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Vol. 25, No.1, March, 2024
Interference of Western Christianity
in the forms and rituals of marriage
among Nsukka Igbo
John Chidubem Nwaogaidu1, *Omaka Kalu Ngele2, & Prince Emma Peters2
1Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Nigeria, Nsukka,
2Department of Religion and Cultural Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka
*Corresponding Author: omaka.ngele@unn.edu.ng
Nwaogaidu: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5977-2166
Ngele: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3826-8761
Abstract
The social institution of marriage, deeply established in the Nsukka cultural area long before
the advent of Christianity, has undergone profound transformations due to the influence of
Westernisation and Christianity. This seismic shift extends beyond marriage to impact all
facets of the people’s cultural life. It has permeated nearly all African societies, leaving
Africans with what appears to be a solitary choice of religious and cultural syncretism. The use
of syncretism to manage the conflicting interests in Christianity and traditional religions is
most evident in the Nsukka cultural area, where Christian marriage rituals have become
significantly intertwined with traditional marriage rites and concepts, resulting in an uneasy
hybridisation. This study, employing ethnographic observation and interview methods, delves
into this complex and multifaceted situation to accurately gauge Christianity’s influence on
marriage practice and its rituals in the Nsukka cultural area. The research findings reveal that
despite the people’s adoption of syncretism in their religious practices, the cultural conflict,
particularly in the context of marriage, has strongly fostered inculturation within the Christian
church in the area. Nevertheless, the church must aim to transition from inculturation to
inter-culturation, which could serve as a new model that might pave the way for a
harmonious synthesis of Western and cultural marriage practices in Nsukka Igbo.
Keywords: Christianity, inculturation, inter-culturation, Nsukka cultural area, marriage rituals.
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
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Introduction
Marriage, a relatively new institution
compared to the age-old concept of
family, has evolved differently across
human societies. This evolution, marked
by various cultural and religious
practices, has led to a diverse range of
marriage rituals worldwide. Our focus,
however, is on the Nsukka cultural area
of Igboland, where the introduction of
Western Christianity has significantly
influenced traditional marriage practices.
This study aims to delve into this complex
interplay between Western Christianity
and Nsukka’s cultural marriage practices,
shedding light on the impact of and
potential for inter-culturation.
The idea that marriage can become a
means of starting a family evolved crossculturally at different times (Hill, 2012).
This idea means that while almost all
tribes and cultures embraced one form of
marriage practice or another, making
marriage a universal phenomenon (Ember
et al., 2021), its evolution was sporadic.
The infrequent nature of the evolutionary
global tendencies in marriage would later
account for various activities and rituals
inherent in various forms of marriage
observed across world cultures
(Pallathadka et al., 2022). For example,
the following variables differ in and
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
seriously affect marriage rituals in
Europe, India, Africa, and the Arab world:
the age of the bride at the time of
marriage, societal status of the couple
wishing to marry, parental interference,
spiritual repercussions to adultery and
divorce, permission to engage in polygyny
or polyandry, etc. The differences in these
variables, obtained from one culture to
another, account for the evolutionary
stages of marriage institutions
worldwide.
The variegated nature of the abovementioned variables makes it clear that
the various forms and rituals of marriage
in African culture (to which Nsukka-Igbo
belongs) and marriage forms and rituals
of the European culture, which incubated
both Western and Christian marriage
systems, would differ considerably. This
was suggested by Alexander (1995) when
he stated that “ritual shapes society and
culture by creating experiences that
affirm and thereby make authoritative a
society's world view and ethos,
motivating participants to model their
everyday lives by them” (p. 209).
Alexander’s opinion of ‘ritual’ clearly
defines the incompatibility between the
marriage which exists as a rite of passage
in Igboland, including Nsukka (Ogbeide,
2011; Waya & Okanume, 2017), and the
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marriage which permits cohabitation and
possibly procreation as in the Western
world (Kohm & Groen, 2005; Bernhardt &
Goldscheider, 2007). Despite these
variations leading to obvious differences
which have formed distinctive marriage
forms in the Christian-western culture on
the one hand and Nsukka-Igbo culture on
the other hand, the church (representing
Western Christianity) has found ways to
‘force’1 Christians in the Nsukka cultural
area to observe marriage rites and rituals
according to the teachings of the Church
which inherited some of its dogmas
through Western influence. Refusal to
partake in both cultural patterns of
marriage, especially the church/western
pattern, results in serious sanctions,
including the denial from partaking in
one of the church’s sacraments, the
Eucharist. The church’s popular defense
on this matter is that though the victims
are married according to the traditional
marriage rituals of the Nsukka cultural
area, their marriage is not yet regarded as
blessed until such blessing is pronounced
by the church (F. Ugwu, personal
communication, 26 April 2023).
