Erasing Democracy: Origins of Illiberalism and Authoritarianism in Modern Singapore Kevin Bozeat HIS 411 St. Joseph’s College Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of BACHELOR OF THE ARTS Department of History St. Joseph’s College May 2015 Abstract Singapore is often regarded as an authoritarian state by outsiders, but the nation’s history tells a much deeper story. In the years preceding and immediately following the Second World War, Singapore was a cosmopolitan society based on social activism and participatory democracy. However, the tumultuous years surrounding the Malayan Emergency and the nation’s merger and separation from Malaysia gave rise to the rule of the People’s Action Party, whose actions proceeded to dismantle Singapore’s civil society. These actions were not a simple power grab, but were seen as necessary for the nation’s survival within the Confucianist mindset of the PAP and their leader, Lee Kuan Yew. But in the 21st century, Singapore’s forgotten past of public activism and civil engagement is beginning to show signs of reawakening. 2 Dedication his hesis is dedicaed o he hard working people of Singapore, whose colecive efforts helped build a srong and prosperous naion 3 Acknowledgements his hesis would not be possible wihout he support of so many people. I would like o hank my High School Global Hisory eacher, Michael Gavalas, for inspiring me o pursue he study of hisory. I would also like o hank professor Seh Armus, for not only supervising his hesis, but for coninuing o inspire me in my pursuit of hisory. I would also like o hank he faculy at St Joseph’s Colege for heir knowledge and experise, and heir conribuions o my educaion. Finaly, I would like o hank my parents, Ingrid and Michael Bozeat, for unding my educaion and supporing me hroughout he years, good imes and bad. 4 Preface Why Singapore? Singapore is a place that 90% of Americans have probably never heard of, in a corner of the world that Americans haven’t paid much attention to since the Vietnam War. Two years ago, I knew almost nothing about this southeast Asian citystate, yet it mystified me. How could such a small nation in such an impoverished corner of the world be so prosperous? Why does it have laws banning chewing gum? Why is it a democracy despite having been ruled by the same party for over 50 years? What I did know, was that history had the answers, and I became determined to seek them out. Asian history has always been my passion, but my university, as wonderful as it is, provided me with little opportunity to study the region. The senior thesis gave me an opportunity to embark on a journey of discovery. While China has always been my focus, I had a burning desire to study Singapore, which I had long perceived to be a historical anomaly. The results were not at all disappointing. A secondary reason for studying Singapore is to help emphasize the importance of Asian history. Asia is the world’s largest and most populous continent, home to rapidly emerging economic powerhouses. I am puzzled as to why the continent’s history continues to be neglected in favor to the Euro-American perspective that has long dominated western historical scholarship. I consider it part of my duty as an academic to rectify that. Singapore is a good start. 5 Table of Contents Abstract" " " " " " " " " " " 2 Dedication" " " " " " " " " " " 3 Acknowledgements"" " " " " " " " " 4 Preface" " " " " " " " " " " 5 List of Figures" " " " " " " " " " 7 List of Acronyms " " " " " " " " " " 8 Introduction" " " " " " " " " " " 9 Chapter 1: Vulnerable Nation: Singaporean Exceptionalism" " " " 22 Chapter 2: Singapore’s Liberal Past: The Marshall Government" " " 31 Chapter 3: Singapore at a Crossroads: Merdeka and the Election of 1959" " 39 Chapter 4: Crushing the Opposition: Operation Coldstore" " " 46 Chapter 5: The PAP Government in an Independent Singapore" " " 54 Chapter 6: Challenging the Singapore Consensus" " " " " 66 Conclusion: Why Singapore Matters" " " " " " " 80 Bibliography" " " " " " " " " " " " 84 " Primary Sources" " " " " " " " " 84 " Secondary Sources"" " " " " " " " 90 " Works Consulted" " " " " " " " 97 " " " " " 98 " Appendix A: Singapore’s Electoral System" 6 List of Figures Figure 1: Map of Singapore’s Location" " " " 10 Figure 2: Singapore’s size compared to Long Island and Manhattan"" " 11 Figure 3: Pie chart of Singapore’s ethnic make-up in 2010" " 11 Figure 4: Pie chart of primary languages spoken by Singaporeans in 2010"" 12 Figure 5: Pie chart of religious beliefs among Singaporeans in 2010"" " 12 Figure 6: Photo of Lee Kuan Yew"" " " " " " " " " " " " 15 " " " " " " 16 Figure 8: Chart of the PAP’s dominance in elections since 1955" " " 23 Figure 9: Chart of Singapore’s heads of government since 1945" " " 24 " " 44 " " 49 " " 63 " " 71 " " 73 Figure 16: Photo of mourners displaying a banner honoring Lee Kuan Yew"" 74 Figure 7: Chart outlining Key Pieces " of Singaporean Legislation" Figure 10: Photo of David Marshall Figure 11: Ballot instructions for the Merger Referendum" " Figure 12: Map of the Location of Brunei in relation to Singapore" Figure 13: Front page of the Straits Times, May 27, 1987, " depicting the “Marxist Plot”"" " " " " Figure 14: Photo of Roy Ngerng speaking at the Return our CPF rally " on June 7th, 2014" " " " " " " Figure 15: Photo of mourners lining the street for Lee Kuan Yew’s " funeral procession" " " " " " " Figure 17: Image of a stylized black ribbon worn by mourners of Lee Kuan Yew" 74 Figure 18: Map of Electoral constituencies in the 2011 General Election" " 100 Figure 19: Chart documenting the effects of GRC’s on election outcomes" " 101 Figure 20: Chart documenting the increase in walkovers since " the introduction of GRC’s" " " " " " " " 101 7 List of Acronyms BS - Barisan Sosialis, Malay for “Socialist Front”, the main opposition party in the 1960’s CPF - Central Provident Fund, a government run pension program GCT - Goh Chok Tong, second Prime Minister of Singapore GDP - Gross Domestic Product GRC - Group Representation Constituency ISA - Internal Security Act LF - Labour Front, David Marshall’s Center-Left party LHL - Lee Hsian Loong, current Prime Minister of Singapore LKY - Lee Kuan Yew, first Prime Minister of Singapore MCP - Malayan Communist Party MDA - Media Development Authority, a media regulatory body MPAJA - Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army MP - Member of Parliament NCMP - Non-Constituency Member of Parliament NMLA - National Malayan Liberation Army, the militant arm of the MCP NMP - Nominated Member of Parliament NTUC - National Trade Union’s Congress NUS - National University of Singapore OECD - Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development PAP - People’s Action Party PM - Prime Minister PP - People’s Party, the colonial establishment party in the 1950’s PPSO - Preservation of Public Security Ordinance PRB - Parti Rakyat Brunei, Malay for “Brunei People’s Party” SG - A common abbreviation for “Singapore” SMC - Single Member Constituency SATU - Singapore Association of Trade Unions SCCC - Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce TRS - The Real Singapore, an alternative news site UMNO - United Malay National Organization, the ruling coalition in Malaysia WP - Worker’s Party, the main opposition party of the present day 8 Introduction ! Singapore is a country that has faced and overcome seemingly insurmountable odds. A former British trading outpost at the tip of the Malay Peninsula, few gave the small island nation any chance of survival upon its expulsion from Malaysia in 1965.1 As a multiethnic, multi-lingual island nation of only 276 square miles with 5.5 million people and few natural resources, it was expected that the country would fall into ethnic strife and economic despair without the support of Malaysia or the British Empire (see figures 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5).2 Yet, in only a matter of decades, Singapore has become one of the wealthiest and most developed countries in the Asia-Pacific region.3 Singapore has become distinguished within its region by having the world’s eighth highest nominal GDP per capita, very low unemployment, a high rate of economic growth, a AAA credit rating, and a Human Development Index rank higher than that of the United Kingdom and the highest in Asia.4 Turnbull, C. M.. A History of Modern Singapore: 1819-2005. 3rd ed. Singapore: NUS Press, 2009, pp. 292-295. 1 Turnbull, 299; CIA World Fact Book, “Singapore”, Central Intelligence Agency, 2014. Accessed November 9, 2014, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sn.html 2 3 Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. Introduction to Singapore: A Country Study. By Barbara Leitch LePoer. Library of Congress Country Studies. Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1989. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://countrystudies.us/singapore/. CIA World Fact Book, “Singapore”, Central Intelligence Agency, 2014. Accessed November 9, 2014, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sn.html; United Nations Development Programme. “Human Development Report 2014”, United Nations, 2014. Accessed November 9, 2014 http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/hdr14-report-en-1.pdf; “World Economic Outlook Database-October 2014”, International Monetary Fund. 2013. Accessed on 8 October 2014, http://www.imf.org/external/ pubs/ft/weo/2014/02/weodata/weorept.aspx 4 9 Figure 1: Singapore’s location in Southeast Asia with it’s neighbors labeled 10 Figure 2: Singapore (Outlined in Purple) compared in size to Long Island and Manhattan. Map generated from mapfrappe.com Han Chinese Malay’s Tamil’s Others 3.4% 9.3% 13.6% 73.7% Figure 3: Ethnic Make-up of Singapore’s Population in 2010 5 Department of Statistics, Ministry of Trade & Industry. Census of Population 2010 Statistical Release 1: Demographic Characteristics, Education, Language and Religion, Government of Singapore. 2011. Retrieved November 9, 2014 from http://www.singstat.gov.sg/pubn/popn/C2010sr1/cop2010sr1.pdf 5 11 English Mandarin Chinese Other Chinese Dialects Malay Tamil 3.4% 12.5% 33.1% 14.6% 36.4% Figure 4: Primary Language spoken at home among Singaporeans in 2010 Buddhism Christianity No Religion Islam Chinese Religions Hinduism Others 0.7% 5.1% 10.9% 6 33.3% 14.7% 17.0% 18.3% Figure 5: Reported Religious beliefs among Singaporeans in 2010 7 For centuries, Singapore was a sparsely inhabited tropical island at the tip of the " Malay peninsula known as Pulau Ujong or "island at the end" (of the Malay peninsula), changing hands between regional sultanates and Malayan kingdoms. It was not until 1819 that a British statesman named Sir Stamford Raffles (often referred to as the 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 12 “Father of Singapore”) established a trading post in Pulau Ujong for the British Empire, signaling the beginning Singapore’s modern history.8 Besides its geographic and economic challenges, Singapore’s history has long " been defined by war and unrest. In 1942, the Imperial Japanese Army conquered Singapore within the span of a week, in what has since been deemed to be “the worst disaster in British military history.”9 Even after its return to the British Empire in 1945, Singapore came under the threat of a communist insurgency in Malaysia that led to a twelve year long guerrilla war between Malay communist forces and the British colonial government, in what would later be referred to as the Malayan Emergency (or simply “The Emergency”).10 Also during this period, Singapore was plagued by violent race riots over the perceived elitism of Singapore’s Chinese majority, which makes up over 73% of the country’s population, in a region native to Malays (see figure 3).11 Singapore’s greatest challenge came in 1965, when the island state was expelled from the Malayan Federation due to ethnic tensions between Malaysia’s Malay majority, and Singapore’s Chinese majority. As a result, Singapore became the only country in history Turnbull, 19-31; Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. “Raffles Dream” in Singapore: A Country Study. By Barbara Leitch LePoer. Library of Congress Country Studies. Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1989. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://countrystudies.us/singapore/. 8 9 Turnbull, 190-191 Barber, Noel. The War of the Running Dogs: the Malayan Emergency 1948-1960. 1971. Reprint, London: Cassell Military, 2004, Passim; Short, Anthony. In Pursuit of Mountain Rats: The Communist Insurrection in Malaya. Singapore: Cultured Lotus, 2000, Passim 10 Adeline Low Hwee, Cheng. 2001. "The Past in the Present: Memories of the 1964 'Racial Riots' in Singapore." Asian Journal Of Social Science 29, no. 3: 431. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed October 30, 2014).; Conceicao, Joe F.. Singapore and the Many Headed Monster: A New Perspective on the Riots of 1950,1961 and 1969. Singapore: Horizon Books, 2007, Passim 11 13 to gain its independence against the will of its government.12 Singapore’s Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew (see figure 6), was determined to keep Singapore a part of Malaysia, and was distraught over his failure to keep them united, saying, “For me, it is a moment of anguish. All my life, my whole adult life, I believed in merger and unity of the two territories.”13 Singapore had relied on Malaysia for its economic support, water supply and military protection. Without Malaysia as a hinterland, the territory’s government did not expect Singapore to survive as an independent nation. Yet Lee Kuan Yew was committed to Singapore’s survival as a nation, at any cost.14 Turnbull, 299-300; Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. “Singapore as Part of Malaysia” and “Two Decades of Independence” in Singapore: A Country Study. By Barbara Leitch LePoer. Library of Congress Country Studies. Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1989. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://countrystudies.us/singapore/ 12 Lee, Kuan Yew. “Going it Alone” in From Third World to First: the Singapore Story, 1965-2000. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2000, pp. 3-11; LePoer, Barbara Leitch, “Singapore as Part of Malaysia” in Singapore: A Country Study. Washington D.C.: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1989, passim. 13 14 Turnbull, 299-300; Lee, 3-11 14 Figure 6: Lee Kuan Yew, Former Prime Minister of Singapore 1959-1990. Image from 200015 " " Lee faced many challenges in Singapore’s early years; building an economy, housing a large population, constructing a military from scratch, and most importantly, establishing law and order in a turbulent region in an uncertain era.16 Over the course of several decades, Singapore’s government, under the leadership of Lee and his People’s Action Party (PAP), passed a series of laws aimed at preventing seditious acts which threatened Singapore’s survival as a nation (see figure 7).17 Ward, Robert E. (United States Department of Defense) Lee Kuan Yew. Photograph. February 29, 2000. Retrieved from http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Lee_Kuan_Yew_cropped.jpg Archived from the original at http://www.defense.gov/photos/Mar2000/000229-D-9880W-012.html 15 16 Lee, 3-11 Rajah, Jothie. Authoritarian Rule of Law: Legislation, Discourse, and Legitimacy in Singapore. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 2012. passim; Turnbull, C.M. “The New Nation” in A Modern History of Singapore 1819-2005. Singapore: NUS Press, 2009, pp 299-346. 