in the context of the present thesis, the Polish case, however, discharges a dual function: 1) it is used as a mise en scène, providing a wider context for developments in Romanian politics and thus helping avoid the problem of ‘exceptionalism’; 2) it represents a cognate case whereby gaps currently existing in Romanian historiography can be compensated for by analogy with similar historical and political developments in Poland.
On a more general note, this thesis seeks to move beyond traditional explanations as to why PNŢ was unsuccessful in achieving their stated political goals during the interwar and post-war periods. This is achieved by looking at the institutional underpinning of the party and the interaction between their political organization and the social class they represented.