Other cases, such as the treatment of
people who engaged in polygyny as less
Christians, have been recorded (B. Ayogu,
personal communication, 27 April 2023).
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
There is also a case of denying the
parents of young women who married
outside their denomination access to
communion as a consequence of their
daughter’s perceived ‘disobedience’ (B.
Ayogu, personal communication, 27 April
2023). These developments have created
tensions arising from the clash of values
between the Christian church and
indigenous cultural practices in Nsukka
land and, indeed, other parts of Africa
(Onuzulike, 2008; Okeke et al., 2017;
Mokhoathi, 2021; Ntombana, 2015;
Masonga & Nicolaides, 2021). Many
times, in a bid to avoid the conflict
arising from these tensions, people
engage in indigenous forms of weddings
(now commonly referred to as traditional
weddings) alongside church weddings
(now commonly referred to as white
weddings). The practice of these two
forms of marriage has brought a huge
financial burden on so many young
couples who groan for liberation. This is
one of the reasons why many Nsukka
youth are questioning Christianity and
seeking to go back to indigenous religious
practice. However, the continuous
existence of this cultural conflict does
not undermine the capability of the
church in Nsukka-Igbo, just as in other
parts of Igboland, to arrest it through
inculturation (Umezinwa, 2014; Akubue,
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2022). Yet the church seems to have not
done enough with its tool of
inculturation (Ogbuehi, 2022), probably
because it created the conflict in the first
place. Admittedly, the insufficiency of
inculturation as a synthetic tool by the
church has been displayed in its inability
to effectively blend Christian and
Nsukka-Igbo cultures, especially in the
context of marriage (cf. Wijsen, 2001;
George, 2012). Therefore, a new
approach, such as interculturality, has
been suggested here. Dietz (2018) argues
that “The relations that exist between the
culturally diverse human groups that
comprise a given society are increasingly
referred to using the notion of
interculturality” (p. 1). Nevertheless, he
quickly submitted that “the term was
originally coined to refer to a rather
static and reified conception of culture as
the sum of relations between cultures” (p.
1). It is with this second conception that
the term is used in this study.
This study interrogates the impact of
Christianity on marriage rituals in the
Nsukka cultural area by analysing areas
in which the influence of Christianity has
affected the quality of marriage rituals in
Nsukka-Igbo. It will also investigate why
the church thinks that indigenous
marriage practice and its rituals are not
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
sufficient to confer on one the grace of
being married until they go through
Christian marriage rites, which were built
on Western marriage ideologies. The
findings would serve as a reference to
support the argument that the church
should move from ‘inculturation’2 to
inter-culturation or interculturality as a
means of assimilating African cultures
without mutilation.
Theoretical Framework
This study uses intercultural theology as a
framework. The history of intercultural
theology revolves around three scholars:
Hans Jochen Margull of Hamburg
University, Walter Hollenweger of
Birmingham University, and Richard
Friedli of Freiburg University. Margull, a
Lutheran missiologist and ecumenist, and
Hollenweger, a Pentecostal theologian,
started the process before they were
joined by Friedli, a Roman Catholic
missiologist (George, 2012). Being
described not as “a new theological
discipline, but a new perspective and a
new method of doing theology”
(Hollenweger, 1978, p. 3),
interculturation or interculturality goes
beyond a mere adaptation of cultural
distinctiveness to fusing cultures to
produce a single cultural entity in a
particular context. This fusion has
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become necessary since a heightened
awareness of the uniqueness of global
cultures and an accompanying uncanny
resemblance at close examination
became part of ethnographic theology.
Thus, “the question today is no longer
whether we should inculturate theology
or not, but rather, which forms of
inculturation is more successful and apt”
(Neelankavil, 2010, p. 5). Since no form of
inculturation is successful enough to curb
globalisation and cultural affirmation,
interculturality becomes the way out,
because:
Interculturality firmly roots one in
his/her particular tradition, but
due to its intercultural context,
with a critical attitude. It also
sees globalisation from the
perspective of the cultural
changes free market promotes.
Both globalization and the static
traditions are challenged here,
thus giving rise to a new
understanding of citizenship and
identity that move peoples and
cultures forward, without either
disbanding or romanticizing them
(Neelankavil, 2010, pp. 8-9).
As a framework, interculturality is
deployed in this study to highlight the
weakness of the church’s adoption of
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
inculturation and its inability to eliminate
cultural conflict. Interculturality
promotes the idea that while culture is
relative and unique, it is also fluid, able
to mix easily, and osmotic.
