Modern European History

Oswald Boelcke and Manfred von Richthofen represent two of the most well-known aviators of the First World War. Both men influenced the development of aviation technology and aerial warfare and had a profound impact on German popular culture. Both men died before the end of the conflict, however, the two were mourned in significantly different ways. Boelcke’s death in 1916 was memorialized with an awe-inspiring funeral and an outpouring of grief in the popular press. Boelcke’s pall-bearer, Manfred von Richthofen, died some eighteen months later and received little fanfare or emotion. Prior histories have investigated a unified, “German” response to the deaths of these two well-known figures. A closer source analysis, not only of popular culture, but also of fellow airmen of the German Luftstreitkräfte reveals delineations in both memory and mourning and elucidates the influence of individual, regional, and class status in those processes. As a result, there was no one “German” response to the deaths of Germany’s Fliegerhelden in the First World War.

The period between the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century is one that witnessed the rise and spread of anti-Semitism throughout Europe. This paper attempts a historical analysis of the development of anti-Semitism in Romania and a comparison with the case of Hungary in the period between 1866 and 1913. Such a comparison is interesting as the process of Jewish emancipation in the two countries could not have been more different: while in the Romanian principalities Jews were almost completely excluded from political life, and faced important restrictions in all areas of activity, in Hungary they enjoyed full civil and political rights. As a result, anti-Semitism in these countries took different forms as well. In Hungary, anti-Semitism is usually viewed as a reaction to emancipation, while in Romania it accompanies the offi cial policy of discrimination and exclusion. As a result, this paper follows the development of legislation dealing with the
Jewish populations in the two countries, and tries to challenge the common perception of anti-Semitism as a phenomenon appearing as a reaction of the majority population to Jewish emancipation. This comparative discussion is carried out taking into account the different historical contexts of the two neighbouring lands and their impact on the situation of the Jews.

The modern Olympic games are the greatest and most sacred international platform in which an athlete can compete. It is an even greater honor for a city to be chosen to host these games. During the Cold War years of 1979-1985, two summer games occurred, one in 1980 and another in 1984, and was hosted by the Soviet Union in the city of Moscow and by the United States in the city of Los Angeles, respectively. These years, 1979-1985, known as the “Second Cold War,” saw a reigniting of tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union. Despite Nixon and Brezhnev’s efforts at peace with the SALT I agreement, which placed a limit on the amount of owned offensive weapons by each nation and the Basic Principles of Relations, which called for the peaceful coexistence between the two nations, the détente that these two men created would not last very long. After Nixon resigned the presidency, Jimmy Carter’s actions while in office with concerns to the Soviet Union only further broke down the fragility of the détente.

What happens to foreign politics when actors, things or processes are presented as threats? This book explains state’s international behavior based on a reflexive framework of insecurity politics. It argues that governments act on knowledge of international danger available in their societies, and that such knowledge is organized by varying ideas of who threatens whom and how. The book develops this argument and illustrates it by means of various European case studies. Moving across European history and space, these show how securitization projected abroad evolving – and often contested – local ideas of the organization of international insecurity, and how such knowledges of world politics conditioned foreign policymaking on their own terms. With its focus on insecurity politics, the book provides new perspectives for the study of international security. Moving the discipline from systemic theorizing to a theory of international systematization, it shows how world politics is, in practice, often conceived in a different way than that assumed by IR theory. Depicting national insecurity as a matter of political construction, the book also raises the challenging question of whether certain projections of insecurity may be considered more warranted than others.

This article explores the way in which wine came to be viewed as a quintessentially ‘Italian’ beverage among Italy's middle- and upper-class households during fascism's twenty years in power. Due to significant increases in wine consumption among the labouring classes during the years immediately following the First World War, wine, as a general category of beverage, had become closely associated within the minds of many bourgeois and wealthy consumers with the country's popular taverns and saloons, alcoholism and physical and moral ‘degeneration.’ In response, fascist Italy's typical wine growers, merchants and industrialists worked feverishly to rehabilitate the beverage's downtrodden reputation via a series of wide-ranging public relations and collective marketing campaigns during the 1920s and 1930s. By promoting the beverage's hygienic and alimentary qualities, as well as systematically intertwining the moderate consumption of the peninsula's standardised wines with the dictatorship's nationalisation and popular mobilisation programmes, this article will show, the Industrial Wine Lobby successfully re-established ‘wine's honour’ and, simultaneously, recontextualised the country's typical wines as Italy's wholesome, family-friendly, ‘national beverage’.

