SOCIAL STUDIES / STUDIME SOCIALE
Vol. 5, No. 2, 2011 / Vëll. 5, nr. 1, 2011
DIRECTOR / DREJTOR
LEKË SOKOLI
EDITOR IN CHIEF / KRYEREDAKTOR
SEJDIN CEKANI
EDITORIAL BOARD / BORDI BOTUES
SERVET PËLLUMBI
Chariman
MARTIN BERISHAJ
ALBANA CANOLLARI
LIQUN CAO
TONIN ÇOBANI
ZYHDI DERVISHI
GRIDA DUMA
KRISTO FRASHËRI
ILIR GËDESHI
EGLANTINA GJERMENI
BARBARA HEYNS
ANJEZA HOXHALLARI
KARL KASER
NEVILA KOÇALLARI
PAJAZIT NUSHI
ALI PAJAZITI
GËZIM TUSHI
ALFRED UÇI
BRUNILDA ZENELAGA
“Education in ‘turbulent times’; the Albanian case in European and global context”
6th International Conference of the Albanian Institute of Sociology
(Proceedings, I)
“Arsimimi në kohë të trazuara: Rasti shqiptar në kontekst europian dhe global”
Konferenca e 6-të Ndërkombëtare e Institutit të Sociologjisë
Scientific Journal, certified by the Highest Scientific Committee
of the Republic of Albania; decision no. 170, date 20th of December 2010
© Albanian Institute of Sociology / Instituti i Sociologjisë
Ed: Lekë Sokoli
Arti Grafik: Orest Muça
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Contents:
Eduardo BARBERIS
& Valbona NANAJ
Janos TOTH
Simeon NIKOLIDAKIS
& Fotini ANASTASOPOULOU
Edo SHERIFI
Eglantina HYSA
Evagjelia KALERANTE
Lekë SOKOLI
Timothy HAGEN
Nertila HAXHIA (LJARJA)
& Romeo GURAKUQI
Albana CANOLLARI
Edi PUKA
Anila SULAJ & Fatmir BEZATI
Lediana XHAKOLLARI
Jordan DACI
Xhavit SHALA
Ermela HYSA
Veronika DUCI
Elona MEHMETI
Albanians and the others: educational
attainments and attitudes of migrants
and nationals in Italian schools ................. 5
Supra, inter and intrasocial motions:
Prolegomena to the ontological
poverty of societies ..................................... 15
The albanian students’ stances
and perceptions regarding
the choiche of profession............................. 23
Psychology service efficiency in
educating children and adolescents ........... 33
Corruption and Human Development:
Albania and EU-27 ................................ 43
Repatriation of Albanians: Redesigning
a Student acculturation Policy ................. 53
Some Critical Themes regarding the
International Migration of Albanians ..... 63
Safe, just, and smart: Home education
as an essential option for families in
Albania and around the world ................. 77
National Identity and
Religions in Albania ................................ 85
The possible effects of self-construals
and social relationships on happiness ......... 99
Education and Formation
in adult education ................................. 109
School dropout by Roma
children in Tirana ................................. 117
Constructs of Quality of Work Life:
A Perspective of Mental
Health Professionals ............................... 123
Human Rights as collective goods ........... 131
Interreligious communication, religious
education and security issues .................. 139
Globalization challenges and
integration process.................................. 147
Psychosocial effects of
a life – threatening disease ..................... 151
Higher education vouchers in Albania ... 159
ALBANIANS AND THE OTHERS: EDUCATIONAL
ATTAINMENTS AND ATTITUDES OF MIGRANTS
AND NATIONALS IN ITALIAN SCHOOLS
Eduardo BARBERIS & Valbona NANAJ - University of Urbino “Carlo Bo”, Italy
E-mail: eduardo.barberis@uniurb.it
ABSTRACT
Based on first results of the international research project GOETE, these paper analyses
school trajectories of children with migration background (CMB), focusing also on specific
issues concerning East-Central Europe (ECE) migrants.
In particular, the attention is on lower secondary school pupils, and their transition to
following education paths, according to influencing factors such as schooling, parenting,
peers and institutions: immigration background accumulates with other social risks in a
country characterized by low social mobility and high reproduction of disadvantage.
To investigate these issues, we use a mixed-method approach, triangulating data on
trajectories and institutions coming from: surveys with parents and pupils, focus groups
and interviews with pupils, teachers, parents, principals, local stakeholders and experts.
Keywords: immigration in Italy; educational trajectories; second generations; social
disadvantage
1. Introduction: framing CMB
disadvantage in Italian education.1
Disadvantages in education are often
associated with ethnicity and migration:
there’s a growing body of literature on this
issue: even if there are exceptions (e.g. the
school performance of Asian minorities in
the U.S.), this trend seems confirmed in
many countries.
Relevant literature maintains that both
ethnicisation of social disadvantage and
discrimination are outcomes of a lack of
appropriate support for migrant children
1
This article results from a joint reflection made by the authors. Though, chapters 1 to 4 have been
written by Eduardo Barberis, chapters 5 and 6 jointly by Eduardo Barberis and Valbona Nanaj.
It also took advantage by the debate occurred within the GOETE research group; in particular we
would like to thank Silvia Demozzi and Federica Taddia (University of Bologna) that contributed to the
analyses reported here.
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 5-13
6
and youth (Heckmann 2008; Parreira do
Amaral et al. 2011): actually, PISA studies
suggest that migrant and ethnic minority
youth disadvantage are primarily due to the
failure of European schools in dealing with
diversity, more than due to diversity itself
(OECD 2008).
Thus, the degree of such disadvantage
is connected to national education systems
and to the contexts their embedded in,
framing how difference is treated. We
will focus here on the interaction between
individual characteristics and institutional
arrangements in educational inequality,
analyzing how that disadvantages
accumulate in the Italian case. An
important issue both for the sending and
the receiving countries, since it affects the
creation of human capital and the socioeconomic development.
1.1. Italy and immigration
It’s hard to define Italy still as a “new”
immigration country – since it started to be
such thirty years ago; it is anyway a latecomer, in comparison to many Western
European countries. In this respect, Italy
is fully within a “Mediterranean” model
of migration (King 2002), the main issue
Albanians and the others
being an inconsistent institutional coping
of the phenomenon, notwithstanding a
politicization of the immigration issue from
the early 1990s and an increasing pressure
on welfare institutions due to the fast shift
to a family migration: undoubtedly, one of
the most important issues is the growth of
CMB born abroad and, more and more, in
Italy (see tab. 1).