Methodology
This study adopted ethnographic
observation, focus groups, and interviews.
For the focus groups and interviews,
Criterion Sampling was employed to
select participants (only those who are
married or have given out their children
or wards in marriage could participate).
The researchers interviewed priests of the
Roman Catholic Church and the Anglican
Church (due to the popularity of these
two Christian denominations in Nsukka)
in order to properly measure the impact
of the Churches’ interference in
traditional marriage practice and rituals
in Nsukka cultural area. The researchers
undertook this study in Nsukka cultural
area because the Nsukka people are
among the few indigenous Igbo people
who have shown resilience in protecting
their various cultural heritages despite
the strong influence of westernisation in
the Igboland (Asogwa, 2022; Isiani et al.,
2024). For the observation method, the
study gathered data through an
unstructured covert observation method.
Hence, the people observed had no idea
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that information were being gathered
through their various actions. Interviews
were scheduled between the researchers
and seven respondents in April and May
2023. Two focus group discussions were
organised. One of the focus groups, made
up of traditional worshippers, was
chaired by one researcher while the
second group, made up of Christian
clerics, was chaired by another
researcher. Two principles of ethical
considerations – voluntary participation
and informed consent – were observed by
the interviewees and members of the
focus groups. The participants were
communicated to orally, and their verbal
consents were obtained before the
discussions.
Findings and Discussion
From the findings of this study, several
topics have emerged for discussion. The
overall focus of these topics is the
interrogation of the impact of
Christianity on marriage rituals in the
Nsukka cultural area of Igboland. They
include:
Nsukka-Igbo and their approach to
marriage as a rite of passage
All over the world, there are different
forms of marriage rites. Such differences
(as earlier discussed) are the results of
cultural evolution. Cultural evolution is
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
solely responsible for global changes
(Nelson, 2005), including global varieties
of forms and rituals associated with
marriage (Fortunato, 2015; Lucas et al.,
2008). For example, in the Barabaig, a
pastoral society with classic maledominant institutions like polygyny,
patrilocality, patrilineality, and
bridewealth, a man acquires a wife by
‘bride capture’ and her family mourned
her loss as in ‘death’. At their weddings,
the males do not participate but are
regarded as outsiders and new brides are
instructed to resist the consummation of
their marriage on the wedding night
(Eller, 2007, pp. 148-149). Among the
Indians, marriage is an obligation, and
the couple is saddled with the
responsibility to complete the three end
goals of human life: the Dharma, the
Artha, and the Kama. Dharma is a
spiritual obligation in which one strives
to obtain Moksha or redemption. Artha
allows one to achieve economic stability
and become socially viable, while Kama is
the sensual part of these goals. The
couple is expected to engage in healthy
sexual intercourse, leading to procreation
(Pallathadka et al., 2022, p. 153). In
cultures that have adopted Islam as their
state religion, the significance of
marriage is uniquely banal. It emphasises
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strongly and persuasively what is globally
acknowledged (Zarean & Barzegar, 2016).
In all the cultures mentioned above,
marriage appears to be a rite of passage,
if not for any other reason, than for the
observance of the male proposal and
female acceptance of the proposal.
However, in many African cultures,
including Nsukka-Igbo, marriage as a rite
of passage has its attendant and rigorous
rituals. These rituals are designed to mark
the complexity of marriage as a rite of
passage, making marriage a unique
obligation (Nwadiokwu et al., 2016).
Rituals in Africa help people celebrate
major life events, mostly from one phase
of life to the next. They also help to make
spiritual phenomena real for the people
involved in it. Rituals, especially marriage
rituals, bind people to communities, other
people, and even to some more spiritual
aspects of life (Strydom, 2019;
Nwaogaidu, 2019). These precisely, are
what marriage rituals achieve as a rite of
passage among Nsukka-Igbo people.
While controversies among scholars
regarding cultural issues are common
experiences, this study does not know any
ongoing scholarly debate about whether
marriage is a rite of passage in the
Nsukka-Igbo tradition or not.
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
As a people, Nsukka-Igbo is pragmatic
and independent-minded. Before the
arrival of Christian missionaries, the
people were already at the peak of the
prevalent civilisation of the time (C.
Ugwuekpe, personal communication, 29
April 2023). The iron-smelting prehistoric
sites at Opi, Obimo, and Lejja are a
testament to this claim (Okafor, 1992;
Odum et al., 2020; Agu & Opata, 2012).