Man möchte es nicht glauben, doch ist all das Schreckliche, was Mächtige dieser Welt im Zeitraum von nur 100 Jahren angerichtet haben, nichts als nackte Realität. Die Autoren der „Gesichter des Bösen“ gelangen zu einem traurigen Schluss: Die Bilanz des 20. Jahrhunderts, das auf vielen Gebieten enormen technischen Fortschritt gebracht hat, ist erschreckend. Die schlimmsten Verbrecher samt ihren Untaten gegen die Menschlichkeit sind in einer „Schandhalle des Bösen“ versammelt und beschrieben: 168 Männer, bekannte und unbekannte, unter ihnen Diktatoren, Regierungschefs, Massenmörder, Staatsverbrecher, Revoluzzer, Großgangster aus der Mafia. Kein genozidaler Vorgang ist übersehen oder aus irgendwelchen Vorurteilen oder Verschiedenheiten weginterpretiert. Zahlreiche Fotos und Texte aus dem Umfeld der Gegner von Völkermord und Kriegsverbrechen dokumentieren den Widerstand gegen Beutegier, Ausrottungsorgien und Terrorismus.
Ist der Mensch fähig, aus der Geschichte zu lernen? Es gibt einen bedeutsamen Anfang, der, wenn auch eher einem Rinnsal als einem mächtigen Strom gleichend, einen Hoffnungsschimmer bereithält. „Es stimmt nicht mehr“, so Heribert Prantl in seinem Geleitwort, „dass Macht, finanzielle und politische Macht, vor Recht geht. Dieses Bewusstsein hilft einem, die bittere und notwendige Lektüre des Buches über die ‚Gesichter des Bösen‘ zu ertragen. Das Buch macht den Leser zu einem glühenden Anhänger der Weltstrafjustiz.“

review of "Writing the Nation. National Historiographies and the Making of Nation
States in 19th and 20th Century Europe":
Vol.1: Ilaria Porciani/Lutz Raphael (Eds.), Atlas of European Historiography.
The Making of a Profession 1800–2005. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke 2010.
XIX, 187 S., £ 179,–.
Vol.2: Ilaria Porciani/Jo Tollebeek (Eds.), Setting the Standards. Institutions, Networks
and Communities of National Historiography. Palgrave Macmillan,
Basingstoke 2012. XV, 436 S., £ 72,–.
Vol.3: Stefan Berger/Chris Lorenz (Eds.), The Contested Nation. Ethnicity, Class,
Religion and Gender in National Histories. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke
2011. XXII, 634 S., £ 22,99.
Vol.4: Stefan Berger/Chris Lorenz (Eds.), Nationalizing the Past. Historians as
Nation Builders in Modern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke 2010.
XVI, 529 S., £ 79,–.
Vol.5: Matthias Middell/Lluís Roura (Eds.), Transnational Challenges to National
History Writing. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke. 2013, XIII, 533 S., £ 75,–.
Vol.6: Tibor Frank/Frank Hadler (Eds.), Disputed Territories and Shared Pasts.
Overlapping National Histories in Modern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan,
Basingstoke 2011. XIV, 430 S., £ 83,–.
Vol.7: R. J. W. Evans/Guy P. Marchal (Eds.), The Uses of the Middle Ages in Modern
European States. History, Nationhood and the Search for Origins. Palgrave
Macmillan, Basingstoke 2011. VIII, 296 S., £ 65,–.
Vol.8: Stefan Berger (Ed.), Writing the Nation. A Global Perspective. Palgrave
Macmillan, Basingstoke 2007. XII, 243 S., £ 58,–.
Vol.9: Stefan Berger/Christoph Conrad, The Past as History. National Identity
and Historical Consciousness in Modern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke
2015. XIII, 570 S., £ 80,–.

abstract: This article explores the political thought of a leading Italian intellectual after his conversion from Jacobinism to liberalism. It shows the extent to which Foscolo was abreast of the then contemporary debate on constitutional government and nation-building. Moreover, it illustrates how he combined liberal with civic humanist and republican ideas, as well as idealism and Realpolitik in his perception of the problems faced by small nations struggling to be free in an era of international ideological conflict.