17 15 Legislation Year Enacted Action Sedition Act 1948 Prohibits promoting hatred, contempt, discontent or otherwise exciting disaffection against the government. Prohibits inciting racial hostility and open acts of racism. Defamation Act 1957 Establishes a broad definition of criminal libel Public Entertainments and Meetings Act 1959 Restricts the right to public assembly Industrial Relations Act 1960 Strictly regulates Labor Unions Internal Security Act (ISA) 1960 Allows the Government, at the President’s discretion, to detain anyone indefinitely without charge or trial if they are seen as a threat to national security and social order. It also allows the government to ban “quasimilitary” organizations, as well as documents and publications deemed “subversive.” Legal Profession Act 1966 Limits the right of Singaporean lawyers to critique legislation. Vandalism Act 1966 Mandates caning as punishment for vandalism. The law’s definition of vandalism also includes placing posters in unauthorized areas. Newspaper and Printing Presses Act 1974 Requires government licenses to print and publish newspapers. Prohibits foreign ownership of Singaporean Newspapers. Figure 7: Overview of Key Pieces of Singaporean Legislation18 Sedition Act 1948 (Cap. 290, 2013 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Defamation Act 1957 (Cap. 75, 2014 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Public Entertainments and Meetings Act 1959 (Cap. 257, 2001 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Industrial Relations Act 1960 (Cap. 136, 2004 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Internal Security Act 1960 (Cap. 143, 1985 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Legal Profession Act 1966 (Cap. 161, 1994 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Vandalism Act (Cap. 341, 2014 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Newspaper and Printing Presses Act 1974 (Cap. 206, 2002 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore) 18 16 " Many of these laws are seen today as extremely authoritarian by many western governments and non-governmental organizations, yet the Singapore government and the ruling People’s Action Party generally rejects these criticisms, saying that these harsh laws are necessary and justified for ensuring order and stability in a country within a volatile region.19 Indeed, Singapore’s history provides important context for the justification of the establishment of these laws. Singapore faced many serious threats in its early years, including race riots, communist insurgency, and terrorism.20 Singapore is not unique in this regard. Governments throughout history have passed controversial laws which have clamped down on civil liberties during times of turmoil. Notable examples include the period of martial law in Taiwan for the three decades following the Kuomintang government’s retreat from Mainland China (known as the “White Terror”), the imprisonment of dissidents in South Korea under the Presidency of Syngman Rhee, For examples, see: Chang, Calvin. "The West has it totally wrong on Lee Kuan Yew." Editorial. The Independent (London), March 26, 2015. Accessed May 4, 2015. http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/ comment/the-west-has-it-totally-wrong-on-lee-kuan-yew-10135641.html.; Fong, Leslie. "ISA is crucial to Singapore — PM." Straits Times (Singapore), May 28, 1988. Accessed October 30, 2014. http:// eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/straitstimes19880528.2.7.aspx.; Zee, Josiah. "Defending Singapore's Internal Security Act: Balancing the Need for National Security with the Rule of Law." Murdoch University Electronic Journal of Law 18, no. 1 (2011): 28-46. http://elaw.murdoch.edu.au/ index.php/elawmurdoch/article/viewFile/88/46 (accessed October 23, 2014).; Agence France-Presse. "Drug trafficking 'deserves death penalty': Singapore PM." ABC News. Last modified November 29, 2005. Accessed May 1, 2015. http://www.abc.net.au/news/2005-11-29/drug-trafficking-deserves-death-penaltysingapore/751244.; Agence France-Presse. "Singapore stands by Hanging." ABC News. Last modified November 21, 2005. Accessed May 1, 2015. http://www.abc.net.au/news/2005-11-21/singapore-standsby-hanging/745506.; For examples of western criticism, see: Davidson, Gail, and Kelley Bryan. "SINGAPORE: Government uses fear to stifle freedom of Expression." Lawyers' Rights Watch Canada. News release. July 18, 2005. Accessed May 2, 2015. http://www.lrwc.org/singapore-government-usesfear-to-stifle-freedom-of-expression/.; Shadrake, Alan. "Singapore gives jail time to writer critical of death penalty." Committee to Protect Journalists. News release. November 16, 2010. Accessed May 3, 2015. http://cpj.org/2010/11/singapore-gives-jail-time-to-writer-critical-of-de.php.; Swaffield, Bruce C. "Singapore Laws make life tough for Journalists." Quill, December 2006, 35-37.; Singapore: The Death Penalty: A Hidden Toll of Executions. Report no. ASA 36/001/2004. London: Amnesty International, 2004. Accessed May 2, 2015. https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/96000/asa360012004en.pdf. 19 Turnbull, C.M. “Aftermath of the War” in A Modern History of Singapore 1819-2005. Singapore: NUS Press, 2009, pp. 225-258 20 17 and even in the western world such as the suspension of habeas corpus under US President Abraham Lincoln during the Civil War, the US Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, or more recently the passing of the PATRIOT Act in the wake of the September 11th attacks.21 What is unique about Singapore however, is that most of these laws from the 1950’s, 60’s and 70’s remain in effect today, despite the fact that Southeast Asia has stabilized and Singapore has become peaceful and prosperous.22 " The Singapore government continues to argue that without these laws in place, Singapore would have not survived, and that Singapore continues to be prosperous and peaceful because these laws remain in effect.23 Yet alongside the longstanding criticism of Singapore’s system of “legal authoritarianism” by western critics, there are many dissidents within Singapore as well. The outspoken criticisms preached by these dissidents are often framed as seditious under Singaporean law, and many have been sent to prison for seditious speech or sued into bankruptcy for libel against the government as a result.24 The government’s use of laws such as the Internal Security Chen, Ketty W. "Disciplining Taiwan: The Kuomintang’s Methods of Control during the White Terror Era (1947-1987)." Taiwan International Studies Quarterly, Vol 4, no. 4 (Winter 2008): 185-210. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.tisanet.org/quarterly/4-4-8.pdf.; Tirman, John. The Deaths of Others: The Fate of Civilians in America's Wars. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011, pp. 93-95.; Rehnquist, William H. All the Laws but One: Civil Liberties in Wartime. New York: Knopf, 1998, pp. 11-39 21 Low, Linda. The Political Economy of a City-state: Government-made Singapore. Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. 45-50 22 23 supra note 19 Sim, Cameron. "The Singapore Chill: Political Defamation and the Normalization of a Statist Rule of Law." Pacific Rim Law and Policy Journal 20, no. 2 (2011): 319-53.; For examples, see: Palatino, Mong. "Singapore Prime Minister Sues Blogger for Defamation." Global Voices Advocacy. Last modified May 31, 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://advocacy.globalvoicesonline.org/2014/05/31/singapore-primeminister-sues-blogger-for-defamation/.; Ngerng, Roy. "I Have Just Been Sued By The Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong." The Heart Truths (blog). Entry posted May 19, 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://thehearttruths.com/2014/05/19/i-have-just-been-sued-by-the-singapore-prime-minister-lee-hsienloong/.; Rahim, Farah Abdul. "SDP's Chee Soon Juan declared bankrupt, cannot stand for elections till 2011." Channel News Asia. Last modified February 10, 2006. Accessed May 7, 2015. http:// www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/singaporelocalnews/view/192561/1/.html. 24 18 Act, the Sedition Act and the Defamation Act against those who speak out against the government has created a chilling effect amongst the population. Very few Singaporeans publicly criticize the government out of fear of being sued for libel or being charged for seditious speech.25 Protests in Singapore are almost completely nonexistent. Those that have occurred were quickly suppressed. This chilling effect has severely limited open political discourse within Singapore, and has made it extremely difficult for opposition political parties to mount a challenge to the dominant party which has ruled Singapore since its independence, the People’s Action Party or PAP.26 " Despite these chilling effects, discontent with the PAP government and its authoritarian laws is visibly growing. In the 2011 general election, the PAP won 81 out of the 87 seats in the Singapore Parliament, the lowest majority margin since independence, all despite the absence open political discourse.27 The PAP is expected to lose more seats in the next election in 2016, though despite this, the PAP is viewed to be in little danger of losing its supermajority in Parliament, and by extension, its rule over Singapore.28 Gomez, James. Self-censorship: Singapore's Shame. Singapore: Think Centre, 2000. Accessed May 7, 2015. https://www.academia.edu/225107/Self-Censorship_Singapores_Shame. 25 Thum, Ping Tjin. "The Old Normal is the New Normal." In Hard Choices: Challenging the Singapore Consensus, by Low et al., 150-154. Singapore: NUS Press, 2014. 26 Government of Singapore. "2011 Parliamentary Elections Results." Elections Department Singapore. Last modified November 17, 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.eld.gov.sg/ elections_results2011.html.; "Parliamentary General Election 2011." Singapore Elections. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.singapore-elections.com/general-election/2011/.; Low, Donald, and Sudhir Thomas Vadaketh. Preface to Hard Choices: Challenging the Singapore Consensus, by Low et al., ix-xiii. Singapore: NUS Press, 2014.; For an explaination of Singapore’s electoral system, see Appendix A. 27 Brown, Kevin. "Singapore Opposition makes Historic gains." Financial Times (London), May 8, 2011. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/ac59d4aa-7924-11e0-b655-00144feabdc0.html.; "Singapore opposition make 'landmark' election gains." BBC News. Last modified May 9, 2011. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific-13313695. 28 19 " The growth of the Internet has given Singaporeans a new way to vent their grievances in an anonymous manner, while also giving Singaporeans access to news and information from sources outside of the government’s control. Even so, many bloggers and news publishers both within and outside of Singapore have been sued by Singaporean government officials for libel under the Defamation Act in an attempt to bankrupt and silence those who make unverifiable claims about the Singapore government’s policies and actions.29 " Singapore is a country that many westerner’s couldn’t point out on a map, yet its influence throughout Asia and the wider world certainly punches above its small size.30 Today, Singapore is often characterized as a prosperous yet authoritarian state, yet what is often overlooked is that Singapore was not always this way. Despite the tumultuous times, Singapore in the 1950’s was an open and cosmopolitan society driven by competitive political discourse and a population actively pushing for social change. However, Singapore’s status as an open and democratic society slowly faded away during the 1960’s and 1970’s as Lee Kuan Yew’s People’s Action Party solidified its grip on power.31 " It is commonly assumed that as a country develops, it democratizes. This has been observed in many Asian states in the post war era. South Korea democratized in the 1980’s, Taiwan’s period of martial law under the Kuomintang came to an end in 1988, Mongolia embraced democracy once it was released from the grip of the Soviet 29 supra note 24 30 See Conclusion Thum, Ping Tjin. "The Old Normal is the New Normal." In Hard Choices: Challenging the Singapore Consensus, by Low et al., 139-62. Singapore: NUS Press, 2014. 31 20 Union in 1991.32 Even in China, the Tiananmen Square Protests of 1989 and 2015’s Umbrella Revolution protests in Hong Kong have begun to show democratic cracks in the Communist Party’s rule.33 Singapore however, defies this trend. The island nation had regressed from a liberal democracy to an illiberal, semi-authoritarian state over the course of the latter 20th century, even as its economy boomed. " This thesis hopes to explain how and why Singapore regressed from a liberal democracy in the 1950’s into a semi-authoritarian state under the People’s Action Party by tracing the country’s history from the end of the Second World War to the present, and examining crucial events and developments in Singaporean society and politics over the course of the latter 20th century. Gu, Jung Hae, and Kim Ho Ki. "Development of the Democratization Movement in South Korea." Stanford University, Stanford, CA, n.d. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://iis-db.stanford.edu/pubs/22591/ Development_of_Democratization_Movement_in_South_Korea-1.pdf.; Rigger, Shelley. "Democratic Transition and Consolidation in Taiwan." Paper presented at Enduring Democracy Conference, American Enterprise Institute, Washington DC, November 10, 2011. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.aei.org/wpcontent/uploads/2012/08/-democratic-transition-and-consolidation-in-taiwan_122745967872.pdf.; Fish, Steven. "The Inner Asian anomaly: Mongolia’s democratization in comparative perspective." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 34 (2001): 323-338. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://polisci.berkeley.edu/sites/ default/files/people/u3833/MongoliaDemocratization.pdf. 32 Jamieson, Alastair. "Hong Kong's 'Umbrella Revolution' Protesters Refuse to Back Down." NBC News. Last modified September 30, 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/hongkong-protests/hong-kongs-umbrella-revolution-protesters-refuse-back-down-n214626. 33 21 Chapter 1: Vulnerable Nation: Singaporean Exceptionalism " Singapore is a unique state that defies modern political theory. It is a democracy without freedom.34 It is the world’s last true city-state, a densely populated island in the middle of one of the busiest shipping corridors in the world. Its economy is built off of free trade and globalization, more so than any other country on earth.35 It is one of the most ethnically diverse countries in the world, thanks to a long history of migration into the Malacca Strait from China and India.36 The island’s prosperity remains the envy of leaders across the world.37 " However, Singapore is also somewhat of a facade. Its towering skyscrapers, clean streets and lush greenery mask high levels of inequality, a lack of political freedom and a troubled past. Singapore as a nation is completely artificial. The modern Singaporean state has no ties to the land in the form of a unifying religion, language, ethnicity or national ideology. Indeed, it was never intended to exist as an independent nation in the first place.38 Singapore’s unique history has caused a unique nation to develop. Since 1959, Singapore has been ruled by the People’s Action Party, or “PAP”, and until 1990, under a single prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew (see figures 6 and 9). Since the 1960’s, the PAP and the Singapore government have been one in the same. Turnbull, 17; Margolin, Jean Louis. "Singapore 40 years on. Slow road to democracy." Asia Europe Journal 3 (2005): 95-115. Accessed May 7, 2015. doi:10.1007/s10308-004-0136-2. 34 Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. “Foreign Trade” in Singapore: A Country Study. By Barbara Leitch LePoer. Library of Congress Country Studies. Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1989. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://countrystudies.us/singapore/. 35 Turnbull, C.M. “The New Settlement” in A Modern History of Singapore 1819-2005. Singapore: NUS Press, 2009, pp. 19-52 36 Judah, Ben. "The Curse of Lee Kuan Yew." Politico, March 23, 2015. Accessed May 7, 2015. http:// www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/03/lee-kuan-yew-legacy-116317.html. 37 38 See Chapter 4 22 The PAP has retained a parliamentary supermajority since 1959. It has controlled more than 90% of all elected parliamentary seats since 1968 (see figure 8). Election Year % of Popular Vote % of Parliamentary Seats Won Seats Won/Total Elected Seats Seats Lost to the Opposition 1955 9% 11% 3/25 N/A 1959 53% 84% 43/51 N/A 1963 46% 73% 37/51 N/A 1968 84% 100% 58/58 0 1972 69% 100% 65/65 0 1976 72% 100% 69/69 0 1980 76% 100% 75/75 0 1984 63% 97% 77/79 2 1988 62% 99% 80/81 1 1991 61% 95% 77/81 4 1997 65% 98% 81/83 2 2001 75% 98% 82/84 2 2006 67% 98% 82/84 2 2011 60% 93% 81/87 6 - Self Governing Colony - State in Malaysia - First Post-Independence Election Figure 8: PAP dominance in Parliament overtime 39 Adapted from Haas et al. The Singapore Puzzle. Edited by Michael Haas. 2nd ed. Los Angeles: Publishinghouse for Scholars, 2014. pp. 18. 39 23 Head of Government Acting As Tenure Lord Louis Mountbatten British Military Governor Sept 12, 1945 - Apr 1, 1946 Sir Franklin Charles Gimson British Governor Apr 1, 1946 - Mar 20, 1952 Sir John Fearns Nicoll* British Governor Apr 21, 1952 - June 2, 1955* David Saul Marshall Chief Minister Apr 6, 1955 - June 7, 1956 Lim Yew Hock Chief Minister June 8, 1956 - June 3, 1959 Lee Kuan Yew Prime Minister June 3, 1959 - Nov 28, 1990 Goh Chok Tong Prime Minister Nov 28, 1990 - Aug 12, 2004 Lee Hsien Loong Prime Minister Aug 12, 2004 - Present * Many of Sir John Fearns Nicoll’s governmental powers were transferred to Marshall in April 1955. He was succeeded by Sir Robert Brown Black in June 1955 who was then succeeded by William Goode in Dec 1957. Singapore continued to have a British governor with reserve powers until 1959. Figure 9: Heads of Government in Singapore since 1945. Excludes interim acting British Governors. 