Mostly inhabiting the mountainous part
of northern Igboland, the zestful lifestyle
of the people enabled them to engage in
commercial farming actively. Due to the
vast landmass they inherited, they would
need a large workforce to cover the
expanse of land. This was the main
reason why polygyny thrived among
them. Their main workforce was their
children, whose services were cheaper
than those of hired labourers. Though on
the decline now, a few decades ago,
Nsukka men (like other Igbo men) took
pride in having many wives, especially in
the Enugu-Ezike area, which added colour
to their earthly achievements (K. Aji,
personal communication, 5 May 2023).
Title-taking among Nsukka people often
goes with being married; the more wives
one has, the more honours he attracts
from his peers (K. Aji, personal
communication, 5 May 2023).
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Traditionally, the people of the Nsukka
cultural area do not see marriage as a
mere joining of two adults of opposite
sexes, only to start a new family. They do
marriage with many marriage rituals
marking a transitory level to another
stage of life, an obligation one must
perform as he advances through the
stages of life (C. Ugwuekpe, personal
communication, 29 April 2023).
In some parts of Nsukka, one must be an
initiate to the masquerade cult before he
is enabled to marry a wife for himself (E.
Ngwoke, personal communication, 26
April 2023). This is called the rite of
passage in the academic circle (Gennep,
2004; Forth, 2018). Rites of passage are
“the various ritual[sic] which an
individual undergoes from one stage to
another” (Nwadiokwu et al., 2016, p. 41).
As a rite of passage, marriage initiates
the couple into their various family gene
pools, which activate the ancestral spirits
for reincarnation (E. Eze, personal
communication, 9 May 2023). Families of
the man and the woman inquire by
asking questions through divination (igba
eha/afa) about ancestral alignment for
both families before marriage is
contracted (Nwaogaidu, 2017). This
implies that without marriage and its
rituals, there will be no reincarnation of
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
dead ancestors, and the life circle of such
families will be wiped out or terminated
in a dwindling process (see Nwadiokwu et
al., 2016; C. Ugwuekpe, personal
communication, 29 April 2023). If one
understands the uncompromising
importance of reincarnation among ndi
Igbo, especially Nsukka-Igbo, and its role
in improving one’s status (Stevenson,
1985), it becomes clear to appreciate the
journey of marriage as a rite. Since
marriage is the foundation of procreation
in Nsukka-Igbo, it directly serves as the
foundation to bring back the ancestors
and complete their life cycle through
reincarnation. However, with the
interference of Christian values in today’s
marriage in Nsukka-Igbo, the life cycles
of the ancestors are halted. Many Nsukka
people no longer see their marriage as a
continuation of ancestral lineage and no
longer bother to find out who
reincarnated in any of their children. This
has been described as catastrophic as it
severed the ancestors' relationship with
their families and left many without a
functional and unbroken line of ancestral
succession.
According to Okafor (1998), the marriage
rituals in Igboland take six (6) major steps
to be achieved. These include iche ego (or
the declaration of intention to the girl),
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iju ajuju (inquiry into the family history of
the prospective groom); usually, this step
would come before iche ego as the man
would have inquired into the history of
the girl’s family before declaring his
intention, ikpaliru onuaku nwanyi
(negotiation of bride price), ibu ego liwe
na-ite (payment of the bride price/first
official visit to her new family), ndulu
nwanyi li na be di (taking the bride home)
and finally ogo malu ogo (getting to know
your in-laws). Okafor’s six-step rituals
coincide loosely with the Nsukka
marriage form and rituals, which have
seven procedural stages, according to the
study carried out by Nwaogaidu (2017).
These steps and their accompanying
rituals have great significance as they
mark the process it takes for a man to
embark and arrive on the journey of
having a family. Special ceremonies and
rituals are conducted, especially on the
occasion of ibu ego liwe na-ite/idebe ego
nwanyi. When the bride price (ego isi
nwanyi) is paid, a certain pronouncement
(igo ofo) is made by the elders of both
families. The pronouncement is to call on
the gods of the land to watch over the
groom’s family and to bear witness that a
new bride joins the family. After the
pronouncement, a new but makeshift
kitchen is prepared for the new bride,
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
where she will cook her first food for the
family (nri nna di) (B. Ayogu, personal
communication, 27 April 2023). Similarly,
Nwaogaidu (2017) observed that the food
the bride would prepare was pounded
yam and Ogbono soup. She prepares this
delicacy alone; no one is allowed to help
her. When the food is ready, her fatherin-law comes close, breaks the kola nut,
and scatters it on top of the pot of food.
