The Tale of Disaster (in Oaxaca)

The Tale of Disaster (in Oaxaca)* abraham nahón The emperor wants to escape his crimes went unpunished years ago and which was at the root of the repression of 14 June, 2006, caused various sectors of the population to ignore the political leaders and party. With their ineptitud, they were completely rejected by social organizations, business people, sharecroppers, indigenous populations, students, housewives, professionals, employers, civil groups, unions, and municipalities. During the social conflict, the government kept adding to their list of blunders. They validated the power imbalance, bitterly defending the old authoritarian structures and snubbing the possibility of creating a constructive political negotiation. In the end, the government used violence to maintain the social structure which manifested itself in various forms. The media spread malicious lies and there was police violence. Social activists were threatened and their support groups were infiltrated. Citizens were shot at by paramilitary groups and radio equipment was destroyed. The flagrant violation of human rights ended in kidnapping, torture, and other crimes. Despite all this, it is also necessary to criticize the other front made up of groups and civil organizations which formed part of the satanized APPO. Despite the enormous effort of the great majority, at moments the original plan for a peaceful insurrection was ignored and the leadership and control were overtaken by more extreme forces. Some people became radical even when confronted by passers-by and average citizens, taking on the negative attitudes of the power that they claim to repudiate. (In moments like these, we should remember the well-stated phrase by Nietzsche who said, “be careful when you fight the monster, lest you become one”). but the blood doesn’t let him. The dead hang heavily in the dead air and he tries (always in vain) to drive them away. José Emilio Pacheco O axaca was left to its own luck, which without needing to be tested, has always been little. In 2006, not only was it beaten down by the local political class, but it was sunk, or rather, left to rot by larger powers who scorned and despised it. This was the year that the problem grew exponentially and the situation turned, further privileging private interests and favoring political calculations. Enormous television screens dictated the national agenda. Our resulting isolation was confirmed by the lack of nationwide solidarity. Why is it that the media or politics can bring more than a million people together on the national level, but that a mistreated yet worthy society doesn’t deserve recognition? Perhaps, behind everything, the popular image of an artistic, mythical, magical, breathtaking Oaxaca allows us to ignore the explosive image of its social reality. No one wants to recognize its true nature – messy, old, complex. Or maybe it wasn’t understood that the conflict didn’t just affect Oaxacans. Instead, it was seen as an “iron-proof” (and “bullet-proof”) test of power against a large organized group of citizens. In any other state in the country they would have had the right to express their dissenting opinions and publically demand the governor’s resignation. Was the documented, unfairly settled transgression in Oaxaca a test of what could be infringed upon again when it is “required” for political “stability”? Or more still, in the new arenas of national political decomposition and the strengthening of local powers, is it a guarantee that governors will use force on popular movements without being tried or condemned? Maybe they don’t consider that these profound social fractures will take a long time to heal being that the alarming level of hate and division are obstacles to the development of society? Maybe it’s like asking for pears from an elm tree, or huajes, the vine of the tree for which Oaxaca is named, from the fallen laurels of the zócalo. Perhaps without realizing, these fallen trees symbolically announce the immediate destiny of our “democratic” institutions. The disaster has written one of the darkest pages of Oaxacan history and its civil resistence. However, it has also been captured in images that in a fraction of a second overwhelm us in their reflection of the vertigo and fear. They show us the anguish seen on the faces and smelled in every street and square of the city that was used as a gathering place or battlefield. The photographs show us the diversity and development of the insurgence. They provide evidence of the visible and “invisible” actors, the generated chaos, the mobilizations and the ruptures. They allow us to examine the