The proximity of French territories such as Savoie, Nice and Corsica to the Italian border, and their histories as part of  the Italian states, has resulted in the inevitable existence of Italian communities in these regions. Following the creation of the Fascist government in Italy, these communities grew as thousands of political exiles fled to France. This paper intends to explore the issues raised by these minorities and their contribution to an anti-Italian sentiment in parts of France. It will also address Fascist Italy’s use of these minorities as a political tool in irredentist politics. The unusual policy of encouraging irredentist sentiments in the pre-war era was not matched by Italian actions during the occupation of these same regions, when Rome tried to distance herself from political groups. The highly charged political atmosphere in these territories led to a reluctance to support these groups openly, whilst continuing to harbour the hope that they might win over the Italian population. Finally, it will place these policies within the broader context of Italian irredentist policies across Europe at this time.

Peter Hayes’ Why?: Explaining the Holocaust gives a coherent and analytical account of the atrocities committed by the Nazis and their auxiliaries before and during the Second World War. What separates this book from many other scholarly works on the Holocaust is that the chief emphasis is not on giving an exceedingly detailed account of events. Rather, Hayes tackles solely the most fundamental questions regarding the persecution and mass killing of European Jewry: why were the Jews the target of the Nazi regime; why did the persecution of Jews turn over time into total annihilation; and why didn’t the Jews receive more help from outside? Hayes does not only provide us with answers to these vital questions, but he also dismisses throughout the book misconceptions about the subject. The author states very clearly that Why? is not driven by a thesis. Still, he argues that the Industrial Revolution, the cataclysms of the First World War, and the Bolshevik Revolution were the contexts in which the Holocaust took place. It is here that hostilities toward Jews turned into an obsession on eradicating them from societal and cultural life. The atrocities formed under specific political and military circumstances and intensified, partially, due to the endorsement, indifference, and self-interests of many Europeans.

The term vegetarian, meant as the choice of a diet without meat, is not so old. In fact it was used only after the formation of the Vegetarian Society in Ramsgate in 1847, despite two earlier written quotations in 1839 and 1842. Anyway, the choice of vegetarianism existed even before the definition and the fixation of the word itself. The purpose of this article is to focus on the 17th and 18th Centuries, without considering the – though interesting – previous period.

This  essay is an extended review of Henry Kissinger´s book "World Order" published in 2014. It outlines Kissinger´s political thought based on "realistic" principles like balance of sovereignty, legitimacy and balance of power. Historically elaborating these principles as laid down in the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 Kissingers contends their validity with regard to the present. Kissinger´s profound historical knowledge and scholarship deserves praise. Nonetheless, a critical reading will discover some contradictions in his argument, notably in  America´s role as a world power guided by idealism and its often ill-fated interventions upsetting instead of preserving the concept of a global equilibrium.

Πως λειτουργεί ο φασισμός

Το βιβλίο του καθηγητή Φιλοσοφίας του Γιέιλ  Jason Stanley έχει πολλές χρήσεις και λειτουργίες. Λειτουργεί σαν ένας ευσύνοπτος οδηγός των βημάτων τακτικής του φασιστικού φαινομένου για την εξάπλωση του και την κυριαρχία του, θυμίζει με σαφήνεια τις αρχές της φασιστικής ιδεολογίας αλλά δεν διστάζει να εξετάσει αλλά και να προσφέρει ερμηνευτικές οδούς για την δυναμική αναβίωση του φαινομένου στη σύγχρονη εποχή

History writing can be perceived as one of the formative cornerstones of modern societies. What historians research and write yields the possibility of influencing a whole generation of people, especially since the late eighteenth century, when the ascendancy of the nation-state as the dominating political entity in the (Western) hemisphere began. Thus, it could be viewed as equally important how the experiences and becoming of historians, who consider themselves and are widely considered as intellectuals, shape their opinions that they later disseminate widely and sometimes vigorously.  Here, Tony Judt and Eric Hobsbawm are two cases in point. The essay explores different themes and elements of their way to becoming acknowledged as public intellectuals, narrating an interplay between the historians’ paths and their academic and essayistic output.