He begins another set of pronouncements
(igo ofo), calling on his ancestors to
witness a new bride’s entrance into their
family. After his pronouncement, the
bridegroom would be the first to eat a
sizeable portion of the food. When he has
eaten, everyone present would now be
free to take food from that pot and eat.
After that event, if the new bride had
carnal knowledge of another man other
than her husband, the land would strike
her with death or madness.
Ritual and method of marriage in the
Western-Christian world
It will be necessary to examine Western
(and by extension, Christian) marriage
forms and rituals in contrast to marriages
in the cultural contexts of Nsukka-Igbo
cultural area. This contrast serves the
purpose of capturing the two cultural
situations under study. The study fully
recognises the distinction between
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Western Christianity and biblical
traditions. It recognises that originally,
before the emergence of Christianity and
the fall of the Roman Empire, the West
had unique traditional cultures, probably
emerging from the Greco-Roman
civilization. However, from the ruins of
the fallen Roman Empire, the Christian
church inherited the traditions of the
empire (Dawson, 1950), making
Christianity from the West a Western
Christianity.3 But this Western-Christian
tradition does not explicitly represent
Bible traditions. Using marriage as an
example to prove this assertion, the New
Testament form of marriage, as recorded
in the Four Gospels, was according to
first-century Jewish form and rituals. It
has little to do with the medieval
European marriage form imported into
and practiced in Africa today as church
weddings. Until the Middle Ages, a Jewish
marriage consisted of two ceremonies
marked by two separate celebrations,
with an interval between. The first was
the betrothal, and the second was the
wedding. The couple was legally married
at the betrothal, although the bride
remained in her father’s house. She could
not belong to another man unless
divorced from her betrothed. The wedding
meant only that the betrothed woman,
accompanied by a festive procession, was
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
escorted from her parent’s house to her
groom's house, and the relationship was
consummated (Wedding Chaplain, 2020).
This has one strong implication, which is,
to the Jews of biblical times, marriage
was purely a family endeavour (Schauss,
2023). This was the historical foundation
of the form of marriage found in the
Gospels. The involvement of the
synagogue and its authorities in Jewish
marriage was a later addition.
Christian church’s level of involvement in
marriage also developed over time.
Christianity was birthed and formed (30
AD-200 AD) in the context of the Roman
Empire and with Judaism at its roots.
Marriage has had little to do with
religion. While Jesus as well as Paul, and
other New Testament writers speak about
marriage and instruct husbands and
wives on how to conduct themselves in
marriage, there is no biblical tradition
that ties marriage to a church ceremony.
Marriage was still a family issue, not an
institution. It was private and communal.
At the Council of Carthage in 398 A.D.,
there was an assumption of a priestly
prayer or benediction of the wedding
ceremony. Early Church Fathers, Ignatius
and Polycarp urged a blessing from
parents and clergy over a pending
marriage. This is the first sign of any
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church ceremonial influence on marriage
(Wedding Chaplain 2020).
However, since the medieval era, the
Christian faith has become a unique
cornerstone of Western culture (Habib,
2017). The Christian faith has formed
European culture in all ramifications,
marriage not excluded, and has become a
trend (Habib, 2017). The trend has spread
worldwide to the extent that the
Christian faith practiced in Nsukka-Igbo
today is a type where Western and
Christian cultures conflate. Right now, it
is difficult for an average Nsukka person
to distinguish between Christian rituals
and Western civilization. To some, almost
every Western practice is naturally a
Christian practice. As a Christian, one
swallows all Western cultures hook, line,
and sinker. Hence, some are struggling
with the problem of being an African and
yet feeling Western, yearning for native
Africanness but grasping at alien
European cosmopolitanism (Wariboko,
2018). When one is subjected to a form
of the Western wedding with its
Christianised rituals, it is believed to be a
Christian wedding. This situation may be
blamed on the missionaries who
deliberately replaced virtually all African
cultures with European civilization
(Nkomazana & Setume, 2016). Early
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
African literature written by Africans, like
Achebe's (2008) and Munonye's (1966)
works, show the African struggle against
the imposition of European civilisation,
and decried such hegemony.
Poor Process of Inculturation
Our respondents (including Roman
Catholic and Anglican priests) agree that
under certain circumstances, the church
can deny people the right to receive Holy
Communion. It is assumed that, among
the Roman Catholics and Anglicans, there
is a prevalent knowledge that certain life
situations are incompatible with the
reception of Holy Communion (i.e.,
Eucharist) (E. Ngwoke, personal
communication, 26 April 2023). Once a
communicant is in that situation, the
person is expected to avoid communion.