broad social participation, and the cries, voices, hands, and words of solidarity present throughout the agitation and blindness. They are lights of hope in a search for justice, testiments to the civil disobedience that has left a mark that will surely modify our collective and personal history. How brave it was to capture certain images, not hesitating or trembling in the precise instant that the terrible battle emerged. How complex an art it was to register the paradoxes of horror and its victims. How confident they were that these testimonials would allow present and future generations to prevent this series of shameful acts and misfortunes from repeating. How arduous an organizational task it was to mobilize such a profound magnitude of people, made vulnerable by the all-powerful regime, yet bound together through brother/sisterhood and their search for equality and fairness. The self-proclaimed centinels of “democracy”, guarantors of the heralded “institutionalization”, don’t practise what they preach, but the opposite. Their acts are covered in conspiracy, corruption and discretional politics. They refuse to make all government actions, such as the use of public funds, transparent. They are the main characters responsible for the lack of confidence that has taken root in society, provoking an increasing discreditation of the prevailing institutions and their leaders. The disastrous situation which first * The fortunate title for an unfortunate was taken from a brilliant work by the French author Maurice Blanchot, titled L’écriture du désastre. [ 44 ] This photography was taken on as a profession, a social commitment or an art by international, national and local witnesses. It registered the daily life of the beseiged city, helping to expand the limits of reality and let others see the conflict for what it really was. They allow us to be on various planes and in various situations at one time by configuring an enormous puzzle uniting the multiple and varied parts of a society struggling for and dreaming of a better future. The photography faithfully provides the experience, environment, intensity, disonance, shock, and astute amazement for all those who didn’t witness the events. Thanks to technological advances in photography and the commitment made by citizens and journalists the darkest versions created by the groups in power, shouted by their supporters, can be refuted. They remind us of the importance of writing our own histories whether visually, textually, or auditorily. They also remind us to arm greater sectors of society with words and technological and artistic knowledge so as to register, in their own way, the events that form their memories of the abuses and excesses of power. To this end, I include here a brief written description of these works. The confrontation reoccurs on various sidestreets, able to prolong itself for hours or several days, without declaring a winner. Between the fires, and the wounded on both sides, the city is ruined. Only the power structure remains intact. The most grotesque and crude that the city could become is a bunker guarded by armed grey men blinking behind a wall crowned with barbed wire. This fence symbolically separates the legitimacy of the community movement from the imposed and armoured “legality”. The “intelligent police and military strategy” seems to be the only political option that the old regime knows. With only this image it would be sufficient to testify that there is no government, no credibility, and not even a pinch of political intelligence. Words and negotiation have been traded for a police force. In the heart of the city named by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as a world heritage site, the small tanks, shields, body searches, pawing of the women, and general intimidation become local tradition. The zócalo, converted into a military camp, is restricted from an indignant population made to feel impotent by the aggressive imposition. But facing the threat of detention, being beaten and/or jailed, the people have few options left. They throw flowers to the troops, wave the Mexican flag in front of the batallion, light candles, pray, and scrawl mocking, ridiculing messages on the walls. In front of such paradoxical horror, one can’t stop thinking about the hypothetical image of substituting Groucho Marx’s face for the anachronistic and absurd effigy to Stalin in the middle of the main square. There Groucho’s face would wave as a subversive icon for having lucidly synthesized the absurdity of scenes like these into the phrase, “Military intelligence is a contradiction in terms”. In the calm silence, they abruptly permeate