40 " Such a large parliamentary majority is usually seen as an indication of rigged elections, but these numbers can be misleading. The popular vote for the People’s Action Party tends to hover around 60% (see figure 8). Despite the PAP’s dominance at the polls, Singapore is a parliamentary democracy based on a modified Westminster system (similar to that of the United Kingdom). Ever since Singapore’s first democratic elections in 1955, voting has been conducted via a secret ballot, and all Singaporean citizens over the age of 21 are entitled (and in fact required) to vote. The PAP’s 40 Singapore: The Encyclopedia. Singapore: Editions Didier Millet, 2006. 24 unusually high numbers in Parliament can be explained by the nature of the electoral system, and the context in which politics in Singapore occurs.41 Despite technically being a democracy, Singaporeans lack civil liberties " commonly found in most democracies.42 All media is under the indirect control of the government under the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act of 1974. The Sedition Act of 1964 prohibits “hatred or contempt or to excite disaffection against the Government.” Rallies, protests and public meetings are heavily restricted under the Public Entertainments and Meetings Act. Most infamously, the Internal Security Act (or ISA) allows the government to detain anyone indefinitely without charge or trial if they are seen as “a threat to national security and social order.” In addition, many dissidents and political opponents have been sued into bankruptcy for criticizing government officials under the Defamation Act of 1957.43 Despite these laws, Singapore has remained one of the most prosperous states " in Asia. It has developed the third highest GDP per capita in the world. It’s unemployment rate is below 2% and it ranks 9th on the United Nations Development Program’s Human Development Index.44 Such prosperity in the face of a lack of liberal democracy has developed into a “Singapore Consensus” which has become widely accepted in Singapore. The Singapore consensus is that for the government to deliver “Singapore” in Freedom in the World 2014. Freedom in the World. Washington DC: Freedom House, 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2014/singapore.; For an explanation of Singapore’s electoral system, see Appendix A. 41 42 Ibid. 43 Defamation Act 1957 (Cap. 75, 2014 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Newspaper and Printing Presses Act 1974 (Cap. 206, 2002 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Sedition Act 1948 (Cap. 290, 2013 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Public Entertainments and Meetings Act 1959 (Cap. 257, 2001 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Internal Security Act 1960 (Cap. 143, 1985 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore) 44 supra note 4 25 overall prosperity and growth, the citizenry must be willing forego some personal and political freedoms.45 Indeed, the PAP’s continuous supermajorities in parliament have allowed them to push through legislation and even constitutional changes with extraordinary ease, allowing for long term planning of political and economic agendas.46 The results of this have been outstanding, resulting in extraordinary economic growth and development over the course of 50 years.47 " Singapore’s extraordinary growth has posed a challenge to the supposed superiority of western liberal democracy. It begs the question; What is the purpose of government? Is it a mechanism through which people can shape their society? Or is it a body meant to ensure that society is peaceful and prosperous, even if it requires sacrifice? For Singapore, it is the latter.48 " Much of Singapore’s governing style stems from Confucianist philosophy, so much so that Political Confucianism has become de facto government policy. In 1991, the Singapore government published a white paper on Singapore’s “Shared Values”, which espoused Confucianist ideas; “nation before community and society above self, the family as the basic unit of society, community support and respect for individuals, consensus not conflict, and racial and religious harmony.” 49 Confucianism emphasizes the importance of respect for authority and the good of society over the desires of the Low, Donald, and Sudhir Thomas Vadaketh. Preface to Hard Choices: Challenging the Singapore Consensus, by Low et al., pp. ix-xiii. Singapore: NUS Press, 2014. 45 46 Turnbull, 373 47 supra note 4 Allison, Graham. "The Lee Kuan Yew Conundrum." The Atlantic, March 30, 2015. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2015/03/lee-kuan-yew-conundrum-democracysingapore/388955/. 48 49 Turnbull, 350 26 individual.50 These ideas seem to reflect the priorities of the PAP, that civil liberties are irrelevant as long as society is prosperous. It is the narrative that defines Singaporean society and politics.51 " While Singapore is officially a multicultural nation, Confucianism is a strictly Chinese philosophy implemented by an overwhelmingly Chinese controlled government.52 When Singapore’s Confucianist model of governance is criticized, the government often hides behind a curtain of cultural relativism. The PAP refutes its critics by asserting that Singapore is a unique country, one that does not believe liberal democracy is best for its needs, and that the west has no right to impose its beliefs on others.53 The PAP often emphasizes what they call “Asian values”, an ambiguous term that generally refers to Singapore Confucianist, collectivist society. It can also be viewed as an umbrella term for the social structure of Asian societies that tend to reject western individualism.54 " Aside from cultural differences, the PAP government also emphasizes that Singapore is uniquely vulnerable due to its geopolitical position.55 That Singapore cannot be a “normal” democracy because of its “vulnerability”, and that such Ames, Roger T. "What is Confucianism?" In Confucianism in Context: Classic Philosophy and Contemporary Issues, East Asia and Beyond, by Chang et al., 67-86. Edited by Wonsuk Chang and Leah Kalmanson. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2010. 50 Turnbull, 333; Neher, Clark D. "The Case for Singapore." In The Singapore Puzzle, by Haas et al., pp. 53-56. Edited by Michael Haas. 2nd ed. Los Angeles: Publishinghouse for Scholars, 2014. 51 52 Chong, Terence. "Asian Values and Confucian Ethics: Malay Singaporeans' Dilemma." Journal of Contemporary Asia 32, no. 3 (2002): 394-406. 53 Haas, 157-159 54 Haas, 191-193 Goh, Chok Tong. Speech presented at The Singapore Story Multimedia Historical Exhibition, Singapore, July 7, 1998. In A History of Modern Singapore: 1819-2005, by C.M. Turnbull, pp. 3. 3rd ed. Singapore: NUS Press, 2009. 55 27 vulnerabilities require strict laws to maintain peace and order in a volatile region.56 According to the PAP, Singapore’s status as a small, densely populated, multiethnic, multicultural nation, surrounded by larger and more powerful states makes the nation vulnerable to a variety of foreign and domestic threats that can only be mitigated through strict law and order.57 " This viewpoint reflects Singapore’s past. The narrative of unique vulnerability remains embedded in Singaporean social memory. It stems from two specific events in Singapore’s history, the Japanese invasion of Singapore in 1942, and the Malayan Emergency of the 1950’s and 60’s. Although neither of these events destroyed the Singaporean state, they did increase Singaporeans desire for security.58 Yet further inquiry into these events, as well as Singapore’s post war history, shows that the vulnerability narrative has been and continues to be exaggerated. " The narrative of cultural relativism under “Asian values” as well as the continuous claims of “vulnerability” have been used as a shield by the PAP as justification for authoritarianism. Yet, Singapore’s post war history shows that Singapore’s present day status as a semi-authoritarian, dominant party state was not an inevitable consequence of the Malayan Emergency as the PAP commonly claims. Indeed, if not for a series of key events in the 1950’s and 60’s, Singapore would have turned out very differently, perhaps as a freer, more democratic society. 56 Low and Vadaketh, 4-5 57 Ibid.; Haas, 53-56 Leifer, Michael. Singapore's Foreign Policy: Coping with Vulnerability. Politics in Asia. New York: Routledge, 2000, pp. 4 58 28 " Although their representation in parliament is exaggerated due to the nature of Singapore’s electoral system, the PAP continues to win the popular vote in every election.59 Although Singaporeans can vote for whomever they want in a secret ballot with votes being counted fairly, it is questionable if you can truly have a democracy in the absence of a liberal society. Strong, broad libel laws, restrictions on public gatherings, and government control of the media limit public discourse, making it difficult for opposition parties to effectively criticize government policy and thus compete with the PAP. The restrictions on public discourse stem from laws enacted by the PAP in the 1960’s and 70’s. Either by coincidence or by design, these laws have helped the PAP hold onto power by silencing all criticism.60 Obscenely, the PAP touts the absence of criticism as evidence of public support and political legitimacy.61 " Labeling Singapore as an “authoritarian” state, or Lee Kuan Yew as a “dictator” does not do justice to Lee, Singapore, its history, or its society (However, I describe Singapore as “authoritarian” in this essay for the sake of convenience). Singapore is not simplistically, brutishly authoritarian as the word is commonly understood. The PAP are sophisticated at masking their authoritarianism with fabricated legitimacy. The PAP frames Singapore’s past as one of chaos and disorder which could have only been brought to an end by strong leadership and strong laws, and that the only alternative 59 See Figure 8 and Appendix A 60 supra note 41 Rajah, 138.; Ngereg, Roy. "Roy: The Gov't can Silence 1 or 2 but they will be Powerless if Everyone Stands up." Editorial. The Real Singapore. Last modified March 9, 2015. Accessed April 28, 2015. http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:llBGmTET3JwJ:therealsingapore.com/ content/roy-govt-can-silence-1-or-2-they-will-be-powerless-if-everyone-stands +&cd=8&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us. Archived from the original at: http://therealsingapore.com/content/roygovt-can-silence-1-or-2-they-will-be-powerless-if-everyone-stands 61 29 was the destruction of the nation, and that only through continued PAP leadership can Singapore avoid returning to its “chaotic” past. While Singapore in the 1950’s and 60’s was anything but peaceful, it was not as “chaotic” as the PAP commonly asserts. Indeed, Singapore in the 1950’s was a young nation whose people were striving to break free of British colonial rule while trying to establish a state in which all Singaporeans had equal rights.62 Conflict however, arose over how to achieve that goal. " Trocki, Carl A., and Michael D. Barr. Introduction to Paths Not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-war Singapore, by Barr et al., 1-32. Edited by Michael D. Barr and Carl A. Trocki. Singapore: NUS Press, 2008. 62 30 Chapter 2: Singapore’s Liberal Past: The Marshall Government " After the surrender of Japan in 1945, most Singaporeans had more immediate concerns than politics. World War II had left Singapore in a state dilapidation. Singaporeans were mostly concerned with feeding themselves, finding shelter and finding employment in a new Singapore.63 Nevertheless, there was a sense of surprise and of triumph as a result of the Japanese surrender. Singapore in the 1940’s and early 1950’s was dominated by the Malayan Communist Party or MCP. Despite being considered an illegal organization by the British administration, a large portion of Singaporeans sympathized with the party, which relentlessly advocated for the rights of workers, unions, and an end to British colonial administration.64 During the Japanese occupation, the MCP established the Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA), an armed resistance group based in neighboring Johor which carried out guerrilla attacks against the Japanese during the occupation.65 The MCP’s role in the fight against the Japanese further bolstered their support in Singapore.66 " In the early post-war years, the MCP helped organize “General Labor Unions” or GRU’s across Malaya. These unions extended across trades as a way of encouraging solidarity among Malaya’s different ethnic groups. Over the course of the late 1940’s and early 1950’s, the MCP pushed for dozens of general strikes over inadequate food rations, a lack of well paying jobs, and the continued existence of Singapore as a 63 supra note 20 64 Turnbull, 232-233 65 Turnbull, 212-213 66 supra note 64 31 capitalist British colony. These strikes continuously brought Singapore to a standstill.67 The British government began to view these labor movements as ones of political rather than economic motive, and thus began cracking down on the strikers. At the same time, some worker unions began to feel alienated by the MCP’s constant strike efforts. They began to feel that the strikes were hindering Singapore’s economic recovery and that the MCP was more concerned with establishing an independent communist Malaya rather than fighting for workers rights. Despite the strikes, conditions in Singapore slowly improved. Infrastructure was rebuilt, employment rebounded, and food prices stabilized. With basic needs met, the MCP was seen as increasingly radical, and gradually lost popular support.68 In response to increasing public apathy, the MCP changed tactics. While " originally hoping to build a labor based grassroots movement to establish a communist Malaya, the MCP turned to an armed insurrection, thus beginning the Malayan Emergency.69 Over the next 12 years, the MCP and its National Malayan Liberation Army (NMLA) engaged in a guerrilla war against the British Empire. The NMLA routinely sabotaged colonial businesses, mostly rubber plantations and tin mines. In response, the British colonial government passed the Emergency Regulations Ordinance in 1948. The regulations allowed police to arrest anyone suspected of having acted or being likely to act in a way that would threaten state security, without evidence or a warrant, 67 Turnbull, 232-237 68 Ibid. 69 Turnbull, 239-240 32 and detain them indefinitely without charge or trial.70 Despite the climate of fear, the NMLA had limited ability to carry out attacks in densely populated Singapore. Indeed, almost all of the fighting was confined to the jungles of the Malayan peninsula.71 " In the wake of the wave of decolonization across the world, the British government outlined a roadmap for the decolonization of Malaya. A commission on the decolonization of Malaya, headed by Sir George Rendel was established in 1953. It resulted in what became known as the Rendel Constitution, which established limited self-government for Singapore, including a legislative assembly in which 25 out of the 32 seats would be elected by Singapore residents, the rest would be appointed by the colonial government as ex-officio members. The election of 1955 was the first democratic election in Singapore’s history. Prior to this, only British subjects were permitted to vote. Under the Rendel Constitution, all Singaporean residents were automatically registered to vote. This had a major impact on the electorate, which now included large amounts of working class Chinese.72 " The election was contested between three major parties; the Progressive Party (PP), the Labor Front (LF) and the People’s Action Party (PAP). The Progressive Party was the party of the British establishment, whose supporters consisted of wealthy Singaporeans and British subjects living in Singapore. The Labor Front was a center-left Emergency Regulations Ordinance 1948 (No. 17 of 1948) (Singapore); Munir, Abu Bakar. "Malaysia." In Preventive Detention and Security Law: A Comparative Survey, edited by Andrew Harding and John Hatchard, 131-32. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1993. Accessed May 8, 2015. https://books.google.com/books?id=J0eBd0JDvRQC&pg=PA131&lpg=PA131&dq=malaya+Emergency +Regulations+Ordinance&source=bl&ots=IhIhW1Y2si&sig=x3G4BjPlLQEuzMwOQf7wLtj6pI&hl=en&sa=X&ei=hmpMVY6DO5OWygTz8IDwCw&ved=0CCkQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=malaya %20Emergency%20Regulations%20Ordinance&f=false. 70 71 supra note 69 72 Turnbull, 254-260; Trocki and Barr, 81-82 33 party headed by David Saul Marshall, a Singaporean born lawyer of Iraqi Jewish descent (see figure 10).73 Finally there was the People’s Action Party, headed by a Cambridge educated lawyer named Lee Kuan Yew. The results of the elections surprised the British, who expected the PP to be triumphant. Instead, David Marshall’s Labor Front won 13 seats, while the PP only retained 4. Lee’s People’s Action Party won 3 seats.74 Figure 10: David Saul Marshall, first Chief Minister of Singapore 75 As a result of the election, David Marshall became Chief Minister.76 His " administration served as the foundation of liberal democracy in Singapore. With the 73 Ibid. Ibid.; Trocki and Barr, 86-89; Government of Singapore. “1955 Legislative Assembly Elections Results.” Elections Department Singapore. Last modified November 17, 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http:// www.eld.gov.sg/elections_past_parliamentary1955.html.; "Legislative Assembly General Election 1955." Singapore Elections. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.singapore-elections.com/general-election/1955/.; 74 DMarshall. Photograph. Wikipedia. April 27, 2009. Accessed May 10, 2015. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ File:DMarshall.jpg. 75 76 Turnbull, 254-260; 34 MCP still active in Malaysia, Marshall sought to address the concerns of the labor movement. He passed the Labor Ordinance of 1955, which guaranteed workers overtime pay, sick leave, and an eight hour work day. It also protected against discrimination based on language ability, giving new opportunities to the non-English educated population.77 Marshall also pioneered “meet the people” sessions, in which ministers toured the country to speak with voters first hand about their concerns.78 This continues to be a tradition in Singaporean politics to this day, though it usually only occurs during election season. The Marshall government nevertheless faced serious challenges. On the eve of " the election, 10,000 Chinese Middle students boycotted their classes, forming the Singapore Chinese Middle School Students Union, demanding that Chinese language schools be publicly funded and treated equally with English schools. The students later joined a strike action at the Hock Lee Bus company on May 12, 1955.79 The strike eventually turned violent. The resulting riot, deemed “Black Thursday”, resulted in the deaths of four people, including an American journalist.80 Despite the violence, Marshall was reluctant to break up the strike. He sympathized with the struggles of the bus workers as well as the alienation of the Chinese middle school students under the colonial, pro-English, education system.81 The riots led to the passing of the 77 Trocki and Barr, 158-159; Low and Vadaketh, 145-147 78 Low and Vadaketh, 145-147 79 Trocki and Barr, 189-191 80 Ibid. Turnbull, 262-264; Trocki and Barr, 190-191; Ho, Stephanie. "Hock Lee Bus Strike and Riot." In Singapore Infopedia. National Library Board of Singapore, 2014. Last modified August 6, 2014. Accessed May 8, 2015. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_4_2005-01-06.html. 81 35 Preservation of Public Security Ordinance (PPSO), which allowed for preventative detention without trial of anyone who attempted to instigate communal violence.82 The Hock Lee bus company eventually conceded to the workers demands, and Marshall established an education reform committee to examine issues in Chinese schools, which were overcrowded and had poorly paid teachers.83 Marshall’s committee eventually led to the creation of Singapore’s multilingual education system, as well as Singapore’s first Chinese language institute for tertiary education, Nanyang University, established in 1956.84 " While Marshall’s actions produced favorable results, his political opponents, as well as the British government were displeased over his “soft” handling of the riots, and saw him as a weak leader. Nevertheless, Marshall was prepared to play hardball with the British in order to secure full self government for Singapore. He requested the right to appoint four additional assistant ministers, and that talks begin to discuss the transition to full self government. When British Governor Sir Robert Black refused, Marshall threatened to resign. This move by Marshall played into the British government’s fears that in the absence of Marshall, a more radical left-wing government would replace him.85 The British conceded to Marshall’s demands, and in 1956, 82 Trocki and Barr, 119-120; Preservation of Public Security Ordinance 1955 (No. 25 of 1955) (Singapore) 83 Turnbull, 262-264; Trocki and Barr, 189-191 For further background on the history of student activism in Singapore, see: Huang, Jianli. "The Young Pathfinders: Portrayal of Student Political Activism" In Paths Not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-war Singapore, by Barr et al., 206-27. Edited by Michael D. Barr and Carl A. Trocki. Singapore: NUS Press, 2008.; For background on the history of trade unionism in Singapore, see: Fernandez, Michael, and Kah Seng Loh. "Left Wing Trade Unions in Singapore, 1945-1970." In Paths Not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-war Singapore, by Barr et al., 206-27. Edited by Michael D. Barr and Carl A. Trocki. Singapore: NUS Press, 2008. 84 85 Turnbull, 264 36 Marshall traveled to London to discuss proposals for self government in Singapore. Marshall demanded that Singapore’s government be fully elected and responsible for all internal affairs, leaving the British government responsible only for defense and foreign affairs on the condition that the Singapore government be consulted on foreign policy decisions as well as reserving the right to veto actions concerning national defense. The British were prepared to agree to the deal on the condition that instead of outright veto power, the British government and the Singapore government should have equal representation on a defense council, with the British High Commissioner being given a casting vote. This was considered unacceptable to Marshall, and he returned from London without a deal. Marshall felt that he had failed the people of Singapore and broke his promise to bring full self government to Singapore. As a result, he resigned as Chief Minister in June of 1956, while remaining a member of the legislative council.86 " Despite being an English educated Iraqi Jew, David Marshall was universally respected during his tenure by all of the ethnic communities in Singapore.87 Marshall embraced political liberalism in an era of fear and uncertainty. He was one of few Asian leaders of the era that embraced tolerance of dissent, a respect for freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and the rights of workers. He attempted to find peaceful solutions to problems even in the face of pressure from the British and his own ministers.88 Marshall represents a Singapore that appears to be lost to the PAP and modern 86 Turnbull, 264-265; Low and Vadaketh, 145-147 87 Trocki and Barr, 116-119 Ibid.; Marshall continued to advocate for civil rights and liberties in Singapore long after leaving the premiership, see Trocki, Carl A. "David Marshall and the Struggle for Civil Rights in Singapore." In Paths Not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-war Singapore, by Barr et al., 116-131. Edited by Michael D. Barr and Carl A. Trocki. Singapore: NUS Press, 2008. 88 37 Singapore in general, one of liberal democracy and public dissent that has become increasingly buried by subsequent events. It is unknown what Singapore would have become had Marshall not resigned, but his legacy has been seemingly ignored rather than built upon. Indeed, Marshall’s resignation signaled the beginning of the end of political liberalism in Singapore. 38 Chapter 3: Singapore at a Crossroads: Merdeka and the Election of 1959 " Following his resignation, Marshall was replaced by Lim Yew Hock as Chief Minister in 1956. Lim took a much more hard line approach towards protesters and strikers.89 In February of 1956, Marshall’s committee on Chinese education reform recommended a multilingual, integrated education policy where students would be taught in their native tongue but required to learn English (Native English speakers would likewise be required to learn Mandarin, Tamil or Malay).90 It recommended that public education be availible in all four of Singapore’s major languages (Chinese, English, Malay and Tamil), and that all schools receive equal funding and resources. However, it also recommended that student organizations be banned from engaging in political activity, as a way of preventing solidarity protests similar to that of the Hock Lee bus riots a year earlier.91 The Labor Front government adopted all of the committee's recommendations. Lim disbanded the Singapore Chinese Middle School Students Union that Marshall had tolerated, as well as dozens of other left-wing Chinese civil and student organizations which were characterized as MCP front organizations. This led to widespread protests by Chinese labor and student organizations. Students barricaded themselves within their schools, demanding that they have the right to engage in politics through student organizations.92 When parents and teachers failed to convince the students to leave, Lim ordered the police to drive them out with tear gas and water cannons. Labor organizations such as the Singapore Factory and Shop Workers Union 89 Turnbull, 265-266 90 Trocki and Barr, 165 91 Turnbull, 265-268 92 Turnbull, 265-268 39 came to the aid of the students and staged solidarity protests. Confrontations with police resulted in violence in many parts of the city. Singapore was placed under curfew for two days. In the end, fifteen people were killed and over 100 people were injured.93 Lim’s hardline anti-communist stance, as well as his actions against the student " protesters gave the British government confidence that Singapore was in good hands.94 Lim resumed self government talks in London in March of 1957. He ultimately accepted the proposal that Marshall had rejected. Singapore would be given full self government, with security and defense issues governed by a seven member security council where Singapore and the United Kingdom would be given 3 seats each. The seventh seat would be given to the Malayan Federation, which had just achieved independence.95 The election of 1959 was a major turning point in Singapore’s history. It was the " first election in which the entire parliament would be elected. The British would no longer be entitled to appoint ex-officio members as in the 1955 election. The election was widely contested. Lim Yew Hock abandoned the Labor Front to run under a new party, the Singapore People’s Alliance. Lee Kuan Yew’s People’s Action Party vetted 51 candidates. David Marshall ran under the newly founded Worker’s Party. Malaysia’s ruling United Malay National Organization (UMNO) had also established a branch in Singapore and contested the election.96 93 Ibid. 94 Turnbull, 268-269 95 Turnbull, 266 Government of Singapore. “1959 Legislative Assembly Elections Results.” Elections Department Singapore. Last modified November 17, 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.eld.gov.sg/ elections_past_parliamentary1959.html.; "Legislative Assembly General Election 1959." Singapore Elections. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.singapore-elections.com/general-election/1959/. 96 40 The results were unprecedented. Lee’s People’s Action Party won 54% of the " popular vote and 43 of the 47 seats in Parliament.97 This landslide victory had been attributed to the electorate’s anger with Lim Yew Hock’s crackdown on labor and student organizations as well as widespread corruption within his government.98 In contrast, Lee Kuan Yew and the PAP promised “A social revolution through peaceful means.”99 The PAP had promised a clean government that would tackle social problems, bring economic prosperity, and most critically, achieve independence through merger with Malaysia.100 Even under Lee’s leadership, the PAP had become an increasingly divided party. " Lee believed that merger with Malaysia would be the only viable option for achieving independence from the British Empire. He believed that merger was an economic necessity, and that “without this economic base (the federation), Singapore would not survive.”101 However, leftist members of the PAP decried the proposal for merger as a “neo-colonialist plot.”102 They feared that Malaysia’s fiercely anti-communist government would suppress socialist movements in Singapore. In addition, they were also displeased with Lee’s establishment of the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC), which consolidated all of Singapore’s labor unions under a single management body. It 97 Ibid. 98 Turnbull, 270-271 99 Turnbull, 272 100 Turnbull, 270-277 101 Turnbull, 274-276 102 Trocki and Barr, 47 41 was seen as a measure by the PAP to constrict the power of labor unions.103 In an attempt to stop Lee, left wing members of the PAP issued a motion of confidence against Lee. Lee’s government survived the motion with 27 votes of confidence and 24 votes against.104 " These events led to the PAP’s left wing to split from the party and form the Barisan Sosialis or BS or “Barisan” (Malay for “Socialist Front”) in 1961.105 The new party’s agenda outlined four basic goals:106 1. To eradicate colonialism and set up a united national independent state comprising the Federation of Malaya and Singapore 2. To establish a democratic Government of Malaya based on universal adult suffrage of all those who are born in or owe their allegiance to Malaya 3. To bring into being an economic system that will endure a prosperous, stable and just society 4. To mobilize all sections of the people for the building of a Malayan nation The Barisan ultimately accepted the proposal for merger with Malaysia as method of achieving independence, however they demanded that Singapore be given proportional representation within the Malaysian parliament in addition to special autonomy on labor and education issues.107 " The political dispute over the terms of merger led the PAP government to put 103 Turnbull, 276-277 104 Trocki and Barr, 71, 90 105 Turnbull, 277-280 106 Fong, Sip Chee. The PAP Story: The Pioneering Years. Singapore: Times Periodicals, 1980. 107 Turnbull, 280 42 Singapore’s future up to a public referendum in 1962.108 The referendum provided three options for merger with different levels of autonomy (see figure 11).109 " Option A would provide for the most autonomy at the expense of representation in the Malaysian Federal Parliament, in which Singapore would only be allotted a fixed 15 out of the 104 seats at the time. " Option B would provide the least autonomy, but would allot parliamentary seats proportional to it’s population. It would make Singapore a full state within the Federation with the same level of autonomy as Malaysia’s other states. " Option C would admit Singapore to the Federation under the same terms as the states of North Borneo and Sarawak, which would provide less autonomy than option A but more than option B. " There was no option for independence or to continue the status quo as a crown colony.110 The Barisan called for a boycott of the referendum, claiming it was “rigged” by a lack of better options and that any of them would “sell out Singapore.” There was indeed public sentiment with the Barisan’s concerns. Over 144,000 Singaporeans cast blank votes in protest, over one quarter of the entire electorate. In the end however, Option A won with 71% of the vote.111 108 Turnbull, 281 AsiaOne. "Referendum Alternatives." Our Story. Last modified 1998. Accessed May 8, 2015. http:// ourstory.asia1.com.sg/merger/ref/malt.html. 109 110 supra note 104 111 supra note 103 43 Figure 11: Ballot instructions for the Merger Referendum " On July 9th, 1963, the United Kingdom, the Federation of Malaya, and the Crown Colonies of Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak signed the Malaysia Agreement in London, which officially merged the Federation of Malaya with Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak to the create the Malaysian Federation.112 Turnbull, 287; Ministry of Tourism and Culture Malaysia. "Formation of Malaysia 16 September 1963." National Archives of Malaysia. Last modified May 5, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http:// www.arkib.gov.my/en/web/guest/penubuhan-malaysia-16-september-1963? p_p_id=56_INSTANCE_Oj0d&p_p_lifecycle=0&p_p_state=normal&p_p_mode=view&p_p_col_id=column -inner-3&p_p_col_count=1&page=1.; Malaysia Agreement. Vol. 750. United Nations Treaty Series. New York: United Nations, 1970. Accessed May 9, 2015. https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume %20750/v750.pdf. 112 44 " The merger relinquished the British Empire’s control over Malaya. Singapore’s dream of Merdeka (Malay for “Freedom”) had appeared to have finally come to fruition. Even as Lim Yew Hock began eating away at Singapore’s civil society, democracy had prevailed, and he was removed from power. Singapore was now part of an independent and democratic Malaysia, one with a vibrant and contested political culture. However, the gleeful atmosphere of Merdeka would be short lived. Singapore’s merger with Malaysia was off to a fragile start. Disagreements over the nation’s future were already festering. Singapore’s marriage with Malaysia was not destined to last, and neither was the PAP’s tolerance of dissent. 