To partake in communion suggests that
one’s lifestyle aligns with the church's
teachings. Based on this premise, the
church teaches, and it is stipulated in the
Canon Law that a valid matrimonial
contract cannot exist between the
baptised without it being by that fact a
sacrament.4 If two baptised persons then
purport to get married without having
this marriage solemnized in the church –
which raises it to the level of a sacrament
– the marriage is null and void. However,
if two unbaptised persons (considered as
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non-Christians) get married according to
native law and custom, the church
recognises their marriage as valid. The
statement of the Canon law and its
requirement invariably suggest that for
one to remain a communicant as a
Christian and to also marry in the
customs of Nsukka land, they must
observe two forms of marriage rites: one
conforming them to the indigenous
cultural area and the other to the
Christian culture. This is very problematic
psychologically and especially financially,
as lots of young folks groan under the
heavy burden of conducting double
marriage rites. One of the respondents,
whose first son had just gotten married in
the customary and Western forms,
narrated the bitter experience of a heavy
financial load. She recounted how her son
spent over one million, five hundred
thousand Naira (approximately three
thousand two hundred and fifty US
Dollars as of 2023) to get married
traditionally before heading to the church
for another marriage rite and more
expenses. She expresses thus:
Though I was one of those who
never saw anything wrong in
double marriage among our
people, my son did three
weddings: court, traditional, and
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
church weddings. Before me, I
saw my young son, who just left
medical school a few years ago,
spend over two million to have
these weddings done. Now that I
have witnessed the stress and the
financial involvement up close, I
do not encourage such practice
among our people (B. Ayogu,
personal communication, 27 April
2023).
The church (especially the Roman
Catholic) has claimed to be the champion
of inculturation even though its Canon
Law does not allow it to adopt the
people's forms of marriage as a
sacrament until it is solemnised in the
church. This means the church’s process
of adaptation cannot be complete;
something else is needed. Pope John Paul
II’s statement: “Faith that does not
become culture is not wholly embraced,
fully thought, or faithfully lived”
(Navarro-Valls, 2011, n/p), should be
wholly diffusing in all aspects of culture
to effectively present a contextual
theological meaning to the Nsukka-Igbo
person. Indeed, it is not only in NsukkaIgbo that people have noticed the limited
impact of inculturation teaching and
made a case for adjustment. RussellMundine and Mundine’s (2014) study on
https://doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2024/25/1/004
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the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
people raises similar concerns. Quoting
the Gaudium et Spes, which states that:
[T]he Church, sent to all peoples
of every time and place, is not
bound exclusively and
indissolubly to any race or nation,
nor to any particular way of life
or any customary pattern of
living, ancient or recent. Faithful
to her tradition and at the same
time conscious of her universal
mission, she can enter into
communion with various cultural
modes, to her own enrichment
and theirs too (Abbott, 1966,
p.58).
Mundine and Mundine (2014) insist that
the above statement from Gaudium et
Spes is a statement worth empowering
people to self-realisation culturally. Why
then does such empowerment avoid the
use of the sacrament of marriage as part
of the practices of inculturation? This
limitation, therefore, leads us to suggest
the adoption of inter-culturation by the
church as a means to bridge the gap
between the Western and traditional
forms of marriage rites in Nsukka-Igbo.
With inter-culturation, Nsukka Christians
can practice one unified system of
marriage filled with the forms originally
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
found in Christian and traditional
marriage practices without being guilty
of syncretism.
Bastardization of the process of inquiry
before marriage
It is customary in Nsukka-Igbo tradition
to inquire about a prospective in-law's
family before marriage is contracted.
During the era before the arrival of
Christian missionaries, parents engaged
in two different sets of inquiries before
their children got married, namely
physical and spiritual inquiries (C.
Ugwuekpe, personal communication, 29
April 2023). The spiritual inquiry (igba
eha/afa) was a process where one goes to
consult a seer or seers to inquire about
both ancestral dispositions and the
genetic inclinations of the other family in
the marriage proposal. For example, the
prospective groom’s family may want to
know if madness, epilepsy, kleptomania,
or suicidal ideation runs in the family of
the prospective bride. Conversely, the
prospective bride’s family may also do the
same (E. Eze, personal communication, 9
May 2023). This means that before the
arrival of modern science and
Christianity, Nsukka-Igbo people knew
that certain biological and psychological
disorders were genetic and transferable.
Igba eha/afa is borne out of the need to
https://doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2024/25/1/004
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Vol. 25, No.1, March, 2024
gain an insight into the ways of the gods
by the Igbos (Okafor, 1998). The practice
of igba eha/afa is hardly remembered or
even known by many interviewees
because of its primitive and almost
extinct status.