the quiet like the worst nightmares, minutes before the glow that announces the dawn. Police officers invade the “traditional” teachers’ strike installed in the center of the city (just like they would do in the Hotel Magisterial and Radio Plantón, the small scale radio station created by and for the teachers). They hit, search, and throw smoke bombs and tear gas at men, women and children without caring that these people are still dozing. Approximately 12,000 elements assault the central camp, leaving disaster and ruin in their wake. Citizens are beaten, threatened with guns, and attacked by tear or pepper gas that rapidly spreads out, turning the atmosphere painful, unbreathable and spicy. The confusion expands with the same speed as the nebulous gases that sits on the heart of Oaxaca, turning the sky cloudy and leaden in a ghostly atmosphere. After the violent police attack, torn apart campaign centers, torn down plastic tarps, broken chairs and plates, abandoned shoes and burning blankets can be seen. Hastily, some schools and homes are opened to protect women and children while the teachers try to regroup again, looking for possible answers while suffering indignation provoked by the unexplainable aggression. Yet despite the hurricane-like disaster tearing across the city, conversations of consolation, friendship and solidarity stir spontaneously. Teachers and citizens begin to group back up little by little around the zócalo. They reorganize themselves so they can take back the emblematic territory of the city from the police at whatever cost. After the destruction of Radio Plantón, Radio Universidad is taken over by students, converting it into the voice of the movement and an alternative source of information for the community. The value of the station’s role during the social movement can be understood by recognizing the security measures that the group, largely made up of youths, adopted in order to protect the shelter. They barricaded the main streets and entrances of the campus with trucks, tires, metal bars, enormous rocks, piles of wood and bricks, and sandbags. With their courage and organization, the radio organizers provided a service to the people. They defended a resource that not only provided live broadcasts of the most relevant events of the social uprising, but also information about the movement of armed groups, unknown people and autos between the barricades. Their work allowed them to make emergency calls to aid certain zones where the civil society encountered confrontation or violence. The resource also rescued the wounded, or, in the worst cases, confirmed deaths. The radio served to keep the population in touch with the reality of the events because it was the counterpart to the defaming campaigns emitted by private radio, newspaper and television sources paid for by the local government. Its power grew despite the constant attacks brought against it and attempts to block its signal. However, there were certain excesses of accidental programing permitting some of its most feverish announcers to create animosity among different sectors of society. These reactionaries did so by employing aggressive terms against “foreigners”, dwellers of certain zones in the city, the middle class and “the rich”, calling them “enemies of the people”. It was done without reflecting on or thinking about the havoc that their ideology and orthodox doctrines wreck with their seismic pretensiones which alude more to the destruction than the construction of society. Nevertheless, this condemnable attitude The hands of youths rummage around quickly on the ground and on the walls in search of any relief that gives way – a piece of loose rock or projectile that helps them face the violent attack of the police forces. Under the roar of battle, everything is useful: pieces of the sidewalk or sewer, rockets made out of improvized PVC bazookas, and wooden slingshots with marble bullets. Up against a disorganized batallion armed with clubs and tear gas, and protected with shields, helmets with visors, and gas masks, the teachers resist with anything they can find. They cover themselves with battered doors, dented traffic signs, promotional advertisements saying “The city is ours”, and chopped up shields confiscated from police forces. While trying to prevent the snipers on the roof tops from making them retreat, the young combatants confront the masses of uniformed officers. They are filled with rage and resentment towards the authoritarianism, repression and exclusion that the government has submitted them to for a long time. [ 45 ] of a stream of vehicles and motorcycles that transported police, assasins, and