A challenge for the Italian nationmaking and welfare institutions: on the one
hand, there’s an incomplete nation-making
with long-lasting unbalances; on the other
hand a welfare consistent with this frame –
residual, fragmented, family- and categorybased. A system highly ineffective in coping
disadvantages, that accumulate in a context
of weak social mobility, both for traditional
and recent at-risk populations (Kazepov &
Barberis 2005).
Given this background, we can wonder
if Italy has a model of integration for
its immigrants. If we think about grand
narratives dominating the European
debate (the English race relations, the
French intègration républicaine) the answer
is probably negative, tied to the lack of
a grand nation-making narrative itself
(Melotti 2008).
Tab.1 Demographic indicators (resident population) – Italy 2006-2009
Indicator / Year
2006
Total population
59.131.287
Population < 18 y.o.
10.088.141
% of < 18 on total population
17,06
Total births
560.010
Resident foreigners
2.938.922
Resident foreigners < 18
665.625
Whose: born in Italy
398.205
Births by both foreigner parents
57.765
% of foreigners on total population
4,97
% of foreigners < 18 on total population < 18
6,60
% of births by both foreign parents on total births
10,31
Source: our elaboration on data from demo.istat.it
2009 Delta 06/09
60.340.328
10.227.625
16,95
568.857
4.235.059
932.675
572.720
77.109
7,02
9,12
13,56
2,05
1,38
-0,64
1,58
44,10
40,12
43,83
33,49
41,24
38,18
31,52
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Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
Though, we can see a mode quite
consistent with its political culture and
welfare state-making, whose main features
are (Ambrosini 1999; Caponio 2008): an
emergency coping; the gap between formal
rules and actual practices; the delegation to
civil society; the localism.
As a whole, scholars in Italy variously
defined this “mode” as indirect, implicit,
subaltern_ we prefer here to define it as
“micro-regulative”, lacking a state paradigm.
2. Italian education policy and CMB’s
disadvantage
The education system is no exception
in this, and in comparative terms it is even
considered the weakest integration policy
areas in Italy (Huddleston et al. 2011).
The outcome on CMB’s careers is clear:
high drop-outs, late accomplishments and
segregated choices of upper secondary
schools (FGA, forthcoming; see also table
2 and 3).
Tab.2 Share of late career students per citizenship
and school level (school year 2008/09)
Italians Non-Italians
Primary
Lower secondary
Upper secondary
1,8
7,1
25,1
20,4
50,2
71,8
Source: our elaboration on MIUR 2009a
Tab.3 Distribution of students per type of upper
secondary school (school year 2008/09)
School type
General + Art
Technical
Professional
Non-Italian
pupils
Total pupils
21,4
38,0
40,6
42,8
34,0
23,2
Source: our elaboration on MIUR 2009a,
MIUR 2009b
This issue has to be framed in the
institutional context of the Italian education
system: since the 1970s, it has been
comprehensive, that is: disadvantaged
groups are not taught separately, and the
schools offer a universal education setting,
in case with projects and professionals
to address particular problems. Though,
we could state that a comprehensive
approach to emerging social questions
(like immigration) have been much less
object of a real debate, and have been
pursued without adequate skills and
resources – in a context where also the
protection and support for “traditional”
categories of disadvantage have been hit
by retrenchment.
Thus, schools and local authorities
built up their know-how incrementally
within local public-private partnerships, and
this became more and more true starting
from late 1990s, when decentralization
became a keystone of new institutional
reforms, in a way that is turning to be just
a “decentralization of penury” (Kazepov
2010). In this context, emerging risks,
like the ones concerning the integration of
CMB, found fragmented answers, that we
try to sort out in the following paragraphs.
3. Methodology
We will work out the relationship
between individual trajectories and
institutional coping, as emerging from first
results of the EC-funded research GOETE
(Governance of Educational Trajectories
in Europe).2
We investigated this issue in three cities
in Italy (Bologna, Ancona and Catania),
mirroring territorial differences in social
needs and institutional answers. The focus
is on pupils attending the last grade of
lower secondary schools (usually 13 y.o.,
a crucial year, since they have to choose
2
For further information, see www.goete.eu
8
the upper secondary school likely to affect
their future). To address the issue, the
project used a mixed-method approach.
In § 4 we account for a survey with pupils
and parents’ on individual education
trajectories and well-being, while § 5
analyses interviews and focus groups with
actors included in a school-centred network
(principals, teachers, pupils, parents,
experts and professionals).
4. CMB and disadvantage in Italy:
hints from a survey
Questionnaires were administered in
six lower secondary schools per city and to
their parents. The students’ dataset includes
1388 cases, and the parents’ one 1074.
The dataset is rich (> 250 variables)
concerning well-being, relationships, school
results and career, attitudes and behaviours.
We analyse just main differences between
immigrant and local population, using
indicators of “settlement diversity”:
years lived in the country (8,8% of
students and 12,8% of parents migrated
to Italy, half of whom have been living
in Italy for less than 5 years);
citizenship (8,4% of students and
9,2% of parents aren’t Italian citizens,
some 2/5 from ECE countries);
place of birth (8,9% of pupils and
13,4% of parents were born abroad,
again some 2/5 from ECE countries)
Obviously these data are quite
differentiated by city, since immigration
is an issue mainly in Centre and Northern
Italy: 12,6% in Bologna, 9,1% in Ancona
and just 2,3% in Catania.
4.1. Irregular careers
We have seen above official data on
school regularity, showing that CMB
are often late in their education career.
Our datasets confirms this: 48,2% of
Albanians and the others
non-Italian pupils are late (with a slight
over-representation for ECE CMB) – up
to 67,3% for those living in Italy for less
than 5 years – while “late” Italians in our
sample are 7,6%.
This is just partly due to bad achieving:
there’s an effect of the institutional coping
of migration (e.g. grades were newcomers
are placed): actually, non-Italians repeating
at least one year in their school career are
16,4% vs. 7,2% of Italians. So, while the
share of “late” Italian is similar to the share
of those repeating a year (7,6 vs. 7,2),
the gap for CMB is wide (48,2 vs. 16,4),
showing that failures aren’t the only reason
for a slow career.
Actually, 42,2% of CMB (and 50% of
those from ECE countries), especially those
living in Italy for less than 5 years, changed
primary school (vs. 13% of Italians), and
16,5% changed lower secondary school (vs.
4,6%), thus it is likely that class insertion
after moves is a relevant factor.
4.2. Satisfaction, motivation and wellbeing: the exclusion of newcomers
Bad achievements are tied to a situation
of “broken networks” that negatively affects
attitudes and satisfaction and can magnify
disadvantage. CMB are less satisfied by their
school choice and – as Italian bad achievers
state too – they would have preferred
another one: they had no tool to choose
(usually parents do), and they are dropped
in an unfamiliar context.