Crises of Empire offers a comprehensive and uniquely comparative analysis of the history of decolonization in the British, French and Dutch empires. By comparing the processes of decolonization across three of the major modern empires, from the aftermath of the First World War to the late 20th century, the authors are able to analyse decolonization as a long-term process. They explore significant changes to the international system, shifting popular attitudes to colonialism and the economics of empire. This new edition incorporates the latest developments in the historiography, as well as:- Increased coverage of the Belgian and Portuguese empires- New introductions to each of the three main parts, offering some background and context to British, French and Dutch decolonization- More coverage of cultural aspects of decolonization, exploring empire 'from below'- A new glossary, explaining key terms This new edition of Crises of Empire is essential reading for all students of imperial history and decolonization. In particular, it will be welcomed by those who are interested in taking a comparative approach, putting the history of decolonization in a pan-European framework.

Reviews:-

'In this book, Thomas, Butler and Moore admirably accomplish the goal of combining intellectual and historiographical rigour with the breadth of discussion necessary for a textbook. As one of the few treatments of its kind, it connects the disintegration of various empires. Juxtaposing the fates of the British, French and Dutch empires, supplemented with some comparative observations about the Belgian and Portuguese experiences, the authors show that decolonization cannot be fully understood if treated within the isolation of any one of these cases. The careful balance in this volume between conceptual discussion of current historiographical debates and thorough empirical treatment of the various decolonizations makes this volume an invaluable resource for students and researchers alike.' Bart Luttikhuis, Researcher at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies, The Netherlands

'An outstanding collection of essays dealing with the decolonization of the Dutch, Belgian, and Portuguese empires as well as those of the French and British. With a range from the 1940s to the 1970s and beyond, the authors guide the reader through complex conceptual issues in a way that is consistently clear and compelling. This is a book that will be mandatory reading for students and scholars of the dissolution of the European colonial empires.' Wm. Roger Louis, Kerr Professor, University of Texas

'This second edition of Thomas's, Moore's and Butler's incisive, thought-provoking and generally deeply impressive synthesis is very welcome. Like the first edition, it is written in an engaging style by three experts in their respective decolonisation fields and it will prove a key launch pad for further research into the expansive literature and ever-evolving debates on the causes and consequences of European decolonisation. The sections relating to the different empires and case-studies of particular territories can be read alone. But the beauty of this book lies in its high level of comparative analysis, with commonalities and contrasts skilfully brought out in the masterful introduction and conclusion. The focus remains on the three largest empires of Britain, France and The Netherlands but the excellent section on the Portuguese and Belgian end-of-empire experiences has been significantly expanded. Throughout, the text has been updated to take account of new historiographical developments since the first edition's publication in 2008. It pulls no punches in its exploration of the often fraught and violent ending of the European empires, and the ongoing legacies and unresolved contestations of the decolonisation moment.'  Nick White, Professor of History at Liverpool John Moores University, UK


Table Of Contents
Preface
Introduction: Constructions of decolonization
Part I: British Decolonization
Introduction to Part I
1. The British Empire, 1918-1945: Interwar Change and Wartime Pressures
2. The First Wave of British Decolonization: Commonwealth Territories, South Asia and the Gold Coast, 1945-1951
3. British Decolonization, Insurgency and Strategic Reverse: The Middle East, Africa and Malaya, 1951-1957
4. Winds of Change: The Final Waves of British Decolonization in Africa and Asia after 1957
Part II: French Decolonization
Introduction to Part II
5. The Roots of French Decolonization: Ideas, Economics and Reform, 1900-1946
6. Decolonizing the French African Federations after 1945
7. People's War and the Collapse of French Indochina, 1945-1954
8. From French North Africa to Maghreb Independence: Decolonization in Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria, 1945-1956
9. Algeria's Violent Struggle for Independence
10. Territories Apart: Madagascar, the Togo Trusteeship and French Island Territories
Part III: Dutch Decolonization
Introduction to Part III
11. An 'Ethical Imperialism'? The Dutch Colonial Empire Before 1945
12. Indonesia: The Politics of Delusion, 1940-1947
13. Indonesia: The Realities of Diplomacy
14. Unfinished Business: New Guinea as a Last Outpost of Empire
15. Decolonization by Default: Dutch Disengagement in Suriname
Part IV: Contrasting Patterns of Decolonization
16. Contrasting Patterns of Decolonization: Belgian and Portuguese Africa
Conclusion: Changing Attitudes to the End of Empire
Glossary
Bibliography
Index
- See more at: http://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/crises-of-empire-9781472530257/#sthash.bJ1Pq70A.dpuf