paramilitary groups. These military men were protected with bullet-proof vests and armed with guns such as R-15 rifles to shoot at the people in an attempt to terrorize and explode the popular revolt. However, the images also paint them as meeting places, spaces where the social differences so noticable in everyday life are forgotten. They were where the lookouts, warmed by the fires and bound by anxiety and desolation, conversed and struck up affectionate relationships. Here they were attended by women, and elderly or regular citizens who brought them atole, coffee and food during the cold and draining nights. At some barricades, only two or three people could be seen resisting in the open air accompanied only by a small radio that told them the whereabouts of suspicious vehicles. These radios kept them alert by playing battle hymns and “revolutionary” music more associated with past decades than the present, recalling civil battles against infamous Latin American dictatorships. Some of the people from the trenches that were converted into guards or officers at these control centers for the class-less, pariahs, and “nobodies” were gang youths, street kids or unemployed young people from the poor suburbs of the city. These youths momentarily snatched the power that they had always been denied and which had kept them excluded and invisible. Deciding who could and could not pass through their territory allowed them to discover a self-proclaimed authority, even if only for a short time and a few blocks. was more visible on the more radical Radio Ciudadana which acted as the official clandestine radio station financed by the government. The operators of this virulent, harmful, and chaotic station still go unpunished even after inspiring the discrimination, hate, lynching, and extermination of the leaders and citizens that participated in the social movement. There are rivers of people. It is an enormous pot of raised faces, voices and hands calling for the resignation of the absent governor. The colors overflow in the mixture of formal proposals and the jubilous, innovative political phrases cried out by some young protestors which bring the movement new life. These mobilizations included the majority of the sectors of society and surpassed the inertia of the teachers’ marches. It should be noted, however, that although exercising their right to protest just demands, the marches ignored an underlying problem. The waving banners in this arduous social fight against power have silenced the clamour of justified voices that demand that the teachers assume their part of the responsability for the catastrophic educational situation in the community. Nevertheless, these polyphonic mega-marches bring together various claims, cries of rebellion and impotence against a blind power that is not humbled by the clamor of the social movement. They have been organized by a combination of organized groups and common citizens who have joined together to exercise their right to disagree and express themselves. They do not accept the meager voices they have been given. They march in the face of politics that frequently only acknowledges certain powerful groups without considering what the population might really benefit from. Cries and sweat and battle songs demand fairness for a community devoid of power within this simulated democracy. They seek justice for a people who haven’t been given decision making capacity and who are told by the state leader that “only God removes and places governors”. God, meanwhile, is quiet. It hasn’t been easy for every citizen to digest such chaos, to read between the lines of the disaster and know exactly what really happened in Oaxaca. There are so many scenes, so many torrents, so much human yeast. The events and the circumstances are juxtaposed. It all swirls around suddenly in a vertigo of images and sensations that have wreaked havoc on the citizens of a community that still hasn’t finished writing its own history: Firecrackers falling from the sky. Popular uprising. Clandestine government. Burning automobiles. Pirated radios. Dirty fighting. Massive manifestations. Public servants working from private residences and luxurious hotels. Bruised and bloody faces. Questionable social leaders. Kaibiles for cops. Delinquency. Selective disappearances. Deaths. Self-defence groups. People on the margin of the conflict. A cross fire of declarations. Forums for the consultation of citizens. Curfews. Anxiety. Politicized churches. Church bells, firecrackers and whistles. Congress and the Senate with their hands tied. Fear and uncertainty. The exile of wealthy families. Shopping carts piled with