Another form of inquiry is iju ese. This is a
physical form of inquiry whereby the two
families independently investigate each
other's background before proceeding
with the marriage plans. Though several
scholars believe that iju ese (inquiry) and
iku aka (literally, “to knock on the door,”
the initial formal meeting of the bride’s
family by the groom’s family) are the
same in some communities and are held
as typically synonymous (see
Onwuamanam & Onanwa, 2020; NduUdeji, 2021), however, in places like
Obosi, Imilike and Onitsha, iju ese is
distinctly separate from iku aka and the
former comes before the later (see
Okafor, 1998). The essence of these
physical and spiritual inquiries is to know
the couple's compatibility and to
ascertain the possibility of living together
as husband and wife.
However, since the advent of Christianity,
people hardly conduct proper spiritual
investigations. The current trend is that
people resort to prayers (especially
women) to determine the right partner.
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
They make their inquiries mostly through
the Prophets in prayer houses or in
prayers with their spiritual directors in
the “desert” or “mountain”. Sometimes,
the women who make the so-called
inquiry through prophets and spiritual
directors are misled by being told that
the man whose name or picture they
presented is not their husband.
Consequently, they end up in regrettable
marriages. Other times, the spiritual
directors could inform them that the man
in the picture is their husband, and later,
it turns out that such a man becomes a
nightmare immediately after the
marriage (F. Ugwu, personal
communication, 26 April 2023). Due to
laziness and poor awareness, many
would-be partners do not take medical
tests seriously. They hardly consider doing
genetically transmitted conditions tests.
They only care about HIV and genotype
tests. Even when they add a blood group
test to the genotype test, they do not ask
if their blood group is compatible for
marriage, so far as their genotype match
(that is, if they have the same Rhesus
factor). Recently according to our
respondent, a lady was told by her
spiritual director that she is compatible
with a certain man, only for them to go
for a test and discover that they were not
compatible in genotype and blood group
https://doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2024/25/1/004
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(B. Ayogu, personal communication, 27
April 2023). However, in the olden days,
even though there were no scientific
methods of verifying compatibility before
marriage, igba eha/afa took care of it by
warning the couple’s families ahead of
any danger.
False impression of freedom
One of the major findings of this study is
that people traditionally believed that
deities were always present to witness
new marriages in Nsukka-Igbo (C.
Ugwuekpe; B. Ayogu, personal
communication, 27-29 April 2023). They
protect the fidelity of such marriages by
punishing women who engage in adultery
with madness or death (Nwaogaidu,
2017; Ele, 2017; Okorie et al., 2020).
Several women from Nsukka cultural area
who felt that civilisation and Christianity
had driven the gods from the land and
had given them the freedom to sexual
immorality, paid bitter prices when they
slept with another man. Even though the
church preaches against adultery, its
presence in marriages gives a somewhat
false impression that the gods are no
longer active in protecting the fidelity of
marriages, leading some women to
adultery. Though the women in NsukkaIgbo do not commit adultery alone, the
retributive justice is worse for them. In
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
his study of the act of adultery in the
Nsukka geo-political zone, Peters (2021)
came up with the finding that men are
more susceptible and easily yield to
adultery in Nsukka probably because their
women counterparts (especially those
from Iheakpu-Awka and Enugu-Ezike
areas) fear its consequence more as the
punishment of the gods and deities on
offenders are worse on women. His study
observed a higher rate of adultery among
women in Nsukka urban (5%) than in the
rural areas of Iheakpu-Awka (2%) and
Enugu-Ezike (1%). The higher rate of
adultery among women in Nsukka urban
could be attributed to exposure, quest for
a good life, and less fear for the gods.
Destruction of the practice of polygyny
With its foundations in Western cultures,
the church has emphasized that a valid
marriage can only exist between one man
and one woman (Muthengi, 1995). This
suggests that once a marital bond exists
between a man and a woman, none of
the parties could contract another
marriage (E. Eze, personal
communication, 9 May 2023). In other
words, if one is validly married to
someone else and such marriage has not
been dissolved, it invalidates any attempt
to marry another person. Despite this
belief by the church, polygyny is arguably
https://doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2024/25/1/004
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Vol. 25, No.1, March, 2024
the most popular form of marriage on
earth (Tsoaledi & Takayindisa, 2014) and
is fully functional in Africa. Various
studies have confirmed this view (Achebe,
2008; Ejenobo, 2010; Lawrence-Hart,
2019). Biblical texts like 1 Timothy 3:2,
which appear as all-inclusive because the
church uses it in its ‘generalisation policy’
on the sacrament of matrimony, have
been challenged exegetically by Peters
(2020). Armed with Textual
Deconstruction as his methodology,
Peters concluded that texts like 1
Timothy 3:2, which presupposes
monogamy, especially for the bishop,
were doctored from the original
manuscripts to give favourable renderings
to the European form of marriage.