Η Ελληνική Επανάσταση αποσκοπούσε να διαταράξει την ακινησία που επεδίωκε η Ιερή Συμμαχία. Στόχευε να αναζωπυρώσει τους ανταγωνισμούς των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων ή ακόμα και να προκαλέσει νέο ρωσο-τουρκικό πόλεμο προς αποδυνάμωση της Υψηλής Πύλης. Η παραδοσιακή ρωσική προστασία με όχημα το «ομόδοξον», όπως και το νεώτερο σημείο αναφοράς της Γαλλικής Επανάστασης υπήρξαν δίδυμες δυνάμεις. Η απόφαση για Επανάσταση στην πιο σκοτεινή ώρα των επαναστάσεων απέρρεε από την εκτίμηση ότι η συντριβή του Ναπολέοντα είχε μόνον προσωρινά θάψει το διπλό μήνυμα του εθνικισμού και του φιλελευθερισμού. Παρέμενε ακαταμάχητο για τους πολλούς ευρωπαϊκούς λαούς που δεν είχαν επιτύχει εθνική ανεξαρτησία. Η έκβαση του αλυτρωτικού κεφαλαίου της εθνικής ολοκλήρωσης έληξε με εκ νέου επικράτηση της αγγλικής επιρροής. Ουσιαστικά, η αγγλική επιρροή την επικαθόρισε, καθώς η Ελλάδα αναπτύχθηκε ως ναυτική δύναμη της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου. Από αυτή την σκοπιά, ο αγγλο-ρωσικός ανταγωνισμός στην Επανάσταση οδήγησε τη χώρα και, ευρύτερα, τα Βαλκάνια σε τελείως διαφορετικό γεωπολιτικό συσχετισμό δυνάμεων από αυτόν που είχε θεωρήσει εφικτό η Ιερή Συμμαχία και ανεκτό η Αγία Πετρούπολη στην Επανάσταση του 1821, καθώς πραγματώθηκαν οι στόχοι της Αγγλίας, της λιγότερο προβλεπτής και προβλέψιμης Δύναμης στο Ανατολικό Ζήτημα.

We modern kings are not like those of old; we are the first citizens of our Fatherland and, rather than sit immobile on a Throne, we guide nations along the path of progress 1 At the beginning of the twentieth century the political importance of the Spanish monarchy, like that of others in Europe, revealed itself in two complementary aspects of public life. One was the role of the Crown as a constitutional institution, endowed with key functions in the relations between the different powers of the state and the progress of government. The other was the capacity of the king and his family to embody collective identities and projects for the future, above all nationalistic ones, and it was upon this capacity that a large part of their legitimacy began to rest in the first stages of mass politics. The king not only intervened on a daily basis in political affairs, he also aspired to be the incarnation of the nation, and justified his behaviour by reference to the national interest. These two facets complemented each other, and one cannot understand one without the other. Diverse forces contributed to defining these two sources of power, but the opinions of the monarch himself were nearly always decisive. The long effective reign of Alfonso XIII from 1902 to 1931, highly influenced by developments in other European monarchies, can be divided into two phases separated by the First World War, which despite the country's official neutrality had a huge effect on Spanish society. In each a major nationalist and monarchist project, with accompanying public discourse, was put forward which shaped the king's political activities. Before the war the young monarch was filled with the need to regenerate Spain, to make it a cohesive, developed state that could occupy a significant place in Western Europe, a goal that implied respecting the constitutional framework and encouraging policies considered as liberal, even while the monarchy itself was 'nationalised' in the eyes of the people. The Great War