rocks. An indignant civil population. Neglegent news. Molotov bombs. Death and fainting. Secret police. Search warrants. Despotism. Economic collapse. The hard hand of the government. Political objectors kept prisoner or held clandestinely... Diversity also showed itself in the construction of the barricades. These barriers were made out of rocks, tree trunks, sheets of metal, old furniture, branches, bricks, barbed wire, car frames, confiscated autos, burning tires and other objects that multiplied at nightfall and were placed in the main arteries of the city. Cars and passers-by couldn’t cross the historic center or certain other neighborhoods. The city was declared in a state of seige, immobile, cornered. Not only did these bastions of resistence affect freedom of movement in the city for months and demonstrate the wide discontent of diverse sectors, but they also represented a tactic to detain and impede movement in the most acute moments of the conflict. These moments consisted of the passing of what where called “the caravans of death”. These processions were made up [ 46 ] MEMORIAL DE AGRAVIOS Oaxaca, México, 2006 [1] MEMORIAL DE AGRAVIOS Oaxaca, México, 2006 2 ‹1 [3] En memoria 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Serafín García Contreras |28 Julio, Huautla de Jiménez, Oax. Marcos García Tapia | 8 Agosto, Centro de Oaxaca Andrés Santiago Cruz | 9 Agosto, Putla de Guerrero Pedro Martínez Martínez | 9 Agosto, Putla de Guerrero, Oax. Pablo Martínez Martínez | 9 Agosto, Putla de Guerrero, Oax. José Jimenez Colmenares | 10 Agosto, calle Niños Héroes, Cd. de Oaxaca 7. Gonzalo Cisneros Gautier | 16 Agosto, Zaachila, Oax. 8. Lorenzo San Pablo Cervantes | 22 Agosto, Radiodifusora Ley 710 9. Daniel Nieto Ovando | 01 Octubre, Col. México 68, Volcanes, Cd. de Oaxaca 10. José Manuel Castro Patiño |03 Octubre, Amilcingo, Oax. 11. Arcadio Fabián Hernández Santiago | 2 Octubre, San Antonino de Castillo Velasco, Oax. 12. Jaime René Calvo Aragón | 5 Octubre, Cd. de Oaxaca 13. Alejandro García Hernández | 14 Octubre, Av. Símbolos Patrios, Cd. de Oaxaca 14. Pánfilo Hernández | 18 Octubre, Col. Jardín, Cd. de Oaxaca 15. Bradley Roland Will | 27 Octubre, Sta. Lucía del Camino, Cd. de Oaxaca 16. Emilio Alonso Fabián | 27 Octubre, Sta. Lucía del Camino, Cd. de Oaxaca 17. Esteba Ruiz | 27 Octubre, Sta. Lucía del Camino, Cd. de Oaxaca 18. Esteban López Zurita | 27 Octubre, Santa María Coyotepec, Oax. 19. Eudacia Olivera Díaz | 27 Octubre 20. Jorge Alberto López Bernal | 29 Octubre, Instituto Tecnológico de Oaxaca, Cd. de Oaxaca 21. Fidel Sánchez García | 29 Octubre, Canal 9, Cd. de Oaxaca 22. Roberto Hernández López | 29 Octubre, Brenamiel, Cd. de Oaxaca 23. Raúl Marcial Pérez | 8 Diciembre, Juxtlahuaca, Oax. Casos de muertes* A raíz de todos los acontecimientos descritos, la población oaxaqueña tuvo que lamentar numerosas muertes que, por otro lado, son bien significativas del nivel de violencia y de la magnitud de la represión ejercida por el Gobierno a manos de sus servidores públicos, de forma cubierta o encubierta. En cuanto al escenario de los homicidios, la ciudad de Oaxaca no ha sido el único. Las comunidades han sufrido de una forma especialmente intensa el conflicto en cuestión. En dichas zonas, se constata un incremento significativo de la violencia y de la presencia militar, así como ataques en contra de civiles, en su inmensa mayoría pertenecientes a diferentes grupos indígenas. Concretamente, el balance de muertos documentados por la CCIODH arroja provisionalmente, una cifra total de 23 personas identificadas. Sin embargo, y de forma muy significativa, la Procuraduría General de Justicia del Estado reconoce sólo 11 casos y la Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos 20 en su informe preliminar. Además, la CCIODH tiene constancia de la muerte de otras personas no identificadas. El riesgo de muerte violenta afecta tanto a personas cercanas al conflicto como a personas no vinculadas al mismo. De la lista aquí presentada, un poco más de la mitad de las muertes reportadas pertenecen al colectivo de profesores de la sección 22 (o están directamente vinculados con ella), pero también aparecen nombres de personas civiles que no se habían posicionado públicamente frente al conflicto. Hasta hoy, a ninguna víctima de las autoridades de Oaxaca durante el conflicto de 2006-2007 se le ha hecho justicia. ALTO A LA REPRESIÓN Y AL ASESINATO DE INOCENTES JUSTICIA PARA LAS VÍCTIMAS DE LAS AUTORIDADES GUBERNAMENTALES DE OAXACA. “LIBERTAD A TODOS LOS PRESOS POLITICOS Y DE CONCIENCIA” * Capítulo 4.2.1 del Informe de la Comisión Civil Internacional de Observación por los Derechos Humanos (2007). [ 156 ] Índice General Memorial de agravios 1486 - 2006 | Jorge Pech 7 Viaje a Oaxaca | Fernando Solana Olivares 15 La escritura del desastre (en Oaxaca) | Abraham Nahón 19 Oaxaca: Imágenes de la batalla | Luis Hernández Navarro 23 Signos secretos de la fotografía en movimiento y sueño | Fernando Matamoros Ponce 27 La ciudad es un lienzo apasionado | Jorge Pech 142 Okupa 154 En memoria 156 Índice de fotografías 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. Jorge Santiago | Centro Histórico, movimiento de 2006 Heinrich Shultze | Pinta Blanca Hernández | Desalojo a los maestros, 14 de Junio Heinrich Shultze | Un CLICK al Movimiento Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Árbol derribado, Zócalo de la ciudad de Oaxaca Alicia Huerta Cortez | Desalojo, 14 de Junio Félix Reyes Matías | El trío Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Zócalo, remodelación Juan Carlos Reyes | Carga policíaca Barak Torres | Protesta Baldomero Robles Menéndez | El gran lacayo Félix Reyes Matías | Bastión de resistencia Jorge Santiago | Desalojo, 14 de Junio, Alameda Central Max Núñez | Enfrentamiento, 2 de Noviembre, Ciudad Universitaria Alicia Huerta Cortez | Primer muerto del movimiento Heinrich Shultze | Pinta Baldomero Robles Menéndez | Anarko-Punks, enfrentamiento Max Núñez | Federal en acción Max Núñez | Enfrentamiento entre cgh (Consejo General de Huelga) y PfP en el Centro Histórico Félix Reyes Matías | Compás de espera Jorge Santiago | Barricadero Juan Carlos Reyes | Herido Gregorie Korganow | El cohetero Félix Reyes Matías | Pinta Alicia Huerta Cortez | Muerte de Brad Will Max Núñez | La Federal vigila Katie Orlisnky | Granadas lacrimógenas Baldomero Robles Menéndez | Sanidad y Milagros, entrada de la PFP sobre el boulevard Símbolos Patrios del lado sur del Periférico Baldomero Robles Menéndez | Entrada y resguardo Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Barricada Gregorie Korganow | Chicleritas pensativas Gabriela León | Llanta quemada Barak Torres | Apoyando a la marcha Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Plantón Juan Carlos Reyes | Personaje en primer plano Bruno Varela | “Tiras” (Still Video) 37. Edson Caballero Trujillo | Pinta (foto estenopeica) 38. Barak Torres | Desalojo, 14 de Junio 39. Luis Cruz | Desalojo, 14 de Junio 40. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Desalojo, 14 de Junio 41, 42 y 43. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Enfrentamiento, 14 de Junio 44. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Enfrentamiento, 14 de Junio 45, 46, 47, y 48. Juan Robles y Brizheyda Herrera | Desalojo, 14 de Junio 49. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Desalojo, explanada de la catedral, 14 de Junio 50. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Enfrentamiento y desalojo, 14 de Junio 51 y 52. Fabrizzio Velasco Carmona| Enfrentamiento de maestros y policías, 14 de Junio 53. Fabrizzio Velasco Carmona | Helicóptero lanzando granadas lacrimógenas 54. Blanca Hernández | Aspecto de la mañana después del 14 de Junio 55. Fabrizzio Velasco Carmona | Desalojo, 14 de Junio, Zócalo de la ciudad de Oaxaca 56. Blanca Hernández | El vencedor 57. Blanca Hernández | Panorama de la explanada del Palacio de Gobierno 58. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Desalojo, Zócalo de la ciudad de Oaxaca 59. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Desalojo, 14 de Junio 60. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Desalojo, 14 de Junio 61. Alicia Huerta Cortez | Desalojo, 14 de Junio 62. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Herido, enfrentamiento del 14 de Junio 63. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Retirada 64. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Plantón, Zócalo de la ciudad de Oaxaca 65. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva| Plantón, Zócalo de la ciudad de Oaxaca 66. Barak Torres | Aparador, Plantón 67. Félix Reyes Matías | Marcha Noticias 68. Edson Caballero Trujillo| “Tanque”, plantón en la explanada de la catedral (foto estenopeica) 69. Barak Torres | Pinta 70. Barak Torres | El gobernador Ulises Ruiz en Red Nacional 71. Barak Torres | Niños (foto panorámica) 72. Marcela Taboada | La vigía 73. Mario Jiménez Leyva | El güerito 74. Barak Torres | Preparativos para la marcha 75. Félix Reyes Matías | Plantón 1 76. Félix Reyes Matías | Plantón 2 77. Félix Reyes Matías | Plantón 3 [ 157 ] 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. Luis Cruz | Miembro de la APPO lanzando bomba molotov 125. Juan Carlos Reyes | El escudo “Afro” 126. Katie Orlisnky | Miembro de la APPO lanzando piedras a un hotel donde se resguardaban oficiales