45 Chapter 4: Crushing the Opposition: Operation Coldstore “Democracy was the first casualty of the PAP’s success and socialism was the second” - CM Turnbull 113 One of the great ironies of Singapore’s history is that the PAP originally portrayed " itself as a left-wing party that preached socialism, anti-westernism, labor rights and anticolonialism.114 Lee Kuan Yew himself even openly endorsed communism during the Marshall government.115 Upon the PAP’s electoral victory in 1959, Singapore’s business community became fearful that Singapore would turn into another China.116 However, such fears were unfounded. The PAP’s rhetoric was more of a political strategy to gain power rather than a genuine agenda.117 Winning the election (and the merger referendum) required winning the support of the Chinese working class. Doing so required appealing to the interests of Chinese laborers whom traditionally supported the Labour Front and the MCP. This meant keeping the party’s political image to the left of the Labor Front, when in reality the party was much more moderate and in fact internally divided.118 When the leftist faction of the PAP split off to form Barisan in 1961, the PAP had " lost the support of the Chinese working class to the Barisan Sosialis.119 During the 113 Turnbull, 326 114 Turnbull, 272; Low and Vadaketh, 149-150 Morgan, Patricia, and Felix Abisheganaden. "Chin Ping would love this move: Marshall." The Straits Times (Singapore), November 26, 1955, 1. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/ newspapers/Digitised/Article/straitstimes19551126-1.2.16.aspx. 115 116 Turnbull, 272 117 Ibid. 118 Ibid. 119 Trocki and Barr, 90-91 46 merger referendum in 1962, the PAP once again need the support of Singapore’s Chinese majority. However, much of the Chinese working class had felt betrayed by the PAP’s faux radicalism and supported Barisan’s boycott instead. Therefore, the PAP had to seek new allies, which it found in the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce (SCCC). The SCCC was an organization that claimed to represent the interests of the Chinese community in Singapore, particularly the merchant class. It was the guardian and leadership body of Singapore’s middle and upper class Chinese.120 Despite its elitist image, the SCCC supported many of the goals of the Chinese community, including citizenship for first generation migrants, the inclusion of all local languages in developing the parliamentary system, and the equal treatment of languages in education. The PAP promised to preserve the rights of the Chinese community in a united Malaysia, and thus convinced the SCCC to endorse Option A in the referendum.121 " Despite the PAP’s victories in 1959 as well as in the referendum, the Barisan Sosialis posed a serious challenge the PAP government. With an election looming in September of 1963, the PAP turned to desperate measures to secure its reelection.122 Upon Singapore’s merger with Malaysia, all of Malaysia’s Federal laws now applied to Singapore, the most infamous of which is the Internal Security Act of 1960 or ISA. The ISA was passed as an extension of the Emergency Acts of 1948. The act was more or less the same as the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance (PPSO) passed under Visscher, Sikko. "Chinese Merchant’s in Politics" In Paths Not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-war Singapore, by Barr et al., 78-91. Edited by Michael D. Barr and Carl A. Trocki. Singapore: NUS Press, 2008. 120 121 supra note 119 122 Turnbull, 283-285 47 the Labour Front government in 1955 in response to the Hock Lee bus company riots. It allowed the government to detain individuals without trial in order to prevent "that person from acting in any manner prejudicial to the security of Singapore or any part thereof or to the maintenance of public order or essential services therein.” The act’s intention was to allow the government to prevent terrorist attacks by communist insurgents.123 Yet by 1960 the insurgency was weak and divided, and the Emergency was declared officially over.124 " The PAP had originally called for the repeal of the PPSO, citing its use by the Lim Yew Hock government to stifle dissent.125 However once in government, the PAP found new use for the PPSO and later the ISA. In December of 1962, three months after Singapore’s merger referendum, and six months before Singapore’s merger with Malaysia, the militant wing of the Brunei People’s Party (Malay: Parti Rakyat Brunei or PRB) launched a rebellion against the Sultan of Brunei over his rejection of the PRB’s proposal to establish an independent federation in northern Borneo, which would be a federative constitutional monarchy composed of the states of Brunei, Sarawak and Sabah (North Borneo) (see figure 12).126 123 Internal Security Act 1960 (Cap. 143, 1985 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore) Barber, Noel. The War of the Running Dogs: the Malayan Emergency 1948-1960. 1971. Reprint, London: Cassell Military, 2004. 124 125 Turnbull, 255; Trocki and Barr, 120; Low and Vadaketh, 150 126 Turnbull, 281-282 48 Figure 12: Location of Brunei (Green circle) on the island of Borneo, in relation to Singapore (Red circle) " The revolt ultimately failed, but it had moral support from the Barisan, which issued a statement supporting the PRB’s uprising against British colonialism. The revolt and Barisan’s response to it alarmed the British, who feared that the Barisan would turn Singapore into “another Cuba” should they gain power in the elections later in the year, and thus compromise Singapore’s merger with a fervently anti-communist Malaysia. For the PAP, it represented a golden opportunity to crush their biggest political opponent.127 On February 2nd, 1963, the Internal Security Council authorized Operation Coldstore, in which over 100 left-wing activists and Barisan supporters were arrested under the PPSO based on the accusation that they were MCP supporters seeking to establish a communist state in Singapore through a violent revolution, citing their support for the PRB’s efforts in Brunei.128 Among those arrested were Lim Chin Siong, secretary127 Trocki and Barr, 49 Trocki and Barr, 218; Abisheganaden, Felix. "107 Held in Singapore Dawn Drive." The Straits Times (Singapore), February 3, 1963, 1. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/ Digitised/Article/straitstimes19630203.2.2.aspx. 128 49 general of the Barisan Sosialis, Barisan vice-chairmen S. Woodhull, Fong Swee Suan, secretary-general of the pro-Barisan Singapore Association of Trade Unions (SATU), and Malaysian journalist Said Zahari, former editor of the Malay activist newspaper Utusan Melayu.129 In addition to crippling the Barisan Sosialis, Operation Coldstore destroyed what was left of MCP influence in Singapore, and drove the MCP to give up on Singapore.130 Despite the government’s accusations, subsequent British investigations found little evidence of Barisan involvement in the Brunei revolt. Prior to the operation, British Commissioner to Singapore Lord Selkirk and deputy commissioner Philip Moore were convinced that Barisan intended to achieve power through constitutional means, characterizing the Barisan as a political rather than a security issue, and initially rejected Lee Kuan Yew’s call for mass arrests.131 Chin Peng, then secretary-general of the MCP, later wrote in his memoirs that the MCP never had control over the Barisan.132 " As a result of the operation, left-wing labor unions and the Barisan Sosialis were left severely weakened. With their leaders in prison, they struggled to mount an effective campaign in the election of 1963.133 Nevertheless, the PAP faced the closest election in its history. While the Barisan only lost one seat, the PAP managed to win all but one of 129 Turnbull, 281-282; Low and Vadaketh, 150-151 130 Trocki and Barr, 72 131 Trocki and Barr, 218 132 Chin, Peng. My Side of History. Singapore: Media Masters, 2003. 133 Turnbull, 285 50 the seats from third parties. As a result of the election, the PAP controlled 37 of the 51 seats. The Barisan retained 13 seats, while the United People’s Party took one seat.134 " By 1963, the PAP was firmly in control of Singapore, but as part of Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur had the final say in regard to national policies. During the Malaysian General Election in 1964, the PAP contested 11 seats in the Dewan Rakyat (Malaysia’s Lower House of Parliament). Lee Kuan Yew and the PAP campaigned on the promise of a Malaysian Malaysia, that is, the idea that Malaysia should be a nation of Malaysian citizens of all races, not one of just ethnic Malays. This campaign was mounted in opposition to Article 153 of the Malaysian Constitution, which established affirmative action policies for ethnic Malays. Lee’s campaign for racial equality and the abolition of pro-Malay affirmative action polices angered the UMNO and the federal government, whom accused Lee of mistreating Singaporean Malays and attempting to help the Chinese dominate Malaysia.135 " As a result of these tensions, the PAP performed horribly in the federal elections, only winning a single seat in the Dewan Rakyat.136 Racial tensions between Singapore’s Malays, many of whom supported Article 153, and Singapore’s Chinese majority, whom supported meritocracy, reached a fever pitch in a series of racial riots in 1964, in which 36 people were killed and hundreds were injured.137 Government of Singapore. “1963 Legislative Assembly Elections Results.” Elections Department Singapore. Last modified November 17, 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.eld.gov.sg/ elections_past_parliamentary1963.html.; "Legislative Assembly General Election 1963." Singapore Elections. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.singapore-elections.com/general-election/1963/ 134 135 Turnbull, 288-293 "Malaysia General Election 1964." Singapore Elections. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.singaporeelections.com/malaysia-election/1964/ 136 See Conceicao, Joe F.. Singapore and the Many Headed Monster: A New Perspective on the Riots of 1950, 1961 and 1969. Singapore: Horizon Books, 2007. 137 51 " On August 7th, 1965, Malaysian Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman advised parliament to vote to expel Singapore from Malaysia, believing that it was the only way put an end to the violence. In a unanimous vote of 126-0 (with Singapore’s MP’s absent), the Dewan Rakyat voted to expel Singapore from the federation.138 Lee Kuan Yew had pleaded with Tunku to find an alternative solution, but he considered his hands to be tied, stating that Singapore must be expelled “in order to save the rest of the body from gangrene.”139 On August 9th, Lee Kuan Yew returned to Singapore and tearfully addressed the nation over his failure to preserve the union, stating via his nationwide radio address; "For me, it is a moment of anguish. All my life, my whole adult life, I have believed in merger and unity of the two territories."140 As a result of the Dewan Rakyat’s resolution, Singapore became a sovereign state, the Republic of Singapore, and Lee Kuan Yew became Prime Minister of a new nation.141 " As a result of the expulsion, Lee feared for Singapore’s survival, but he wanted to maintain an image as a courageous leader. In his memoirs he stated; “my duty was to give the people hope, not demoralize them.”142 Lee understood that a Singapore without Malaysia would be economically fragile, remaining dependent on entrepôt trade and support from the British military bases which remained in Singapore. Economic survival Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. “Road to Independence” in Singapore: A Country Study. By Barbara Leitch LePoer. Library of Congress Country Studies. Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1989. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://countrystudies.us/singapore/ 138 139 Turnbull, 292-293 Turnbull, 295; Lee, Kuan Yew. Speech presented at Singapore Broadcasting House, Singapore, August 9, 1965. National Archives of Singapore. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.nas.gov.sg/ archivesonline/data/pdfdoc/lky19650809b.pdf. 140 141 Turnbull, 294-295 142 Lee, 4 52 was his primary reasoning for the “necessity” that Singapore be merged with Malaysia. Being suddenly forced to “go it alone” drove home the narrative of Singapore’s vulnerability, and the necessity of building a strong state. In Lee’s view, this meant clearing away any obstacles that stood in the way of his vision for Singapore. 53 Chapter 5: A Social Revolution through Peaceful means: The PAP Government in an Independent Singapore " Singapore’s status as a newly independent nation meant facing new challenges, such as gaining international recognition, ensuring economic stability, tackling social problems, and most importantly in Lee’s view, security. Just over a year after independence, Parliament passed the Vandalism Act in 1966, which mandated caning as punishment not only for the destruction of property, but also for graffiti and the unauthorized hanging of posters or banners.143 It is the latter provision that perhaps explains the law’s true motive. As American involvement in the Vietnam War began escalating, the Barisan launched the “Aid Vietnam” campaign, in which Barisan supporters placed posters around Singapore documenting American atrocities in Vietnam as well as anti-American slogans, while also engaging in protests at the US Embassy.144 On August 6, 1966, police raided the Barisan headquarters under warrant from the Internal Security Department and seized what were described as “antiSingapore” posters, which were characterized as “illegal publications” under the ISA, despite the fact that the posters had nothing to do with Singapore and were intended to criticize US actions in Vietnam.145 In the PAP’s view, these actions could be seen as a way of ensuring good relations with the United States, which had many business ventures in Singapore. To Lee, friendly relations with the US meant more US investment 143 Vandalism Act (Cap. 341, 2014 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore) Rajah, Jothie. "Punishing Bodies, Securing the Nation." In Authoritarian Rule of Law: Legislation, Discourse, and Legitimacy in Singapore, 65-89. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 2012. 144 145 Rajah, 73 54 in Singapore’s trade dependent economy.146 For the PAP, it was not a question of freedom of expression, but a necessity to secure foreign investment in a fragile economy. " It had been well established PAP policy to destabilize the Barisan by harassing them through various legal measures in an attempt to provoke them into engaging in unconstitutional actions.147 However, the Barisan’s demise was not a result of this trap, but rather their own decisions. In 1966, citing the lack of true democracy and the fact that parliament was not consulted over the separation from Malaysia, the Barisan announced that all of their MP’s would resign and that they would boycott future elections.148 The Barisan returned in the 1972 elections, but failed to gain any seats. In face of declining membership and funds, the Barisan merged with David Marshall’s Worker’s Party in May of 1988. " Operation Coldstore had crippled the Barisan as a political party, while the Vandalism Act, the Industrial Relations Act and the ISA destroyed the social movements that supported them.149 Yet despite the evisceration of Parliamentary opposition, as well as the elimination of political activity from public space, there were two notable mediums in which the PAP could still be challenged; the universities and the press. 146 Lee, 57 147 Rajah, 71 148 Haas, 22 Industrial Relations Act 1960 (Cap. 136, 2004 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Not described in this essay. The Industrial Relations Act of 1968 crippled Singapore’s remaining independent (non-NTUC) labor unions by strictly limiting their right to industrial action, among other measures. See Fernandez, Michael, and Kah Seng Loh. "Left Wing Trade Unions in Singapore, 1945-1970." In Paths Not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-war Singapore, by Barr et al., 206-27. Edited by Michael D. Barr and Carl A. Trocki. Singapore: NUS Press, 2008. 149 55 " Restrictions on public protest shifted public criticism of the government to newspapers and university campuses, Nanyang University in particular. Nanyang University (or colloquially “Nantah”) had been the epicenter of Chinese tertiary education in Southeast Asia, as well as a vibrant atmosphere of student activism.150 With universities in China off limits due to government restrictions, Nantah became the pride of Chinese students in Singapore and throughout the region whom desired a university experience based in the Chinese educational tradition.151 However, Nantah’s founding purpose did not fit with the vision of a modern, multicultural Singapore. In 1959, in one of his final actions as Chief Minister, Lim Yew Hock established the Prescott commission to assess Nantah for accreditation.152 The commission’s report criticized the management of the university for allowing “pro-communist elements” to infiltrate the campus (likely referring to student activists), among other issues.153 The report led the university chairman to resign, and Nantah’s administration was reshuffled in accordance with the Prescott commission’s recommendations.154 The decision angered the student body, who saw the report as a move by the PAP to “destroy Chinese education” in Singapore, despite the fact that the commission was started under the Lim Yew Hock government.155 To the ever pragmatic Lee, reforms were Trocki and Barr, 177-180; “Nantah” is an abbreviation of Nanyang University’s Chinese name: 南洋大 学 [Nán yáng dà xué], with “Nantah” being the romanization of the characters 南大. 150 151 Trocki and Barr, 171-177, 190-193 Wong, Ting-hong, "State Formation, Hegemony, and Nanyang University in Singapore, 1953 to 1965", Formosan Education and Society, 1, 59-87, 2000, pp. 59–85. 