Considering a set of questions on
pupils’ well-being (Kidscreen-10), we can
see lower levels for almost every item, and
the gap is wider exactly for those referring
to relations: CMB feel more lonely and to
spend less good time with friends. In this
area, we have also a wider standard deviation,
showing differences among CMB: sadness,
loneliness and isolation are felt especially
by those living in Italy for less than 5 years.
Though ECE CMB mean data are usually
closer to Italian than to other migrants.
9
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
Tab.4 Answers to the Kidscreen-10 questions (“Over the last week I:”), mean by nationality
on selected items
Italian Mean
N
σ
ECE Mean
N
σ
Other Mean
N
σ
Felt fit
and well
Got on
well
at school
Felt full
of energy
Felt
lonely
3,88
1259
0,97
3,78
50
0,95
3,65
65
1,07
3,68
1247
0,94
3,55
49
0,84
3,41
64
0,97
3,51
1249
1,05
3,52
50
1,02
3,33
64
1,02
4,34
1242
1,04
4,24
49
1,03
3,86
64
1,36
Anyway, as other studies show (FGA,
forthcoming), CMB are pleased by the
school setting as an experience of peer
relationship and especially newcomers love
to go to school more than Italians, possibly
because it is a “safe environment” where
positive relations are more likely.
4.3. Poor relations
Though, we should not overstate:
in a set of questions on relationships with
teachers and pupils at school, bot Italians
and foreigners have same mean values,
but newcomers rate a bit less peer group
solidarity, and more teachers’ help – showing
a need for reference persons, since they
feel more lonely, awkward and outsiders.
ECE CMB have profiles closer to nationals,
though with stronger family relationships
and weaker friendship networks.
Other variables confirm this trend:
CMB have less friends than Nationals,
especially within school;
as for social networks to cope with
problems, newcomers show a very
limited support network for most of
the relevant others (family members
and friends, for example), while
many seek advice on the internet
Parents
Had fun
treated with your
fairly
friends
4,32
1249
1,02
4,34
50
0,77
4,06
64
1,15
4,31
1245
1,01
4,06
49
1,23
4,00
65
1,25
(38,1% of newcomers vs. 31,4% of
long-staying migrants and 24% of
those born in Italy).
Thus, a rebalancing is needed with the
role of institutions, visible with a higher
share of newcomers seeking professional
advice (psychologists, youth workers,
school counsellors).
4.4. Family background
In a context of weak but sought
relations, the role of family is also quite
ambivalent. On the one hand, it is more
binding: CMB, especially newcomers
and females, spend more time than their
colleagues in activities like helping at
home and looking after younger siblings
– and spend also more time in other
activities usually done at home (using
TV, computer). This also means that they
spend less time doing activities outside,
thus curbing their relational chances.
Furthermore, immigrant families often
have poor tools to support their children
in a frail period of their life: among the
relevant others to cope with problems,
CMB refer less than Nationals to parents.
Answers to another questions show that
they don’t feel like having someone to talk
10
about their problems (for ECE CMB,
especially fathers are absent). This also
means that they could feel more and more
distant from their parents, with parental
role loosing authority and relevance in
children’s life. And this could be truer
in the Italian school system, where
homework and parental help is highly
pushed, making things difficult for pupils
with poor family capital in the destination
country (Dalla Zuanna et al. 2009).
Another side of this ambivalence
concerns expectations and the gap between
desired social mobility and support for it.
On the one hand, it seems that immigrant
parents obsessively repeat their children
that it is important to do well at school,
though their score is clearly under average
as for actual interests in school progress
and support (in this case, ECE are inbetween for mothers, laggards for fathers).
Thus, there’s a poorer family dialogue,
also on general issues like future, current
political issues and the like.
An ambivalence that becomes potential
conflict when thinking about future careers:
comparing future educational and job
choices according to pupils and parents,
the gap for CMB is much wider than for
Nationals: there’s almost no nationality
difference in pupils’ expectations, while
immigrant parents have lower expectations,
often lower than children.
Furthermore, besides this relational
dimension, there’s also a material
dimension: immigrant families are overrepresented among lower class households.
They are more often single-earner – and
with lower status. Using the ISEI, we
can see that the gap between Italian and
Non-Italian mothers is around 29%, and
the gap between fathers is some 23% (it
is lower for ECE parents).
Though, applying ISEI to children’s
expectations, we can see there’s no gap
at all in aspired jobs among pupils, and
ECE CMB have the highest aspirations.
Albanians and the others
Thus, the gap between expectations and
family socio-economic status is much wider
within migrant families (60%) than within
nationals’ ones (30%). So, there’s also a
risk of fallen expectations in a country with
limited intergenerational upward mobility.
Not by chance, we can already
see effects of delusion in long-staying
CMB: they have lower aspirations than
newcomers. Coding with ESeC, we see
that their expectations are mainly in sectors
where also their parents are overrepresented
and that become a kind of destiny.
4.5. Reported behaviours: downward
assimilation of settled migrants
The GOETE survey had also questions
on self-reported at-risk behaviours: we can
see that 21,6% of CMB state they have
played truant (vs. 10,2% of Italians, but
also ECE have similar shares), especially
long-stayers. Also other at-risk behaviours
are overrepresented among long-stayers:
they reported to have smoked tobacco,
drunk alcohol, been sexually active, written/
sprayed graffiti more than the others. Part
of the difference can be due to age (CMB
are older due to late school careers), but the
link with underachievement is anyway clear
(cfr. also FGA, forthcoming).
4.6. Summing up risks for CMBs
Above data show two different risk
trajectories for newcomers and long-stayers:
the first group feels excluded, the second is
going toward a downward assimilation.
In this respect, the importance
of achieving at school should not be
underrated. Somehow, a relevant share
of CMB living in Italy for more than 5
years seem to “give up”. Thus, it looks
very important to close the gap as soon as
possible, since this has an effect not only
on school career.
ECE CMB are in-between, with
behaviours and attitudes quite similar to
Italians, but weak social relations: possibly,
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
proxy of a stigma that could lead to
Mertonian deviance (accepted goals, poor
means to achieve them), also in a context of
broken family links... many ECE CMB have
no or poor relations with their fathers, since
often ECE migration to Italy is female.
Though, deviance rate are not so high.
From an institutional point of view, we
can see that support agencies fail to cope
properly with newcomers and to make
up for their limited social resources; as
time passes, a spiral of demotivation and
downward assimilation starts, likely based
also on fallen expectations.
Though, school is just part of the
problem: somehow the educational task is
achieved, as the gap between nationals and
CMB becomes smaller for those spending
more years in the Italian education and
belonging to generations born in Italy (Della
Zuanna et al. 2009; INVALSI 2010).