del gobierno 127. Heinrich Shultze | Barricada en el Centro Histórico 128. Heinrich Shultze | Barricada en el Centro Histórico 129. Alicia Huerta Cortez | Encapuchados de la APPO 130. Gregorie Korganow | Pareja de barricaderos 131. Gregorie Korganow | Bazuqueros, Ejército del Pueblo tratando de recuperar el Zócalo 132. Gregorie Korganow | Jóvenes encapuchados con horqueta 133. Gregorie Korganow | Bazuqueros en alerta 134. Heinrich Shultze | Joven pateando gas lacrimógeno 135. Jorge Santiago | Bazuquero lanzando cohetón 136. Heinrich Shultze | Bazuqueros en acción 137. Baldomero Robles Menéndez | Pinta del Punk 138. Luis Cruz | Bazuqueros saludando a la PFP 139. Katie Orlisnky | Bazuqueros avanzando hacia el Zócalo 140. Marcela Taboada | Registrando en la memoria 141. Alicia Huerta Cortez | Dra. Bertha disuade a un grupo de jóvenes de no confrontarse con la PFP 142. Alicia Huerta Cortez | Personaje de la APPO, lanzando consignas contra la PFP 143. Katie Orlinsky | Jóvenes de la APPO vigilando a la PFP 144. Alicia Huerta Cortez | Barricada en Cinco Señores 145. Alicia Huerta Cortez | Bazuqueros motorizados 146. Heinrich Shultze | Fotógrafos con máscara antigás 147. Jorge Luis Plata | Ulises Ruiz simula disparar 148. Heinrich Shultze | Bradley Roland Will, camarógrafo estadounidense asesinado por paramilitares el 27 de octubre 149. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Radio Universidad 150. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Mujeres toman el Canal 9 de la televisora estatal 151. Fabrizzio Velasco Carmona | Los medios 152. Fabrizzio Velasco Carmona | Periodista agredido 153. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Quema del edificio del Tribunal Superior de Justicia 154. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Enfrentamiento, 25 de Noviembre, Centro Histórico 155. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Miembros de la APPO atacados con gases lacrimógenos 156. Luis Cruz | Encapuchado corre con tabla en llamas 157. Jorge Luis Plata | Miembros de la APPO el 25 de Noviembre 158. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Quema de carros enfrente del Teatro Juárez 159. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Quema de los juzgados y tribunales 160. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Interior del Tribunal Superior de Justicia del Estado 161.- Alicia Huerta Cortez | Interior del Tribunal Superior de Justicia del Estado 162. Luis Cruz | Inicio de enfrentamiento entre policías e integrantes de la APPO (entrada del hotel Fortín Plaza) 163. Max Núñez | Enfrentamiento entre policías e integrantes de la APPO, 16 de Julio 164. Luis Cruz | Integrantes de la APPO incendian camiones 165. Luis Cruz | Un policía pega con un palo a un integrante de la APPO Félix Reyes Matías | Plantón 4 Marcela Taboada | Mujeres en la lucha Luis Cruz | Bloqueo en avenida Cinco Señores Heinrich Shultze| Camioneta quemada, plantón Mario Jiménez Leyva | Megamarcha Mario Jiménez Leyva | Protesta Mario Jiménez Leyva | Marcha de las Cacerolas Fabrizzio Velasco Carmona | Jóvenes en la marcha Max Núñez | Ramón, niño de 8 años de edad detenido Barak Torres | Niños en la tercera Megamarcha apoyando a la APPO Barak Torres | Niños en la tercera Megamarcha apoyando a la APPO Mario Jimenéz Leyva | Niños con megáfono Barak Torres | Manifestación de los maestros hacia la residencia presidencial de los Pinos, ciudad de México Barak Torres | Apoyo de la Universidad a la APPO Fabrizzio Velasco Carmona | Marcha de la APPO Marcela Taboada | Marcha por la Liberación Katie Orlinsky | Mujeres de la Sierra Juárez en protesta contra la aparición de la supuesta guerrilla Alicia Huerta Cortez | Marcha de las Cacerolas Katie Orlinsky | Concentración en el atrio de la iglesia de Santo Domingo, ciudad de Oaxaca Félix Reyes Matías | Marcha a la Ciudad de México 1 Félix Reyes Matías | Marcha a la Ciudad de México 2 Marcela Taboada | Amas de casa presenciando y apoyando la liberación de los presos políticos Heinrich Shultze | Barricada Cinco Señores (foto panorámica) Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Niño escudándose Katie Orlinsky | Barricada Baldomero Robles Méndez | Entrada de la PFP en la parte sur de la ciudad de Oaxaca Katie Orlinsky | PFP en el Zócalo Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Barricada de la muerte Félix Reyes Matías | Calle Morelos bloqueada Félix Reyes Matías | Barricaderos de madrugada Luis Cruz | Entrada de la PFP a la ciudad de Oaxaca Alicia Huerta Cortez | El valiente Jorge Luis Plata | Enfrentando a la PFP Katie Orlinsky | Estudiantes en Ciudad Universitaria enfrentando a la PFP Max Núñez | Joven arrojando tanque de gas Blanca Hernández | Ataca la PFP a miembros de la APPO en Ciudad Universitaria Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Preparando ataque en la barricada de Cinco Señores Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | El guerrero Katie Orlinsky | Mujer gritando Max Núñez | Joven barricadero lanzando piedras Alicia Huerta Cortez | Tanqueta embiste a jóvenes univesitarios Ezequiel Gómez Leyva | Violando la autonomía universitaria Jorge Santiago | Intento de recuperar el Zócalo por la APPO Bruno Varela | Camión quemado (Still Video) Bruno Varela | Confrontación de la APPO con la PFP Bruno Varela | PFP [ 158 ] 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. 