152 153 Trocki and Barr, 183, 192-193 154 Trocki and Barr, 183-186 155 Rajah, 121-122 56 necessary for Nantah graduates to compete in a world where a high quality English education was increasingly valued, and contended that excessive student activism would negatively impact the education of Nantah students.156 In June of 1964, the security council ordered a night raid on Nantah to arrest student activists convicted of being MCP supporters. In total, 51 student leaders were arrested under the ISA.157 The greater significance of this however, lies with the Chinese language press’ reaction to the incident. " Singapore had traditionally been home to a vibrant and competitive press, especially in the era prior to World War II and the Emergency.158 The press had become more cautious in their reporting as a result of the Emergency regulations in 1948, but nevertheless continued to play an active part in Singaporean civil society. By the late 1960’s, three papers in particular played a leading role in critiquing government policy; The Singapore Herald, The Eastern Sun and The Nanyang Siang Pau (or Nanyang for short).159 The Nanyang in particular was the largest Chinese language newspaper in Singapore. It was often sympathetic to the Chinese student movement at Nantah, frequently covering the activities of the student activists.160 After the security operation at Nantah and the subsequent reshuffling of the school’s administration, the Nanyang ran editorials criticizing the government for allegedly attempting to dismantle the 156 Trocki and Barr, 182-186 157 Trocki and Barr, 183-184 158 Trocki and Barr, 264-267 159 Rajah, 122-123 160 Rajah, 120-122 57 Chinese education system in Singapore.161 The English language Singapore Herald also routinely ran editorials critical of PAP policies. They were a voice of public grievances that needed to be silenced. On May 2nd, 1971, three executives of the Nanyang were arrested under the ISA for allegedly launching “a deliberate campaign to stir up Chinese racial emotions” through their newspaper.162 On May 28th, the Singapore Herald’s publishing license was revoked after being accused of being a front for a “foreign black operation” hoping to undermine Singapore’s government. As evidence, the government pointed to a loan made to the paper by the US based Chase Bank. As the Singapore Herald was a relatively new paper, the loan was taken to pay costs while attempting to gain profitability, yet according to the allegations, a line of credit from a foreign bank constituted a “black op.”163 Soon after the Nanyang and the Singapore Herald were targeted, the Eastern Sun ceased operations, stating that they could no longer operate under constant government suspicion.164 " Readers of the Nanyang and the Singapore Herald were outraged over the accusations. In an early example of the Streisand effect, the readership of the Nanyang soared after the arrest of its executives. Likewise, supporters of the Singapore Herald launched a fundraising campaign to keep the paper afloat while it attempted to regain its printing license. The owners of the Nanyang issued a statement hitting back at the Rajah, 122; Seow, Francis T. "The Nanyang Siang Pau." In The Media Enthralled: Singapore Revisited, 42-48. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998. 161 Fong, Leslie. "Three Newsmen Held." The Straits Times (Singapore), May 3, 1971. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/straitstimes19710503-1.2.2.aspx. 162 163 Seow, Francis T. "The Government's Case against the Singapore Herald." In The Media Enthralled: Singapore Revisited, 56-102. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998. Seow, 52-56; Rajah, 123-125; Lee, Kuan Yew. "Managing the Media." In From Third World to First: The Singapore Story, 1965-2000, 185-197. New York: HarperCollins, 2000. 164 58 government, stating that in a nation without opposition in parliament, papers such as the Nanyang were filling a crucial void in civil society by reporting on the grievances and concerns of the citizenry, and that questioning the government was the ultimate statement of patriotism.165 " In 1974, with almost no parliamentary debate, the PAP government enacted the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act (or simply, the Press Act). In terms of lasting influence, it is arguably the most significant piece of legislation ever enacted by the PAP government. The Press Act required that all press companies be publicly traded. In addition, they would be required to issue two types of shares, ordinary shares and management shares. Management shares would have 200 times the voting power in cases of hiring or dismissing journalists and directors. Shares can only be held by Singapore citizens. Management shares could only be bought with the approval of the government.166 In effect, this means that only the government can choose who is allowed to own management shares, and by extension, control Singapore’s press companies. " The Press Act has been amended several times since 1974. One significant amendment was made in 1977, which prohibited any party from owning more than 3% of a press company’s ordinary shared. This amendment is believed to have been directed at the Nanyang in particular, which was founded and owned by a wealthy Singaporean-Chinese family.167 Another, more significant amendment was made in 1986 which allowed the government to restrict or ban the circulation of foreign 165 Seow, 44 166 Newspaper and Printing Presses Act 1974 (Cap. 206, Sec. 10, 2002 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore) 167 Rajah, 144 59 newspapers in Singapore if they “engaged in the domestic politics of Singapore”, or in other words, critiqued PAP policy.168 As justification for these unusual regulations, the minister whom tabled the bill stated, “A responsible press is crucial to nation building.”169 This statement is an echo of the same argument that Lee Kuan Yew presented in a paper at the general assembly of the International Press Institute in Helsinki in 1971, just weeks after the executives of the Nanyang were detained. Lee stated: “We want the mass media to reinforce, not undermine, the cultural values and social attitudes being inculcated in our schools and universities. The mass media can create a mood in which people become keen to acquire the knowledge, skills and disciplines of advanced countries... to raise the standards of living of our people.”170 Lee went on to argue that western nations should not apply their notions of press freedom on an Asian country such as Singapore which faced unique “vulnerabilities.”171 Lee also stated, “Freedom of the Press, freedom of the news media, must be subordinated to the overriding needs of Singapore, and the Primacy of purpose of an elected government.”172 Through these statements and through the Press Act, Lee and the PAP have " effectively inverted the purpose of the fourth estate. Instead of the press keeping check 168 Newspaper and Printing Presses Act 1974 (Cap. 206, Sec. 24, 2002 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore) 169 Rajah, 149 Lee, Kuan Yew. "The Mass Media and New Countries." Paper presented at General Assembly of the International Press Institute, Helsinki, Finland, June 9, 1971. 170 171 Ibid. 172 Lee, 190 60 on the power of the state, it is the state that is needed to keep check on the press because the press has the power to destabilize the “vulnerable” nation. " Thanks to the Press Act, Singapore ceased to have a free and independent press by the end of the 1970’s.173 The Vandalism Act, the ISA and the Sedition Act effectively eliminated the citizenry’s ability to protest in public. The “reforms” at Nantah eliminated student activism. The Industrial Relations Act consolidated activist labor unions under the PAP affiliated NTUC. The Legal Profession Act suppressed the right of lawyers to critique legislation.174 Seemingly all mediums for public political discourse were sealed off by the 1980s. Yet there was one public body that the PAP perhaps did not expect to receive criticism from, the church. " As a multicultural society, Singapore has had a long history of religious freedom and tolerance. It is, statistically, one of the most religiously diverse nations in the world (see figure 5).175 However, limits have been placed on religious groups that engage in public policy issues. There is no better example of this “freedom within limits” approach to religion in Singapore than Operation Spectrum, or as the PAP refers to it, the “Marxist Conspiracy.” Singapore currently ranks 150th in press freedom according to Reporters Without Boarders, the lowest amongst all developed countries. See World Press Freedom Index 2014. World Press Freedom Index. Paris: Reporters Without Boarders, 2014. Accessed May 9, 2015. https://rsf.org/index2014/data/ index2014_en.pdf. 173 174 Legal Profession Act 1966 (Cap. 161, 1994 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore); Not described in this essay. The Legal Profession Act restricted the Law Society of Singapore (the country’s Bar association) from commenting on and critiquing legislation. See Rajah, Jothie. "Policing Lawyers, Constraining Citizenship." In Authoritarian Rule of Law: Legislation, Discourse, and Legitimacy in Singapore, 161-218. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 2012. Global Religious Diversity. Pew Research Forum. April 4, 2014. Accessed May 9, 2015. http:// www.pewforum.org/2014/04/04/global-religious-diversity/. 175 61 On May 21st, 1987, 16 activists were detained under the ISA for allegedly " planning “a Marxist conspiracy to overthrow the government and establish a communist state” in Singapore.176 According to the allegations, the plot was “masterminded” by Tan Wah Piow, a self-styled Maoist student activist living in exile in London (see figure 13). These activists, led by Vincent Chang, head of an organization called the Justice and Peace Commission, were involved in several Catholic organizations, including the Justice and Peace Commission, the Student Christian Movement of Singapore, the Young Christian Workers Movement and the Catholic Welfare Centre of Singapore.177 Despite the fanatical headlines and serious accusations, the activities which these activists had engaged in were hardly comparable to planning a Marxist coup, rather their activities were more in line with Catholic charity and liberation theology.178 They worked to educate migrant workers by teaching them English, informing them about their rights as foreign laborers, and instructing them on how to file complaints with the Ministry of Manpower.179 Through their publication The Catholic News, they also profiled stories of workers and their struggles, particularly with unemployment, long work-days, and the perceived inadequacy of their unions. They also distributed booklets educating workers on industrial rights, and provided leadership training for those seeking to campaign for improved working conditions.180 The Straits Times (Singapore). "Marxist Plot Uncovered." May 27, 1987. Accessed May 9, 2015. http:// eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/straitstimes19870527-1.2.2.aspx. 176 Barr, Michael D. "Marxists in Singapore? Lee Kuan Yew's Campaign against Catholic Social Justice Activists in the 1980's." Critical Asian Studies 42, no. 3 (2010): 335-62. DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2010.507389. 177 178 Ibid. 179 Trocki and Barr, 237-240 180 Ibid. 62 Figure 13: The Straits Times reporting the “Marxist plot.”181 " Despite the rhetoric surrounding the arrests that these organizations were fronts being used by Catholic activists to infiltrate institutions such as the Law Society, the Workers Party and student associations, it has been subsequently reviled that even the government did not believe that there was any credible threat.182 In a private meeting, Lee Kuan Yew referred to the activists as “do-gooders who wanted to help the poor and dispossessed” and that he was not concerned with “Vincent Chang and his group.”183 181 supra note 176 182 Trocki and Barr, 240-242; supra note 169 183 Trocki and Barr, 229 63 Even the pressroom at The Straits Times was filled with skepticism, but being under the indirect control of the state due to the Press Act, they reported it anyway.184 Despite this, the government proceeded with the operation. The detainee’s stated that they were tortured and forced to sign confessions dictated by their interrogators.185 " The notion that a group of Catholic charities were planning to launch a Marxist coup in a small southeast asian city-state seems laughable in retrospect, but to the PAP, they represented a genuine threat, not to the Singaporean state, but to the PAP’s legitimacy. Lee wanted the church to be a partner in nation building, a unifying motivator for strengthening the nation (similar to the protestant work ethic), but the activities of the Catholic charities exposed an underclass in Singapore that was not supposed to officially exist.186 The concept of class is mostly absent from public discourse in Singapore. The national narrative established by the PAP government is one of absolute economic mobility through meritocracy. Catholic charities brought light to Singapore’s economic underclass, particularly migrant workers, the unemployed and the poor. This contradicted the narrative of absolute economic mobility, thus challenging the PAP’s legitimacy.187 " The PAP’s rule in a post-independence Singapore focused on clearing obstacles that stood in the way of Lee’s vision for Singapore, which not only included political opposition, but civil society itself. The students of Nantah demanded the preservation of 184 supra note 177 Seow, Francis T. To Catch a Tartar: A Dissident in Lee Kuan Yew's Prison. New Haven, CT: Yale Center for International and Area Studies, 1994. pp. 256-261. 185 186 Trocki and Barr, 233; Rajah, 231-234 187 Rajah, 231-234 64 Chinese education in Singapore, and were subsequently dealt with. Workers criticized the consolidation of their unions under the NTUC, and were subsequently dealt with. The press gave light to the grievances of the populous, and was subsequently dealt with. The Law Society questioned PAP legislation, and was subsequently dealt with. The activism of the Catholic Church was seen as a threat to the political order, and was subsequently dealt with.188 To Lee and the PAP, these actions were necessary to develop Singapore under a model that would bring Singapore from third world to first.189 By the 1990’s, Lee and the PAP had seemingly succeeded in their goals. GDP had risen from $1,240 in 1959 to $18,437 in 1990. The unemployment rate in Singapore dropped from 13.5% in 1959 to 1.7% in 1990. External trade increased from $7.3 billion in 1959 to $205 billion in 1990. Infant mortality per 1000 live births dropped from 36 in 1959 to 11.7 in 1990. Life expectancy rose from 65 years in 1960 to 74 years in 1990.190 By the time Lee Kuan Yew resigned from the premiership in 1990, Singapore was a developed country with a strong economy and a high standard of living. The elimination of dissent and political opposition allowed Lee and the PAP to build a Singapore in their vision with astounding results, but now that Singapore has become a “first world” country, are the PAP’s hardline policies still necessary? To an increasingly vocal populous, the answer may be, no. 188 supra note 177 189 For further insight into Lee’s vision for Singapore, see Lee, Kuan Yew. From Third World to First: The Singapore Story, 1965-2000. New York: HarperCollins, 2000.; Lee, Kuan Yew. One Man's View of the World. Singapore: Straits Times Press, 2013.; Lee, Kuan Yew. The Wit and Wisdom of Lee Kuan Yew. Lanham, MD: Editions Didier Millet, 2013. Chan, Fiona. The Singapore that LKY Built. Illustrated by Choon Hiong Ching. Singapore: The Straits Times, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.straitstimes.com/sites/straitstimes.com/files/20150329/ ST_20150329_LKYGRAPH2_1187888.pdf. 190 65 Chapter 6: Challenging the Singapore Consensus " Lee was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong as Prime Minister. In his first election in 1991, Goh campaigned on the promise of a “kinder, gentler Singapore.”191 He stated that he wanted to pursue a more open-minded and consultative style of leadership than that of Lee, hoping to spur entrepreneurship and the growth of “little bohemia's” in Singapore.192 Yet “kinder and gentler” did not seem to apply to corporal punishment. In 1994, a 15 year old American by the name of Michael Fay, son of American expatiates, was arrested for vandalism and destruction of property in Singapore for vandalizing cars, based on a testimony from an alleged accomplice, a 16 year old Hong Kong boy who was arrested for driving his father’s car without a license.193 Fay was convicted and sentenced to four months in jail, a fine of $3500 Singapore dollars, and six strokes of the cane.194 " For most of its history, western governments had more or less turned a blind eye to Singapore’s authoritarian actions. The caning of Michael Fay changed that. The fact that he was a US citizen brought international media attention to Singapore’s criminal justice system and its use of caning in particular.195 Many op-eds in US newspapers 191 Haas, 31 Koh, Buck Song. Brand Singapore: How Nation Branding Built Asia's Leading Global City. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Business, 2011. pp. 160. 192 Tan, Boon Ooi. "9 Foreign Students Held for Vandalism." The Straits Times (Singapore), October 7, 1993. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/ straitstimes19931007-1.2.6.aspx. ; Straits Times (rajah 90) 193 Michael Peter Fay v. Public Prosecutor (3 March 1994) M/A No.48/94/01 (Singapore Subordinate Courts); Stewart, Ian. "Flogging for Vandal." South China Morning Post (Hong Kong), April 22, 1994. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.corpun.com/sgju9404.htm#3891.; Chong, Elena. "Teen Vandal Gets Jail and Cane." The Straits Times (Singapore), March 4, 1994. Accessed May 9, 2015. http:// eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/straitstimes19940304-1.2.3.aspx. 194 Fawcett, Karen. "Americans in Singapore Condemn Caning for Teen." USA Today (Washington DC), March 9, 1994. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.corpun.com/sgju9403.htm#1199. 195 66 condemned the sentencing.196 President Bill Clinton himself called Fay's punishment “extreme and mistaken”, and pressured the Singaporean government to grant Fay clemency from the caning. Lee Kuan Yew defended the caning, arguing that if exceptions were made, the rule of law would not stand, stating “if we did not cane this boy because he was American, how could we cane our own offenders?.”197 The caning was reduced to four strokes to appeal to Bill Clinton’s request for clemency, but proceeded anyway.198 The American public was divided on the issue.199 Some saw the punishment as excessively harsh, but many actually supported it, some based on the notion that the US does not adequately punish its own juvenile offenders, others on the notion that as a sovereign nation, Singapore had the right to punish criminals however it wanted.200 " The Michael Fay case brought major foreign criticism to Singapore for the first time in decades, but criticism from within Singapore also began redeveloping. The backdrop of Singapore’s economic success overshadows significant socio-economic issues. Singapore is one of the most unequal societies in the world, with a gini "What US columnists say about Fay's caning.” The Straits Times (Singapore). April 8, 1994. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.corpun.com/sgju9404.htm#6392 196 197 Lee, 214 198 “Caning sentence on Fay to Stay." The Straits Times (Singapore), May 5, 1994. Andrea Stone, "Whipping penalty judged too harsh -- by some", USA Today, Washington DC, March 10, 1994. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.corpun.com/sgju9403.htm#andrea 199 Mike Royko, "Readers get 'behind' flogging of vandal." Daily News, New York, March 30, 1994. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.corpun.com/sgju9403.htm#royko; Los Angeles Times. "Travel Advisory -- When in Rome..." Editorial. March 19, 1994. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.corpun.com/ sgju9403.htm#4908. 200 67 coefficient of 47.8, higher than almost all of the OECD countries.201 Singaporeans work some of the longest hours in the world and are described as one of the worlds least happiest peoples, with more than half stating that they would emigrate if able.202 Singapore’s status as an increasingly globalized city state has created a sense of alienation amongst the local population. Singapore has one of the most liberal immigration policies in the world. Any firm operating in Singapore can sponsor an unlimited number for foreign workers to receive work visas. Permanent residency is relatively easy to acquire, and citizenship can be attained after just 2 years of lawful residency.203 These polices have caused a massive influx for foreign laborers from the Philippines, India, China, Australia and Europe.204 In 1990, 86% of Singapore’s population consisted of Singaporean citizens. By 2011, it had dropped to 63%.205 Some Singaporeans have begun to perceive a “glass ceiling” for local workers, who must compete with laborers from abroad in a country with weak unions and no minimum wage. These issues have given some Singaporeans the feeling of being reduced to second class citizens in their own homeland.206 201 The Gini coefficent is a statistical meaurement of income inequality. See Central Intelligence Agency. County Comparison :: Distribution of Family Income - Gini Index. CIA World Factbook. Accessed May 9, 2015. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2172rank.html. Low, Donald, and Sudhir Thomas Vadaketh. Preface to Hard Choices: Challenging the Singapore Consensus, by Low et al., ix-xiii. Singapore: NUS Press, 2014. 202 See Goh, Phai Cheng. Citizenship Laws of Singapore. Singapore: Educational Publications Bureau, 1970. 203 See Athukorala, Prema-chandra, and Chris Manning. "Hong Kong and Singapore: City-States Shaped by Migrants." In Structural Change and International Migration in East Asia: Adjusting to Labour Scarcity. Melbourne, Australia: Oxford University Press, 1999. 204 205 Low and Vadaketh, 63 206 Low and Vadaketh, 33-34 68 " These grievances point to an ongoing yet unspoken debate over what is best for Singapore. Singapore is becoming torn between its status as both a global city and a nation state.207 Is globalization is truly beneficial for Singapore? or is the nation being eroded to the status of a “renter state” completely dependent on foreign investment? The increasing dissatisfaction over life in Singapore has even begun seeping into election results. In the 2011 General Election, the PAP won 81 out of the 87 seats in the Singapore Parliament, the lowest majority margin since independence (see figure 8).208 The PAP’s popular vote had sunk to 60%, an all time low. Six opposition members were elected to parliament, winning an entire 5 member GRC, an unprecedented result.209 " In addition to electing opposition members to parliament, Singaporeans have begun expressing their grievances over the internet, increasingly criticizing government actions. One notable incident occurred in May of 2014 in which a Singaporean blogger named Roy Ngerng published a blog post accusing Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong (son of Lee Kuan Yew) of misappropriating funds from the nation’s Central Provident Fund (or CPF), a government run universal pension program. Lee proceeded to sue Roy for defamation and making false statements.210 The lawsuit made Roy a martyr. He started a crowdfunding campaign to raise money for his legal defense fund, reaching his 207 Low and Vadaketh, 62-65 208 supra notes 27 and 28 GRC’s are traditionally designed to be PAP “Strongholds” See Appendix A and Gomez, James. "Democracy and Elections: The Impact of Online Politics in Singapore." PhD Dissertation., Monash University, 2008. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.academia.edu/195426/ Democracy_and_Elections_The_Impact_of_Online_Politics_in_Singapore. 209 Ngerng, Roy. "I Have Just Been Sued By The Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong." The Heart Truths (blog). Entry posted May 19, 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://thehearttruths.com/2014/05/19/ihave-just-been-sued-by-the-singapore-prime-minister-lee-hsien-loong/. 210 69 target of $70,000 within a week.211 Lee won the suit and Roy was ordered to pay $29,000 in damages and legal fees to Lee.212 This did not deter Roy from his cause however. Roy returned to organize a rally titled Return our CPF! on June 7th in Hong Lim Park, the only place in Singapore where public gatherings are permitted without a police permit.213 Thousands descended on Hong Lim Park to hear Roy speak (see figure 14).214 The Return our CPF! rally was an unprecedented act of public dissent. The fact that the rally was not broken up by police serves as an indication of a possible reemergence of civil society in Singapore. Chanjaroen, Chanyaporn; Tan, Andrea. "Singapore Blogger Tops Funding Goal to Defend Against Lee's Suit.”Bloomberg News. Accessed June 9, 2014. http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-06-03/ singapore-blogger-tops-funding-goal-to-defend-against-lee-s-suit.html 211 "Singapore PM wins defamation suit against activist.” Agence France Presse. Accessed November 8, 2014. https://sg.news.yahoo.com/singapore-pm-wins-defamation-suit-against-activist-092131139.html. 212 213 Wong, Chun Han. "Protesters Assail Singapore Pension System." The Wall Street Journal (New York), June 8, 2014. Accessed May 10, 2015. http://online.wsj.com/articles/protesters-assail-singapore-pensionsystem-1402155985.; Nurul, Azliah Aripin. "Organisers claim #ReturnOurCPF protest drew 6K despite initial drizzle, blazing sun.” Yahoo News Singapore. Accessed November 10, 2014. https:// sg.news.yahoo.com/over-1-000-people-at--returnourcpf-protest-at-hong-lim-park-093133980.html. Yi, Shu Ng. "Blogger Roy Ngerng’s ‘Return Our CPF’ rally draws large crowds." Mothership.sg. Last modified June 8, 2014. Accessed May 10, 2015. http://mothership.sg/2014/06/blogger-roy-ngerngsreturn-our-cpf-rally-draws-large-crowds/. 214 70 Figure 14: Roy Ngerng speaks to the crowd at the Return our CPF! rally on June 7th, 2014.215 " While the success of the Return our CPF rally could be seen as a turning point in Singapore’s civil society, a much more significant event would soon occur. After being hospitalized with pneumonia for almost 2 months, Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s “founding father” died at the age of 91 on March 23rd, 2015.216 Given his advanced age, this was an event that was widely expected to occur in the coming years. Nevertheless, a seven day period of mourning was declared.217 Lee’s coffin was placed in the entrance lobby Hong Lim Park got a little crowded yesterday. Photograph. Mothership.sg. June 8, 2014. Accessed May 10, 2015. http://mothership.sg/2014/06/blogger-roy-ngerngs-return-our-cpf-rally-draws-large-crowds/ 215 Prime Minister's Office. "Passing of Mr Lee Kuan Yew, founding Prime Minister of Singapore." News release. March 23, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.pmo.gov.sg/mediacentre/passing-mr-leekuan-yew-founding-prime-minister-singapore. 216 "Prime Minister declares period of National Mourning for Mr Lee Kuan Yew." Channel News Asia. Last modified March 23, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/ prime-minister-declares/1733576.html. 217 71 of the parliament house for three days for the public to pay their respects.218 Lee’s state funeral on March 29th was a somber moment for Singapore. Over 100,000 people lined the streets to view the funeral procession take Lee’s body to the National University of Singapore’s cultural center, where his funeral was held (see figures 15 and 16).219 Sirens marked a nationwide minute of silence. Although rain is frequent occurrence in Singapore, one news article commented that the skies over Singapore were weeping for Lee Kuan Yew on that day.220 Heng, Melissa, and Hui Min Chew. "Passing of Mr Lee Kuan Yew: Lying in State will now be Round the Clock." The Straits Times (Singapore), March 25, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http:// www.straitstimes.com/news/singapore/more-singapore-stories/story/hours-pay-last-respects-mr-lee-kuanyew-extended-massive. 218 "Traffic Arrangements for Mr Lee Kuan Yew's State Funeral." AsiaOne. Last modified March 23, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://news.asiaone.com/news/singapore/traffic-arrangements-mr-lee-kuan-yewsstate-funeral. 219 The Straits Times (Singapore). "The Guns Boom, the Skies Weep." March 30, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.straitstimes.com/news/singapore/more-singapore-stories/story/the-guns-boom-theskies-weep-20150330. 220 72 Figure 15: Mourners line the street for Lee Kuan Yew’s funeral procession. Note the rainy weather.221 Crowds line up procession route for Mr Lee Kuan Yew's funeral. Photograph. AsiaOne. March 29, 2015. Accessed May 10, 2015. http://news.asiaone.com/news/singapore/over-100000-people-linedstreets-bid-last-farewell-lee-kuan-yew. 221 73 Figure 16: Mourners display a banner which roughly translates as “Nation’s father, rest on your journey.” Note the honorific characters 国父, which mean “father of the nation.” 222 Figure 17: A stylized black ribbon worn by many Singaporeans during the week of mourning. It was also prominently displayed online.223 Ibid.; It is also worth noting that 国父 is a term that is typically used almost exclusively to refer to Chinese revolutionary Sun Yat-sen. This implies that the makers of the banner held Lee Kuan Yew to the same regard. See Wang, Ermin. 思想創造時代:孫中山與中華民國 (in Chinese). Taipei, Taiwan: 秀威資訊 科技股份有限公司, 2011, pp. 274. 222 Liang, Hwei. "The Internet Mourns Lee Kuan Yew With Black Ribbons And Beautiful Art." Vulcan Post. Last modified March 23, 2015. Accessed May 10, 2015. https://vulcanpost.com/202351/internet-mournslee-kuan-yew-black-ribbons-graphics/. 223 74 " Yet, the somber mood of the week of mourning was interrupted by a video posted on YouTube by a Singaporean teenager named Amos Yee on March 27th entitled Lee Kuan Yew is Finally Dead! In the video, Yee compared Lee to Jesus, saying that both were "power-hungry and malicious but deceive others into thinking they are both compassionate and kind. Their impact and legacy will ultimately not last as more and more people find out that they are full of bull.” He also stated that Lee’s admirers are "completely delusional and ignorant" with "absolutely no sound logic or knowledge about him that is grounded in reality.” Yee concluded by stating that Lee was a "horrible person", an "awful leader" and "a dictator but managed to fool most of the world to think he was democratic", and conveyed his hope that Lee would not rest in peace. Yee then dared Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong to sue him.224 " This single video shattered the image of Lee Kuan Yew as a benevolent nation builder. Amos Yee openly challenged Singapore’s historical narrative of development through political Confucianism by refuting the “great man theory” of Singaporean history that has revolved around Lee Kuan Yew.225 " Multiple police reports were filed against Yee by outraged Singaporeans (including his own mother) in response to the video, as well as the content on his blog, notably a caricature "of Lee Kuan Yew ‘buttfucking’ Margaret Thatcher.”226 Although it "Lee Kuan Yew is Finally Dead!" Video file. YouTube. Posted by Amos Yee, March 27, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dD4y3U4TfeY. 224 Tarulevicz, Nicole. "History Making in Singapore: Who is Producing the Knowledge?" New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies 11, no. 1 (June 2009): 402-425.; supra notes 45 and 46 225 "星洲少年批李光耀被捕 政治漫畫亦被舉報" (in Chinese). Hong Kong Local Press. Last modified March 30, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://localpresshk.com/2015/03/星洲少年批李光耀被捕 政治漫畫亦被舉 報/.; For the offending image in question, see Yee, Amos. "Lee Kuan Yew Buttfucking Margaret Thatcher." AmosYee (blog). Entry posted March 28, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. https:// amosyee.wordpress.com/2015/03/28/lee-kuan-yew-buttfucking-margaret-thatcher/. 226 75 was not his mother’s intention, Yee was subsequently arrested under the charges of "deliberate intention of wounding the religious or racial feelings", "threatening, abusive or insulting communication" and obscenity.227 Yee was later released on $20,000 bail on the condition that he cease his online activities while awaiting trial.228 Yee then flouted the conditions of his bail by launching a crowdfunding campaign to pay his legal fees, and continued to make blog posts criticizing the conditions of his bail.229 As of the time of this writing, Yee’s trial is set for is set for May 7th, 2015. If convicted, he faces up to three years in prison.230 " For better or for worse, Yee represents a new generation of Singaporeans who grew up in the post-Lee era, and thus view his legacy differently and often more critically.231 Xu, Terry. "Mother of Amos Yee: “I did not file a police report to have my son arrested.”" The Online Citizen. Last modified April 14, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.theonlinecitizen.com/2015/04/ mother-of-amos-yee-i-did-not-file-a-police-report-to-have-my-son-arrested/.; Ramzy, Austin. "Singapore Arrests Teenager Over Video Critical of Lee Kuan Yew." The New York Times, March 30, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/31/world/asia/singapore-arrests-teenager-over-videocritical-of-lee-kuan-yew.html?