Though, the main issue seems an
inconsistent support network, with a poor
involvement of support professionals and
of out-of-school agencies. We will try to
sort this issue out in the last part of this
paper, with a qualitative point of view
on definition of disadvantage and coping
and governance according to principals,
teachers, parents and pupils.
5. Defining and coping immigrant
disadvantage in local case studies
As we mentioned above, the local
dimension of coping is very relevant in
the Italian institutional system. We will
report here some qualitative evidences
of coping strategies and defi nition of
problems in the school-centred network
case studies we analysed.
First, it has to be said that in a
context of retrenchment disadvantaged
youth can be particularly hit, and also the
motivation of institutional actors is hit
hard: “There’s no positive mood on our side,
we [teachers] are demoralized, discouraged,
11
overwhelmed by unpaid tasks, without any
pampering from outside […] and this has
an effect on pupils” [teacher].
All in all, school staff feels overwhelmed.
Actually, their definition of disadvantage
includes “big” structures (social values,
parents’ weakness and – to a lesser extent –
pupils’ culture), thus perceiving themselves
as limited in their success chances.
From this point of view, CMB “stress”
further the institution, in a frustrating lack
of adequate provisions to cope emerging
issues. Anyway, in the last years, school staff
progressed in the understanding and facing
of CMB, acquiring skills in intercultural
education, and defining different risk profiles
(e.g. according to place of origin, individual
and family migration history). Thus, the
profiling teachers enact has a strong effect
on individual coping, lacking enforceable
enough inputs from the State level.
Notwithstanding years of migration,
national guidelines and institutionalized
local coping practice, the first issue
teachers underline is still the coping of
new-comers, especially those having
already a formal education in the origin
country and being inserted at school in
the middle of the year: the need to focus
on language issues can easily turn into
underachieving in many subjects, and thus
in frustrating school failures.
“If we notice that a 13 y.o. has knowledge equal
to a first grade lower secondary school, we should
put him/her there; though, such an older boy
in a first grade causes discomfort...” [teacher]
“Foreign pupils enrolling in December are
absolutely lost […] they can make it the first
year, but they’ll fail in the following one”
[Albanian intercultural mediator]
Furthermore, there’s the feeling that
efforts made at school toward integration
and intercultural participation are
neutralised in everyday life.
12
On the one hand, these pupils are torn
between parents’ expectations and cultural
norms, and host country social models
coming from the media and the peer group:
“Italian habits are not for my children. After
school on Saturday, mine stay home doing their
homework, and we go out just together as a
family […] They have friends at school, but on
saturday they wander around; mine not, they
haven’t yet a fiancee” (Filipino mother)
“When they ask my daughter if she has a
boyfriend, I tell: - Don’t ask her like that,
we don’t follow such model like those kids,
already starting at 10. And then my daughter
answers: - Anyway none likes me, since I’m
dark-skinned” (Albanian mother)
In some cases, especially with females,
this attitude can be an advantage in having
success at school
“Our children are more fragile than foreigners:
they are used to make it out by themselves in
many cases, and they respect school institutions
more” (Italian mother)
“Since I’ve been here, I had 4 excellent
Albanian schoolgirls. Besides their commitment
and reliability, there’s a family behind, that
believes in them and doesn’t allow carelessness,
since they show that what they have is luxury.
I’ve in mind A*****, she’s relentless, she never
stops, she is quiet and tenacious […] When her
mothers comes and talks to me, she says that she
and her husband work night and day, and they
just ask their children to study […] A parent
should be this way” (teacher)
On the other hand, social relations at
large too often have discriminatory features
that undermines the effort to build positive
relations at school:
“We teach respect, and they also put into
practice this lesson here. But just outside the
Albanians and the others
school walls everything is forgotten, our work
is lost” (principal)
Though, some difficulties and
disadvantages are perceived as timebounded, as for lacking integration due
to short stays and school attendance, and
possibly to be solved as time passes.
“They always stay at home, they don’t go to
birthday parties. They have not been integrating
yet […] I think that as time passes... now the
elder brother will go to an upper secondary
school, if he will be promoted: then, he will need
to move alone, he will learn to take the bus; I
think it’s just an issue of personal maturity,
not great problems, but an experience they will
gain little by little”. (Italian step-father of two
Romanian children recently arrived in Italy).
Nevertheless, there are also
confirmations of downward assimilation
trends, sometimes tied to class issues (lower
class parents not investing in education),
sometimes to relational dynamics: actually,
an interesting emerging issue is that Italian
pupils with learning or relational difficulties
tend to get along better with immigrant
pupils, probably being both excluded by
“mainstream” children.
“My son’s best friend is from Senegal” (Italian
mother of a bullied schoolgirl).
“My daughter get along well overall with
foreign girls” (Italian mother of a schoolgirl
with learning disorders).
6. Conclusions
CMB are actually disadvantaged within
the school system, due to an institutional
setting unable to cope with diversity in
a structured manner. The cycle of falling
into disadvantage starts with an insufficient
safety net for newcomers, in which the
comprehensive education system turns to
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
be a (inconsistent) assimilationist machine,
with a selective and subaltern inclusion
of CMB and the blaming of those cut
out, defined as non-deserving risk groups
(mainly: male pre-adolescents with a long
migration history) (Ambrosini 2004).
This paves the way for demotivation and
downward assimilation, thus reinforcing
negative stereotypes and blaming.
In this frame, ECE CMB have somehow
an in-between condition: possibly favoured
by an easier learning of the language and
cultural vicinity, their first impact with
the education system seems easier, and
characterized (especially for the Albanians,
and sometimes also for the Romanians)
by a “mimetic strategy” (Romania 2004)
that makes them “invisible”. This strategy
tickles the implicit assimilationism of
Italian management of immigration, with
the effect of underrating social problems of
new ECE CMB generations: the weakness
13
of friendship ties is a proxy of a possible
failure of mimetism, and the persistence
of stigmatization.
The poor attention institutions
and relevant stakeholders pay to longstayers perhaps don’t favour a downward
assimilation (data on at-risk behaviours are
quite positive for ECE CMB), but likely
a subaltern path, with dangerous clashing
and unmet expectations and weak upward
mobility chances.
As a consequence, the weak integration
process in Italy could also affect origin
countries: it is more likely that the attachment
balance between the two countries is
somehow undone and puzzled, since the
Italian mode of integration do not state
clear rights and duties, and with back-effects
not so positive as they could be, since the
upward mobility of new generations could
be seriously hindered, thus lacking resources
to win their day in transnational arenas.