194. 166. Jorge Luis Plata | Enfrentamiento entre policías e integrantes de la APPO, 16 de Julio 167. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Motocicleta en llamas 168. Jorge Luis Plata | Integrante de la APPO detenido 169. Jorge Luis Plata | Enfrentamiento entre policías e integrantes de la APPO, 16 de Julio 170. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Quema de camiones 171. Max Núñez | APPOS detenidos 172. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Joven integrante de la APPO detenido y golpeado 173. Jorge Luis Plata | Integrantes de la APPO detenidos y rapados 174. Gabriela León | “La ciudad es nuestra” 175. Gabriela León | “La ciudad es nuestra” 176. Baldomero Robles Menéndez | Enfrentamiento, 16 de Julio 177. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Detención de Emeterio 178. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Emeterio físicamente bien 179. Mario Jiménez Leyva | En el trayecto Emeterio fue golpeado por los uniformados 180. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Golpiza de policías a Emeterio 181. Mario Jiménez Leyva | Emeterio gravemente herido 182. Heinrich Shultze | PFP en su “barricada” en el corazón del Centro Histórico 183. Alejandro Echeverría | Serie “Huellas de papel” 184. Heinrich Shultze | Jóvenes aplicando un esténcil 207 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. 202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. [ 159 ] Heinrich Shultze | “Aquí no pasa nada” Heinrich Shultze | Poster con tache Heinrich Shultze | Pinta Marabú Ediciones Eva Lepíz | Fachada dedicada a URO Marabú Ediciones Marabú Ediciones Marabú Ediciones Eva Lepíz | “Oaxaca no está solo” Marcela Taboada | Mujer estudiante pintando un muro durante la marcha de Mujeres del 19 de Noviembre Marabú Ediciones Heinrich Shultze | “Muerte al Estado” Heinrich Shultze | Pinta sobre blanco Katie Orlinsky | “La APPO vive” Collage “Las paredes hablan” Marabú Ediciones Marabú Ediciones Marabú Ediciones Marabú Ediciones Baldomero Robles Menéndez | Jóvenes de OKUPA (foto estenopeica) Baldomero Robles Menéndez | OKUPA (estenopeica) Baldomero Robles Menéndez | Jóvenes de OKUPA (estenopeica) Katie Orlinsky | Sin título Créditos Textos Jorge Pech Casanova Fernando Solana Olivares Abraham Nahón Luis Hernández Navarro Fernando Matamoros Ponce Michael Löwy Editor Rubén Leyva Coordinación Editorial Abraham Nahón Jorge Pech Casanova Sergio Santamaría Traducciones Emily Gorsline (Inglés) Anne-Sophie Marie / Gabrielle Caron (Francés) Damián Lescas (Italiano) Marta Tawil (texto M. Löwy) Fotógrafos Luis Cruz (Oaxaca, México) Jorge Luis Plata (Oaxaca, México) Jorge Santiago (Oaxaca, México) Diseño Rubén Leyva María del Rocío Gómez García Fabrizzio Velasco Carmona (Oaxaca, México) Juan Carlos Reyes (Oaxaca, México) Edson Caballero Trujillo (México, D. F.) Alicia Huerta Cortez (México, D. F.) Impresión CARTELES EDITORES - P.G.O. OAXACA, MÉXICO e-mail: colordig@oax.cableonline.com.mx | colordig@gmail.com Barak Torres (Oaxaca, México) Mario Jiménez Leyva (Oaxaca, México) Baldomero Robles Menéndez (Oaxaca, México) © Rubén Leyva Primera Edición, Oaxaca, México, 2008. Derechos Reservados Conforme a la Ley Marcela Taboada (Puebla, México) Bruno Varela (México, D. F.) Félix Reyes Matías (Oaxaca, México) © Marabú Ediciones Domicilio fiscal: Claveles No. 1, San Felipe del Agua C.P. 68020, Oaxaca, Oaxaca. rubenleyvajimenez@prodigy.net.mx Blanca Hernández (Oaxaca, México) Juan Robles (México, D. F.) / Brizheyda Herrera (Oaxaca, Méx.) Max Núñez (México, D. F.) Alejandro Echeverría (Oaxaca, México) Gabriela León (Morelos, México) Memorial de Agravios Oaxaca, México, 2006, término de imprimirse en el mes de noviembre de 2008, en los talleres de Carteles Editores - P.G.O. Colón 605, Centro Histórico, Oaxaca, Oax. La edición consta de 2,000 ejemplares. Ezequiel Gómez Leyva (Oaxaca, México) Katie Orlinsky (Estados Unidos) Heinrich Shultze (Alemania) Gregorie Korganow (Francia) MARABÚ EDICIONES [ 160 ]