Furthermore, the preaching of the church
against polygamy, which denies
polygamists certain sacramental rights,
has also gone unchallenged by African
Christians. It is stated that Bishop John
Colenso was probably the only prominent
Church leader in the 19th century to
challenge the refusal of the Church to
accept polygamists for baptism (Gitari,
1984). The church’s rejection of polygamy
persists even though Church Fathers like
Augustine and Aquinas once spoke in
favour of it (Muthengi, 1995). Being the
form of marriage pattern popular in
traditional Nsukka-Igbo society – which
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
the church has now made unpopular –
the benefits of polygamy can no longer
be harnessed. In the words of Gitari
(1984), “the African custom of having a
second wife without discarding the first
one is … a lesser evil than the European
custom of divorce and remarriage. Indeed,
in this respect, polygamy may be more
‘Christian’ than divorce” (p. 8). It has
become a challenge for the church to
accentuate the needed paradigm.
Conclusion
This study was on marriage in the Nsukka
cultural area and the interference of
Western Christianity in its forms and
rituals. It aimed to interrogate the impact
of Christianity on marriage rituals in the
Nsukka cultural area by analysing areas
where Western Christian influence has
affected the quality of marriage rituals in
Nsukka-Igbo. This involves examining
why the church thinks that indigenous
marriage practice and its ritual are not
sufficient to confer on one the grace of
being married until they go through the
Western Christian marriage rites. The
ethnographic methodology adopted,
enabled the study to explore the problem
from the people’s perspectives. The
findings supported the argument that
inculturation has not solved the problem
of bridging the gap between African
https://doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2024/25/1/004
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cultural practices and Western Christian
practices. The finding, therefore, led to
two suggestions that would help the
church in its quest for global
inculturation. These include upgrading
inculturation to inter-culturation and
overriding Canon Laws on indigenous
practices. The study would serve as a
reference to the Africans who call for
adaptation of inter-culturation by the
church as a means of accepting African
cultures without mutilations.
Recommendations
The study makes the following
recommendations and suggestions:
a) that the church should understand
that African marriage, including the
Nsukka-Igbo form of marriage, is spiritual
enough to be recognised in the church as
a sacrament whether it received the
blessing of the priest or not. Nsukka-Igbo
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
customary marriage form, like early
Jewish marriage, is a family and spiritual
affair (E. Eze, personal communication, 9
May 2023) and receives the backing of
God. By accepting the Nsukka-Igbo form
of marriage, the church would have
convinced the people of their seriousness
in inculturation.
b) that the church should recognise the
rituals involved in Nsukka-Igbo marriage
as unique to meet the socio-cultural
needs of the people. An attempt to water
them down by practicing it alongside
Christian rituals has hazardous
consequences for the people.
c) that the church should adopt the
process of inter-culturation because of its
superior ability to bring fluidity to
cultural assimilation in all parts of the
world.
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Notes
1. Coercion by denial of one’s rights is a form of force. When Nsukka Christians are
denied access to certain ecclesiastical and sacramental rights due to their inability to
perform Christian marriage rites and rituals despite having performed traditional
marriage rituals, it is considered a force. For a further definition of coercion as force,
see Dewey 1916, Anderson 2023.
2. Adaptation and Inculturation are used synonymously in this study. For further
example, see Duncan (2014)
3. Adriaan van Klinken (2017) agrees in his work that there is something like ‘Western
Christianity’.
4. see Cann1055, no 2
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Appendix
Name
Ugwu, Felicia
Day of
interview
26th April
Year of
interview
2023
Ayogu, Benedict
27th April
2023
Ugwuekpe,
Camillus
Ugwuekpe,
Chinyere
Ngwoke, Emeka,
(Reverend Father)
Aji, Kelvin
Eze, Ekene, Adult,
(Anglican priest,
African Traditional
Religion lecturer)
29th April
2023
64
29th April
2023
45
26th April
2023
Obukpa Nsukka
57
5th May
9th May
2023
2023
Enugu-Ezike
University of
Nigeria, Nsukka
35
Adult
Nwaogaidu. Ngele. Peters.
Place of
interview
Odenigwe
Nsukka
Odenigwe
Nsukka
https://doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2024/25/1/004
Age of
interviewee
52
48
24