REFERENCES
Ambrosini M. (1999) Utili invasori. Angeli, Milano
Ambrosini M. (2004) Il futuro in mezzo a noi. In:
M. Ambrosini, S. Molina (a cura di) Seconde
Generazioni. FGA, Torino.
Caponio T. (2008) (Im)migration research in Italy.
A European comparative perspective. The
Sociological Quarterly, 49(3): 445-64.
Dalla Zuanna G., Farina P., Strozza S. (2009) Nuovi
italiani. Il Mulino, Bologna
FGA (forthcoming) Rapporto sulla scuola in Italia
2011. Laterza, Roma-Bari
Huddleston T. et al. (2011) Migrant integration
policy index III. British Council and Migration
Policy Group, Brussels (available at www.
mipex.eu)
Heckmann F. (2008) Education and the Integration
of Migrants. NESSE Analytical Report, 1
INVALSI (2010) Rilevamento degli apprendimenti
– SNV. Prime analisi. Invalsi, Roma
Kazepov Y. (ed.) (2010) Rescaling social policies:
towards multilevel governance in Europe.
Ashgate, Farnham.
Kazepov Y., Barberis E. (2005) Policies preventing
the risks of exclusion of families with difficulties in
Italy. Synthesis Report. Peer Review in the Field
of Social Inclusion Policies, mimeo (available
at www.peer-review-social-inclusion.net)
King R. (ed.) (2002) Migration in Southern
Europe: new trends and new patterns, Studi
Emigrazione / Migration Studies, 145
Melotti U. (2008) Migratory policies and political
cultures in Europe: Is there something new?
In: Heinrich Boell Stiftung (ed.) European
Governance of Migration. Heinrich-BollStiftung, Berlin.
OECD (2008) What works in migration education?
Consolidating the research evidence. OECD,
Paris.
Parreira do Amaral M. et al. (2011) Governance
of educational trajectories in Europe. State of
the Art Report. Mimeo (available on www.
goete.eu).
Romania, V. (2004) Farsi passare per italiani.
Carocci, Roma.
SUPRA-, INTER AND INTRASOCIAL MOTIONS:
PROLEGOMENA TO THE ONTOLOGICAL
POVERTY OF SOCIETIES
Janos TOTH - Eötvös Lorand University, Hungary
E-mail: jatoth@freemail.hu
ABSTRACT
Notions of poverty and impoverishment are often filled with value-loaded connotations,
and identified with deprivation both as a state and as a process. In this paper, we would
like to show that poverty reveals itself not only as lack or scarcity but also as a totality of
positive practices, attributes and strategies on individual as well as on group level. The
study employs the Christian understanding of poverty to argue that the surpluses are of
different nature and are interconnected with various types of deficits, constituting a complex
network which equally affects material, moral, social, and spiritual dimensions. Our objective
here is to outline certain aspects of a theory that aims at a new concept of “poverty” and
“impoverishment”, which will enable us to include both the positive and negative individual
and communal states and motions described in Christian tradition and the negative states
and motions constituting the object of deficit-centered theories of poverty.
Keywords: poverty, impoverishment, religion, society, social motion
Introduction
There is no research on poverty without
having preconceptions about the nature of
the phenomenon constituting its object.
However, only a fraction of theories serving
as the basis for those researches link their
assertions on poverty to the preconceived
notions that determine the demarcation of
the domain of poverty through the selection
and organization of different perceptions
in a given intellectual framework.1 The
unidentified nature of such preconceptions
is relevant not exclusively in metatheories
but it may also make the adequacy of a
given theory questionable in additional
researches, which results in a situation
where these theories can not provide a
1
”(...) the theory itself creates—it socially constructs—the terrain. A theory entails imposing interpretations
(definitions, categories, and understandings) on behavior. Once we have a theory in mind, we pose questions
that take those definitions, categories, and understandings for granted” (quoted from: Wallis 2010: 103).
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 15-22
16
general answer to at least two of the most
basic questions, namely, “what is poverty”
and “who is poor?”. Some compendiums
rightly claim that poverty exists as a concept,
not as a fact, and must be understood as
such (Borgatta & Montgomerry 2000:
2209-10), which claim, although does
not establish automatically the validity of
statements that there are neither theories of
poverty (Jordan 1996: 81) nor a sociology
of poverty in the true sense (Roach &
Roach 1972: 13), but instead reveals that
metatheoretical approaches towards the
theories of poverty are not unfounded.
Accordingly, hereafter I will attempt to
present a specific underlying assumption
which is easily recognizable in major
economy- and society-focused theories
of poverty and stands behind their
deficit-centered concepts of poverty
raise the question of to what extent
deficit-centered approaches are
capable to identify phenomenons
with satisfying accuracy as “poverty”,
or statuses as “poverty-stricken”
trace a possible approach which, by
going beyond deficits, tries to include
surpluses of different natures among
the indicators of poverty, some of them
already identified during the history of
Christian thought
and finally, take some new aspects
of poverty into consideration by the
inclusion of which the conceptualization
of impoverishment in some specific
cases can reveal the dynamics between
the modes of human symbiosis
Poverty as deficit
As indicated before, one of the
detectable assumptions underlying many
2
Supra, inter and intrasocial motions
theories −which is central to our theme−
is an understanding of poverty as a lack
or deficit, meaning that poverty is a state
A’ of an (individual or group) entity,
which is determined by insufficiency or
shortages in dimension(s) relevant to
the specific viewpoint of the theory. This
state of lack is unfavorable compared to a
state A of exactly the same characteristics
but not containing the aforementioned
insufficiency or shortages. Here, it is not
possible to undertake a detailed analysis
of these theories or their applications
but we may take it granted that such
theories exist. We can also maintain that
further research is needed to clarify exactly
which theories and applications could
be included in this category, which I will
refer to from now on as “deficit-centered
theories of poverty”.
To signify phenomenons and entities
as “poor” based on some perceptible
insufficiency or shortages seems
problematic not only from an economic,
but also from social and anthropological
point of view. Approaches to poverty
focusing on economic definitions
generally understand deficit in terms of
income and different types of capital:
The World Bank, for example, defined
the absolute poverty line at $1 (from
2008, $1.25 measured in 2005 prices) a
day, converted to local currencies using
purchasing power parity (PPP) exchange
rates (The World Bank 2008:1), while
other approaches operate with the lack
of such material needs of life as food,
drinking water, home, clothing, means
of production and medical supplies.