Makary Górzyński, University of Warsaw

THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY PUBLIC PARK IN KALISZ:
A GARDEN OF CIVILIZATION


The aim of this book is to provide a detailed historical reconstruction of the comprehensive, late nineteenth-century renovation, expansion and restoration of the Kalisz’s famous public garden, opened for the public in 1798. Kalisz had been one of the Polish Kingdom’s (est. 1815) provincial capitals, and later became a governorate city (1867-1914), a modest town in the Russia-ruled Polish provinces. Despite it’s provincial size (ca. 25 000 inhabitants in the 1880s) Kalisz was perceived as a crucial borderland seat of the imperial administration, located close to the western outskirts of the Russian Empire. It was also a multiethnic trade, commerce and cultural centre for the Polish, Jewish, German and Russian communities. It’s picturesque public gardens, located on the banks of Prosna river, by the 1900s became one of the most elaborate town parks among Polish cities, famous for its statues, buildings, grottos or for a variety of charming vistas. In this book I try to examine not only the process of the complete renovation and enlargement of the garden from the 1870s to the 1910s, but also to describe the main ways of its functionalization in the local public sphere, cultural and social life. I perceive the Kalisz’s Belle Epoque park as one of the most elaborated Polish public spaces of a culture-based, human invention of the “Nature”, serving various actors of the urban population for entertainment, public hygiene or to articulate the political or the moral discourses of the local middle class and elites, being patrons of the garden. I will try to connect the garden architecture and sculptures from around the 1900s with the Kalisz’s contemporary public sphere and visual culture. Architectural structures and gardening style-patterns shaped crucial spaces of the modern recreation and commerce in this industrial city. At the same time, the Kalisz’s public garden may serve as a perfect example for studies of the spatial manifestations and interactions of the narratives of history, Russian government politics or private, sensual desires. All of these phenomena in the public park – a “garden of civilization” – were unfolding class-, national- or gender-based divisions and imperial politics in this Russia-ruled provincial Polish town, offering a fascinating field for contemporary urban and cultural studies.

L’articolo esplora la rete di relazioni politiche che si sviluppò intorno al democratico meridionale
Casimiro De Lieto, dai primi scambi epistolari  - nel 1833 - sino alle cospirazioni per la liberazione
del Mezzogiorno del 1854-56. Attraverso l’analisi della leadership di De Lieto, la circolazione di
idee, programmi e immagini fra questi e i corrispondenti e le  trasformazioni della rete, l’articolo
intende contribuire allo studio delle rivoluzioni del XIX secolo nel Mezzogiorno d’Italia da un
duplice punto di vista: le motivazioni soggettive alla base delle scelte politiche; il contributo delle
relazioni interindividuali e dei gruppi territoriali alle rivoluzioni. La ricerca attinge al fondo del
patriota custodito presso il Museo Centrale del Risorgimento (Roma).

"Correspondence and Political Networks. Casimiro De Lieto's Network Between Italian Mezzogiorno and Roman Republic"
The article investigates the political network of the democratic, Southern Italian patriot Casimiro
De Lieto, starting with from his early epistolary exchanges – in 1833- to the conspirancies for the
liberation of Mezzogiorno in 1854-56. By analisyng the leadership of De Lieto, the circulation of
ideas, programmes and images between him and his correspondents and changes in his network, the
article aims at offering a contribution to the study of the XIX revolutions in Southern Italy. This
research  is  utilizing  two  approaches:  the  subjective  motivation  for  political  choice;    the
interpersonal exchanges and territorial groups contributing to revolution. The investigation draws
upon De Lieto’s personal fond in the Central Museum of Risorgimento (Rome).

Over the last two decades, the "new international order" of 1919 has grown into an expansive new area of research across multiple disciplines. With the League of Nations at its heart, the interwar settlement's innovations in international organizations, international law, and many other areas shaped the world we know today. This book presents the first study of the relationship between this new international order and the new regional order in Central and Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Habsburg empire. An analysis of the co-implication of these two orders is grounded in four key scholarly interventions: understanding the legacies of empire in international organizations; examining regionalism in the work of interwar international institutions; creating an integrated history of the interwar order in Europe; and testing recent claims of the conceptual connection between nationalism and internationalism. With chapters covering international health, international financial oversight, human trafficking, minority rights, scientific networks, technical expertise, passports, commercial treaties, borders and citizenship, and international policing, this book pioneers a regional approach to international order, and explores the origins of today's global governance in the wake of imperial collapse.