_r=0.; Heller, Nathan. "Amos Yee: YouTube Star, Teen-Ager, Dissident." The New Yorker, April 10, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.newyorker.com/culture/cultural-comment/ the-arrest-of-a-teen-aged-youtube-star. 227 Loke, Kok Fai. "YouTuber Amos Yee charged, bail set at S$20,000." Channel News Asia. Last modified March 31, 2015. Accessed May 5, 2015. http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/youtuberamos-yee-charged/1758018.html?cid=FBSG. 228 Ng, Scott. "Amos Yee reaches out for help." Free Malaysia Today. Last modified April 15, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2015/04/15/amos-yeereaches-out-for-help/.; Today (Singapore). "Amos Yee posts on blog, breaches bail terms." April 30, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.todayonline.com/singapore/amos-yee-posts-blog-breaches-bail-terms. 229 "Amos Yee trial date set for May 7." Channel News Asia. Last modified May 4, 2015. Accessed May 5, 2015. http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/amos-yee-trial-date-set/1824352.html. 230 Heller, Nathan. "Amos Yee: YouTube Star, Teen-Ager, Dissident." The New Yorker, April 10, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.newyorker.com/culture/cultural-comment/the-arrest-of-a-teen-agedyoutube-star. 231 76 In addition to Amos Yee’s rant against Lee Kuan Yew, another unusual " occurrence took place on April 4th, less than a week after Lee’s state funeral. Two men stood in front of the Istana (the official residence of the President of Singapore) holding signs that read “You can’t silence the people” and “Injustice” for approximately 30 minutes before being arrested on the charges of engaging in a public assembly without a permit, apparently on the basis that two people holding signs constitutes a “public assembly.”232 The men later clarified that they intended to bring attention to “injustice done towards those who offered a differing opinion and dared to raise questions considered to be ‘touchy’.”233 They expected to be arrested, and left the messages on their signs intentionally vague in order to avoid defamation charges.234 Interestingly, the news site that interviewed the protestors over their motivations was ordered to shut down by Singapore’s Media Development Authority (or MDA, the regulatory body of the media in Singapore) on May 3rd, 2015.235 The site, TheRealSingapore.com (or “TRS”), describes itself as a "user generated content site for all Singaporeans to express themselves freely and without any form of censorship.” It frequently posted user written articles that expressed Singaporeans grievances and complaints. The site’s owners and editors, an Australian named Ai Takagi, a "Duo arrested for organising public assembly without permit outside Istana." Channel News Asia. Last modified April 4, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/duoarrested-for/1766516.html. 232 "Two Men Involved in Istana Protest Share the Reason why they did it." The Real Singapore. Last modified April 7, 2015. Accessed April 7, 2015. http://therealsingapore.com/content/two-men-involvedistana-protest-share-reason-why-they-did-it. 233 234 Ibid. "MDA orders The Real Singapore admins to disable access to online properties." Channel News Asia. Last modified May 3, 2015. Accessed May 3, 2015. http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/ mda-orders-the-real/1822040.html. 235 77 Singaporean named Yang Kaiheng, and a Malaysian named Melanie Tan were told that they had “published prohibited material as defined by the Code to be objectionable on the grounds of public interest, public order and national harmony", “deliberately fabricated articles and falsely attributed them to innocent parties”, “inserted falsehoods in articles that were either plagiarized from local news sources or sent in by contributors so as to make the articles more inflammatory" and “sought to incite anti-foreigner sentiments in Singapore.” Yang and Takagi were charged under the Sedition Act for posting articles that have "tendency to promote feelings of ill-will and hostility between different groups of people in Singapore.”236 The shutdown of TRS marked one of the first instances in which an alternative " news site was ordered to cease operations by order of the MDA. Prior to this, online publications were often removed through defamation lawsuits against individual bloggers, such as in the case of Roy Ngerng. These events reveal an emerging dichotomy in Singaporean society. " Singaporeans are becoming increasingly frustrated and critical of the government and its polices, yet remain grateful for how far their nation has come under Lee Kuan Yew’s leadership. In addition, Singapore’s government has increasingly responded to dissent through legal action rather than the mass security operations of the 1960’s and 1980’s. Lee Kuan Yew’s death has marked an important milestone in Singapore’s history. The narrative of vulnerability, the necessity of nation building, strict laws, the suppression of dissent and one party rule seems to have died with Lee. The post-Lee era represents a new Singapore, one in which the PAP is not infallible, one in which dissent and speaking 236 Ibid. 78 ones mind is slowly becoming socially acceptable, even if it has not in the view of the government. As Singaporeans face the forefront of a more globalized, more socially liberal yet increasingly unequal world, the social contract of the Singapore consensus has begun to erode. 79 Conclusion: Why Singapore Matters " Despite being such a small country, Singapore has become a model nation which has challenged the democratic model of development. Lee Kuan Yew and his People’s Action Party crushed the political opposition and gutted Singapore’s civil society through a series of legislation and security operations, yet in the process has created one of the most prosperous nations in the world that is not a liberal democracy. The social contract which has been built into Singaporean society in which civil liberties can be foregone in exchange for the promise of prosperity, security and well being has served as an inspiration for other world leaders. Russia’s Vladimir Putin, Georgia’s Mikhail Saakashvili, Ukraine’s Viktor Yanukovych, and every Chinese leader since Deng Xiao Ping have all been open admirers of Lee.237 Leaders of developing nations such as Paul Kagame of Rwanda, Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakstan, and Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj of Mongolia have also drawn inspiration from Singapore and Lee.238 Even leaders who have not mentioned Singapore by name have embraced the authoritarian model of development, such as Viktor Orban, Prime Minister of Hungary.239 " Singapore is not the primary inspiration for the illiberal model, yet it has played a significant role in feeding the notion that liberal democracy is not end all, be all of the modern state system.240 237 supra note 37 Allison, Ghram. "The sayings of Lee Kuan Yew, the sage of Singapore." Los Angeles Times, March 25, 2015. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-0326-allison-lee-kuan-yewsingapore-20150324-story.html. 238 239 Schleifer, Yigal. "Hungary at the Turning Point." Slate, October 3, 2014. Accessed May 9, 2015. http:// www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/moment/2014/10/ viktor_orban_s_authoritarian_rule_the_hungarian_prime_minister_is_destroying.single.html. 240 supra note 37 80 " Yet the Singapore model is not as black and white as commonly perceived by outsiders. Singapore’s government is defined by the philosophy of state Confucianism, not simple authoritarianism. To Lee and the PAP, the need for authoritarianism reflects the perceived necessity of respect for authority in order to preserve the social harmony that is necessary for development. The Barisan, the labor unions, the students of Nantah, and the press challenged the authority that was meant to ensure harmony in Singapore. To an authority with a Confucianist mindset such as Lee and the PAP, this was unacceptable. " In Chinese dominated societies such as Singapore and in Asian societies in general, collectivism is strongly valued over individual rights. The PAP has strongly endorsed the collectivist social structure in its policies.241 This may help partially explain the PAP’s widespread support throughout the decades despite their clamp down on individual rights. While the model of Confucianist authoritarianism has been successful for Singapore in terms of development, other asian societies have abandoned it to the degree where liberal democracy has been allowed to flourish, such as in Taiwan, Korea, and Japan. Among the Asian tigers, South Korea and Taiwan have democratized, and the people of Hong Kong are demanding democracy in the streets.242 Yet, Singapore is the only one that remains firmly authoritarian.243 One can argue that authoritarianism helped these countries develop quickly, but now that they have reached “first world” status, is such authoritarianism still necessary? If Taiwan and South Korea are any example, the answer is no. 241 Haas, 53-57 242 supra notes 32 and 33 243 supra note 41 81 " The PAP came to power on faux populism, then closed alternate paths during its reign, but in the PAP’s view, this was done for the greater good. Despite the state’s hardline approach, it is wrong to characterize Lee Kuan Yew as just another “dictator.” Although he suppressed dissenting voices, he never rigged elections (a common practice in more traditional authoritarian states).244 His stance against corruption was far tougher than his intolerance of dissidents.245 Lee legitimately believed that such measures were necessary to ensure Singapore’s success. Atypical among authoritarian rulers, Lee truly cared about Singapore and its people, and wanted to ensure that Singapore would have a future as a strong and prosperous nation. Lee’s views on his legacy can be best summed up in a line from a 2010 interview: " "I'm not saying that everything I did was right, but everything I did was for an honorable purpose" 246" " Lee Kuan Yew’s passing marks the opening of a new chapter in Singapore’s history. Singapore faces new challenges in a changing world. A new generation of Singaporeans are emerging who are no longer afraid to challenge the Singapore consensus; online, in the streets, and at the polls. Although through controversial 244 supra note 41 See Lee, Kuan Yew. "Keeping the Government Clean." In From Third World to First: The Singapore Story, 1965-2000, 157-172. New York: HarperCollins, 2000. 245 Lee, Kuan Yew. "Transcript of Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew’s Interview with Seth Mydans of New York Times and IHT." By Seth Mydans. National Archives of Singapore. Accessed May 9, 2015. http:// www.nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/data/pdfdoc/20100920006/ transcript_of_minister_mentor_lee_kuan_yew.pdf. 246 82 means, Lee’s leadership made Singapore into a prosperous nation, but the winds of change are blowing through the Malacca strait. The actions of Roy Ngerng, Amos Yee and the Istana protesters signal the beginning of the reemergence of political liberalism in Singapore, one which has been seemingly forgotten since the Marshall era. 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However, it underwent significant modification in the 1980’s.247 Elections are held every 5 years (or sooner if there is loss of confidence or supply, or parliament is otherwise dissolved by the Prime Minister) in a First-Past-the-Post electoral system.248 All Singaporean citizens over the age of 21 are required to vote. There are three types of MP’s, regular MP’s, Non-constituency MP’s (NCMP’s), and Nominated MP’s (NMP’s). " NCMP’s are members of opposition parties whom are granted seats in parliament if they have garnered the highest number of votes but have lost in their constituency. The number of NCMP seats is flexible, and is used to ensure that there are at least nine opposition members in parliament. " NMP’s are appointed for a term of two and a half years on the recommendation of a Special Select Committee chaired by the Speaker of Parliament, and can be seated by any Singaporean citizen whom the committee chooses. Parliament has the power to adjust the number of NMP’s, of which there are currently nine. " NCMP’s and NMP’s cannot vote on supply bills, constitutional amendments or votes of confidence.249 " " Elections take place in two types of constituencies, Single Member Constituencies (SMC’s), and Group Representation Constituencies (GRC’s) (see figure 17). In SMC’s, a single candidate is elected by popular vote. In GRC’s, a party must run in a “team” of four, five, or six candidates. Instead of voting for individual candidates, voters in GRC’s elect a “party team” via popular vote. When running in a GRC, a party must vet at least one minority (non-Chinese) candidate.250 247 Parliamentary Elections Act 1984 (Cap. 218, 2011 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore) Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (1985 Rev. Ed.); Government of Singapore. "Parliamentary Elections." Elections Department, Singapore. Last modified March 2, 2015. Accessed May 10, 2015. http://www.eld.gov.sg/elections_parliamentary.html. 248 249 Ibid.; supra note 247 Ibid.; Gomez, James. "Democracy and Elections: The Impact of Online Politics in Singapore." PhD Dissertation., Monash University, 2008. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.academia.edu/195426/ Democracy_and_Elections_The_Impact_of_Online_Politics_in_Singapore. 250 98 Electoral constituencies are redrawn each elections cycle by the Electoral " Boundary Review Committee, which consists of five members selected by the Prime Minister.251 The fact that electoral boundaries are not drawn by an independent committee " but rather one appointed by the Prime Minister has led to widespread accusations of gerrymandering. 252 In addition, GRC’s have also been accused of being used as a scheme to exaggerate the number of seats won by the PAP in proportion to the popular vote (see figures 18 and 19).253 Singapore also has a President which serves as a ceremonial head of state with " reserve powers. Prior to 1993, the President was elected by Parliament. After 1991 reforms, the President is elected by popular vote every six years. Presidents cannot be members of a political party, and there are strict requirements for candidates.254 251 Ibid. Haas, 203-205.; Low and Vadaketh, 181-184.; Gomez, James. "Democracy and Elections: The Impact of Online Politics in Singapore." PhD Dissertation., Monash University, 2008. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.academia.edu/195426/ Democracy_and_Elections_The_Impact_of_Online_Politics_in_Singapore. 252 253 Ibid. Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (1985 Rev. Ed.).; Presidential Elections Act (Cap. 240A, 2007 Rev. Ed.) (Singapore).; Government of Singapore. "Presidential Elections." Elections Department, Singapore. Last modified March 2, 2015. Accessed May 10, 2015. http://www.eld.gov.sg/ elections_presidential.html. 254 99 Figure 18: Electoral constituencies in the 2011 General Election, showing SMC’s and GRC’s255 Huaiwei. "Electoral boundaries during the Singapore general elections 2011." Map. Wikimedia Commons. April 17, 2011. Accessed May 10, 2015. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Electoral_boundaries_during_the_Singapore_general_elections_2011.svg. 255 100 Election Year Total Seats # of SMC’s # of GRC’s # of GRC seats PAP Opposition Oppositio % % % Pop Seats Pop Vote won Vote % Seats won 1980 75 75 0 0 77.7 100 22.3 0 1984 79 79 0 0 64.8 97.5 35.2 2.5 1988 81 42 13 39 63.2 98.8 36.8 0.2 1991 81 21 15 60 61 95.1 39 4.9 1997 83 9 15 74 65 97.6 35 2.4 2001 84 9 14 75 75.3 97.6 24.7 2.4 2006 84 9 14 75 66.6 97.6 33.4 2.4 Figure 19: Effect of GRC’s on election outcomes256 SMC Year 1988 1991 1997 2001 2006 GRC Total Total Seats Total Seats Contested WO* GRC No. of GRC Total GRC's seats GRC No. of GRC Seats Contested contested WO* seats WO* WO* (%) 42 21 9 9 9 39 60 74 75 75 40 20 9 9 9 2 1 0 0 0 13 15 15 14 14 10 5 6 4 7 30 20 32 29 37 3 10 9 10 7 9 40 42 46 38 13.6% 50.6% 61.4% 65.5% 56.0% *WO - Walkover Figure 20: Increase in walkovers since the introduction of GRC’s257 Adapted from Gomez, James. "Democracy and Elections: The Impact of Online Politics in Singapore." PhD Dissertation., Monash University, 2008. Accessed May 9, 2015. http://www.academia.edu/195426/ Democracy_and_Elections_The_Impact_of_Online_Politics_in_Singapore. 256 257 Ibid. 101