However, this type of approach neglects
that in economics −if the total cost
of production and all the costs and
benefi ts arising from the consumption
Although in this paper we can not discuss the problem in detail, the full cost per full profit ratio does not
correspond to the business costs per business profit ratio relevant to individual contractors and profit oriented
organizations. The former also deals with various types of externalities while the latter tends to ignore those.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
or possession of a group of goods2 are
taken into consideration−not all kind
of incomes and goods have a positive
economical value, or rather there are some
types of incomes and goods that on the
whole have positive economical value but
their costs and benefits belong to different
entities and not necessarily at the same
time. For example the restoration costs of
the economic damages and disadvantages
caused by marketing a disadvantageous
insurance product or by contributing to
the production of a product that causes
severe environmental damages may
significantly exceed the income benefits
of the insurance agent, employees, or
shareholders in the industry where they
are produced. Moreover, in the incomebased definition of the poverty line, only
the income of the examined households
are considered when summing up the
expenses and commitments, whereas
there are many additional items − like,
among many other things, interest
payments on consumer debts and home
rental charges − that are easily dropped
from calculations (see Short 2005: 35-36,
Pressman and Scott 2010: 12). Hence
comes the absurd situation where a family
with several children living in a rented flat
and encumbered with credit card debt,
and a single man with an average income
and living in his own house but without
debt may be classified to the same income
category, although the income available
for spending after the essentials will differ
significantly in the two cases. For material
goods, the situation is quite similar in
17
the extent that there are goods where the
restoration or compensation costs of their
negative biological effects originating
from their possession, consumption,
or from a symbolic feeling of loss3 may
also carry a negative economical value,
independently of the fact that either the
state or the individual does not undertake,
or only partially undertake, the costs of
restoration or compensation.
C o n v e r s e l y, p o v e r t y c a n b e
conceptualized in the field of economics
not exclusively as a lack, but rather as
the existence of something, although it
still remains true that those values with
which we can describe a poor and a nonpoor entity will belong to the same scale,
even if closer to different ends of the
scale. Now from a social point of view,
poverty as an existence of something will
not refer exclusively to quantitative, but
also to qualitative differences in social
organization: While a deficit-centered
concept of poverty is useful to identify
and examine social classes occupying
lower positions in a social structure, the
concept of poverty as the existence of
something seems to be more adequate
for describing the relationship between
a particular social structure and modes
of human existence excluded from that
structure, thus forced to organize itself
−even within the limits of a state or a
geographic region− differently from
the societies in which they previously
participated. The potential relevance of
this suggestion is based on the fact that the
characteristics which make the difference
3
In classical economics Adam Smith showed through the famous example of the linen shirt and leather
shoes that some things become valuable not only in their material reality or functionality, but also in the
opinion-and judgement-producing capacities. “A creditable day-labourer”, Smith wrote, “would be ashamed
to appear in public without a linen shirt, the want of which would be supposed to denote that disgraceful degree of
poverty, which, it is presumed, nobody can well fall into without extreme bad conduct. Custom, in the same manner,
has rendered leather shoes a necessary of life in England. The poorest creditable person, of either sex, would be ashamed
to appear in public without them.” (Smith 2009:519). It is not unreasonable to argue that not only the lack
of some goods, but also the possession or consumption of culture-dependent “inferior” goods can lead to
a sense of shame and humiliation, stimulated by public reaction.
18
between these “alternative modes of
existence” and the societies which they
were former members of are not the
variations or alterations of former social
norms or lifestyle strategies, adjusted
to the new situation: On the contrary,
in these new modes of subsistence, the
narrow sources available are used −in
absence of external control mechanisms
or other impacts− not for reintegration,
but in many cases to develop, maintain
and reproduce different types of concretes,
namely, institutions, identities, values
and norms, which are irreconcilable
with and independent from those of the
society. This approach, accompanied by
the economic view of poverty (which is
the dominant model of modernity) leads
to the “culture of poverty” theory which
we do not need to present here in details.
What we need to talk about, on the other
hand, is that the causes which leads to the
exclusion of entities from a given social
structure are not necessarily economic
or social, but can be derived from the
characteristics of the entity in question,
hence there are poverty approaches
focusing not only on economic or social,
but also to anthropological dimensions.
On the whole, although Sen’s capability
approach and its criticisms are currently
a part of poverty discourses, which we
can meet mainly in classical sociology and
economics. It is all the more interesting
that according to surveys, the perception
that link poverty to deviant morality and
personal failure (which some 150 years
ago in the English Poor Law explained the
individual’s incapability to sustain himself
and his family without external support
with scientific ambitions) still influences
the social image of poverty in a large
degree (Feagin 1972a, 1972b, Zucker
and Weiner 1993, Harmon 2010: 2-10).
It is especially true in countries where
(neo)protestant thought and new-born
evangelicalism have an impact comparable
Supra, inter and intrasocial motions
or even greater than the secular world
view. Considering, by the same token
the connections that can be shown to
exists between religious traditions and
local characteristics of poverty policy
in Catholic, Protestant and Evangelic
countries (Kahl 2005: 118-123), it can
be argued that even in our days, the
influence of the so-called “religious factor”
on the various concepts of poverty is not
negligible. However, it can equally be
assumed that this influence came from
certain historically selected elements of
religious understanding of poverty which
was found relevant to actual sociocultural
situations. This question will be examined
further in the next section, divided into
two parts; the first being devoted to
an outline of different dimensions of
the biblical meaning of “poor” using
passages from the Bible and traditional
exegetical commentaries; and the second
dealing with the means and possibilities to
produce an intellectual surplus in the field
of poverty theories with the consideration
of elements not influencing the deficitcentered view of poverty.
The dimensions of Christian poverty
Bible translations based on the Greek
texts translate two words as “poor”: penes
which means poor in a narrower sense
and ptokos which has a more complex
meaning. Penes simply means a person
who has to work to earn a living, while
ptokos, as we would like to point out in
the following, has many different, contextbased meanings. According to these
contexts, the word could signify
1. Poor in the material sense of the word
a.
Involuntary poverty: here, ptokos
signifies a person who, independently
of their intentions, does not have
access, or has only very limited access
19
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
to goods needed for satisfying basic
biological needs, hence needs to beg
for alms.
Voluntary poverty: here, ptokos
signifies the person who, from their
own free will, limits their consumption
to what is biologically necessary or
does not significantly exceed that level
(subsistence from begging for alms is
not peculiar here either).
b.
At the same time, this type of poverty
is defined not only by the extreme lack of
material goods: Concerning the identity of
the poor inside the Christian community,
the identification of Christ with the poor is
more important. The poor are a sacramental
presence of Christ for the Church, both
mysterious and real, therefore, the state
of a poor person carries a specific surplus
both for themself, for their neighbors
and for the whole community. Behind
voluntary poverty stands the longing for
living a life according to Christ’s teachings,
the practical realization of discernment,
renouncement and humility. While both
voluntary and involuntary poverty give
an opportunity to other people and to the
community to respond with acts of charity
and love by recognizing Christ in the poor.
2. Spiritual poverty
Spiritual poverty in a general sense
can be used to describe the nature of the
human condition as fallible and weak,
needing the grace of God. In addition,
in Christian literature it is also often used
to show a bipolar phenomenon, whose
bipolarity is partially similar to the one
recognizable in material poverty, but also
differs from it in many respects. Similar
because in spiritual poverty, as in material
poverty, the lack of something is attached
to a definite surplus, and also different
4
5
because in the latter mode the negatively
understood material lack is associated with
a positive spiritual and moral surplus,
while in the the former case, both the lack
and the surplus are positioned in negative
value domains: The lack of spiritual goods
and virtues are connected with “inferior”,
“miserable”, “godless” attributes, thoughts
and lifestyle strategies, hence spiritual
poverty describes a human state or
condition which is typical of sinners, the
errant, and heretics. That approach to
spiritual poverty was described in one of
the agraphas as follows: „Jesus saith − I
stood in the midst of the world, and in the
flesh was I seen of them: and I found all
men drunken, and none found I athirst
among them. And My soul grieveth over
the sons of men, because they are blind in
their heart and see not [their wretchedness
and their] poverty.” (Griffinhoofe 1903:
60) In addition, according to The Book
of Revelations: „Because thou sayest, I am
rich, and increased with goods, and have need
of nothing; and knowest not that thou art
wretched, and miserable, and poor, and blind,
and naked.” (Rev 3.17) Unmistakably, here
poverty was not used simply to signify a
deficit, but was defined and valorized as
the existence of something (in the first text
as drunkedness and in the second case as a
specific attitude of men to material goods).
This bipolarity of spiritual poverty appears
in numerous exegetical commentaries,4
and generally acts as an exclusive tendency
in the Bible to propose inverse analogies
between antagonistic subjects: We can
get an example of this from the epistles of
John, where having the “love of the world”
testifies that the man in question does not
have the “love of the Father” (1John 2.15),
and in the same way, having aberrant and
godless thoughts and deeds testifies for the
state of spiritual poverty.
see references in (Lampe 1961: 1206), esp. ’ptokeia’ D. And ’ptokos’ C.
cf. Matthew 19:30, 20:16, 18:14 Mark 10:31, 9:35, Luke 18:14, 9:48
20
3. Poorness in spirit
However, inverse analogies exist
not only between antagonistic subjects,
but can also be defined as the relation
between the manifestations of one
and the same subject as its different
dimensions.5 Accordingly, being poor in
spirit differs from spiritual poverty in the
extent of referring neither to the lack of
something divine nor to having godless
things and deeds, but it rather signifies
the existence of a divine virtue, namely,
humility in people. Concerning the “poor
in spirit” (ptokoi to pneumati), one of the
most memorable passages in the Bible is
certainly the first Beatitude of the Sermon
on the Mount: “Blessed are the poor in
spirit: for theirs is the Kingdom of heaven”
(Mt. 5:3) Exegetic commentaries of this
passage make it obvious that poorness in
spirit comes not from some deficit, but
states the meaning of a concrete attribute
(and that attribute’s practical outcome):
“What is meant by ‘the poor in spirit?’ The
humble and contrite in mind. For by ‘spirit’
He hath here designated the soul, and the
faculty of choice. That is, since many are
humble not willingly, but compelled by stress of
circumstances; letting these pass (for this were
no matter of praise), He blesses them first, who
by choice humble and contract themselves.”
(St. John Chrysostom: Homilies on Mt.
15.2 in Schaff 1980: 92)
„(...) a man being righteous and chosen of God
does not esteem himself to be anything, but
holds his soul in abasement and disregards, as
if he know nothing and had nothing, though
he knows and has. This is a fixed thing,
like a law of nature, in the mind of men.”
(Macarius the Egyptian: Hom. 12.3 in
Mason 1921: 90)
„For the faithful, truth-loving soul (...)
esteems itself, and its diligence and pains
and labor all unworthy in comparison with
Supra, inter and intrasocial motions
the unspeakable promises of the Spirit. This is
the poor in spirit, whom the Lord pronounced
blessed, this is he who hungers and thirsts
after righteousness, this is he who is contrite
in heart.” (Macarius the Egyptian: Hom.
29.7 in Mason 192: 222)
4. The poverty of Christ
The basis of reference for the poverty
of Christ is kenosis, the self-emptying
process of God where, in Christ, He
became man for man’s salvation. The
meaning of Christ’s poverty in Christian
tradition is that God became man so that
man might become God (by imitation and
participation). The Apostle Paul said that
“Christ Jesus, who, though he was in the form
of God, did not count equality with God a
thing to be grasped, but emptied himself, by
taking the form of a servant, being born in the
likeness of men.” (Phil. 2:6-7) and “though
he was rich, yet for your sake he became poor,
so that you by his poverty might become rich.”
(2Kor 8:9).
The phrase “that you by his poverty
might become rich” indicates that the type
of poverty that Christ undertook, besides
being an aspect of equality with God, it
clearly indicates a deficit as well, at the
same time it is presented as a surplus:
in the continuation of the previous
citation, we can read that “And being
found in human form, he humbled himself by
becoming obedient to the point of death, even
death on a cross. Therefore God has highly
exalted him and bestowed on him the name
that is above every name, so that at the name
of Jesus every knee should bow, in heaven
and on earth and under the earth.” (Phil.
2:8-9), hereby, it is not unreasonable to
say that according to the Bible, Christ’s
poverty carries concrete (in the act of
salvation) and potential (concerning the
opportunities in the union with God)
surpluses for the created man.
The above outlines of the meaning
of Christian poverty, although they were
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
not written with theological pretensions
and do not intended to undertake the task
of a detailed analysis of the connections
between the dimensions they outline,
seem suitable to make the following
statements about the Biblical meanings
of poverty:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Poverty in a Biblical context is
(generally speaking) a polysemantic
concept, with different meanings
relevant in different −material, moral
and spiritual− dimensions
Poverty as a state can be characterized
with both having and lacking specific
things, attributes and qualities
Deficits and surpluses connected
to poverty do not manifest
independently from each other,
but are different ends of a bipolar
phenomenon: compared to each
other, a deficit manifests as a parallel
of a given surplus and surpluses
manifest as parallels of deficits
These different poles can equally be
relevant just as well for the same as
for different entities
Concerning the correspondence
between the deficit-centered and the
traditional Christian approach to poverty,
it can be said that on the one hand,
differences outweigh the common
elements, on the other hand, the
hermeneutic potential of the conceptual
framework of Christianity is not only
different but also affects a significantly
larger domain than that of the deficitcentered approach. Recognition of the
differences between religious and scientific
hermeneutic potentials, independently
from scientific disciplines, often results
in the renormativization of the religious
approach − but our aims by contrasting
the two cannot be more different than
that: we merely tried to show that in
certain cases, the reconceptualization of
21
poverty as something positive (as having
something), or rather as a simultaneous
and multidimensional network of deficits
and surpluses is able to approach the
phenomenon of poverty with a better
focus and greater relevance, being
either a useful supplement to, or a
reasonable alternative of a deficit-centered
approach. This alternative − which
obviously still needs to be developed
further− includes a specific approach that
understands poverty as having and using
resources of different quality of being,
and impoverishment as moving in and
between differently organized economical,
social, and anthropological structures, a
motion which gains the energy needed
from operating these resources. As
a consequence of that, the category
of “poverty” and “impoverishment”
equally embed the positive and negative
individual and communal states and
motions described in Christian tradition
and those negatively understood states
and motions which constitute the object
of defi cit-centered theories of poverty.
In my opinion, questions flowing from
the above outlined integration cannot be
bypassed in the field of social sciences,
because it shows that expendable resources
can be different from the viewpoint of the
existence of societies and peoples, and the
current situation, which tends to disregard
some of these resources but makes
others absolute is incompatible with the
scientific description of “poor peoples”,
“poor societies” and “poor economies”.
Instead of positioning poverty due to this
exclusivity automatically in negative value
domains, it seems more useful to focus
on the question whether poverty and
impoverishment in the aforementioned
sense have, on the whole, positive or
negative effects on the individual and
collective modes of human existence.
This is equivalent to claiming that in this
regard, we can equally speak about positive
22
and negative poverty, maintaining that
the reference for this valorization of the
phenomenon is necessarily ontological,
Supra, inter and intrasocial motions
and not to be determined merely by
according to its economical, social, moral
or spiritual dimensions.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Encyclopedia of Sociology (2nd ed., Vol. 3),
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that God helps those who help themselves’,
Psychology Today, 1972;1 pp. 101-129.
Feagin, J. R. (1972b) ‘America’s welfare
stereotypes’, Social Science Quarterly, 52,
pp. 921-933.
Griffinhoofe, C.G. (1903) The unwritten sayings
of Christ, Cambridge: Heffer
Harmon, Mark D. (2010): When Mediated
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A Clear Predictor of Ideology and Party in the
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23
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
THE ALBANIAN STUDENTS’ STANCES
AND PERCEPTIONS REGARDING
THE CHOICE OF PROFESSION
Simeon NIKOLIDAKIS - University of Pelonnese, Greece
E-mail: simosnikoli@yahoo.gr
Fotini ANASTASOPOULOU - University of Pelonnese, Greece
ABSTRACT
During the past years, the Albanian students experiencing intensely the social reality and
co-estimating the labor market needs, both in Greece and Albania, tend to choose Technical
Vocational Schools that offer them a faster and smoother absorption by the labor market. The
sex is a major element in the choice of profession. Our research team, after a research conducted
in the schools both of Attica and the rest of the country concluded that male students choose
primarily the technical education, not being affected by their parents’ professions but with the
hope for a better absorption in the labor market. The viewpoint that they choose a profession
based on the needs of their country so that they will be able to practice it in case of return
there is interesting. Finding a job within the Greek society is for them a crucial element of
study. The majority of the boys do not wish to follow the Tertiary Education. Instead, they
choose to work considering it as something more practical and with a safer future. On the
other hand, the girls aim at their entrance in the Tertiary Education. The focal point of their
interest is the faculties of Human Studies such as Philology, Pedagogics, the Law School
and Psychology. These choices are directly interwoven with the family environment, the
continuously re-adjusted position of woman within the Albanian family and the patterns of
choosing a profession accepted by the social background. We indicatively cite the perpetuation
of the notion about “male” and “female” professions which follow the female students’ course
of choice. Within the same framework, the few male students that choose Tertiary education
prefer, respectively, the faculties of science, technology and finance, guided towards professions
with a good professional setting up both in Greece and their country. In our research, we
categorized the students attending the Secondary education and through questionnaires and
interviews we examined their stances and perceptions towards Tertiary and Technological
education. Through the interviews we searched out their family and social motives affecting
their choice, while the interviews conducted by the students helped us perceive the structure
of the Albanian family and the motives that induced them towards this choice.
Keywords: Albanian students, Technical Vocational Schools, labor market, sex, professions
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 23-31
24
The albanian students’ stances & perceptions regarding the choice of profession
1. Introduction
The choice of studies in Tertiary
education and furthermore the choice of
profession in modern society is the outcome
of various factors that are related both to
the individual’s talents and interests and to
sex, family and social reality. The present
research concentrates on the Albanian
immigrant choices in relation to education
and their professional course according to
the sex. However, we should also take under
consideration the social conditions, the
stereotypes as well as the phenomenon of
immigration since they all affect decisively
the individual’s professional course.
The sex plays a particularly significant
role in the choice of profession since
professional stereotypes for both sexes exist
nowadays. The distinction between male and
female jobs has not completely vanished and
it is based on the diversity of the two sexes
in terms of their nature and abilities. Males
are more advantageous against females as
far as the muscular strength is concerned,
whereas females are more capable in taking
care, educating and bringing up individuals.
This perception has lead to the generation of
professional inequalities which are currently
undergoing a decrease within the developed
societies, however, lying there as remnants to
affect young people concerning the choice
of their profession (Kassotakis, [admin.],
2004: 178-182).
The issue of roles according to the
sex seems to be reproduced within the
labor areas with women not being able to
undertake positions of business strategy,
designing and organization, even if they
1
have got a better education during the past
years by attending the Tertiary education
and exact sciences. One can notice The same
situation in politics. The number of women
participating in the centers of political
decisions is limited. Although it is not a
matter of our project, we should mention
that the positive discrimination policies
applied have not yielded something proving
this way that the stereotypes are more
powerful (Kalerande & Karafoti, 2004). Our
observation lead us to the conclusion that
every time that we refer to the choices of the
female Albanian immigrants we should take
under consideration the interrelated forms
of social inequality, especially the inequality
in terms of sex, nationality and social class.
Therefore, their immigrant status and the
professional choices are related and define
life choices. The stereotypes concerning
the sex are much more intense when the
Albanian community is under question
because it is about traditional societies with
intense sexist traits.
The term immigration, in terms of
the Greek situation, refers mainly to the
Albanian immigrants who consist over
50% of the immigrants¹. During the ‘90s,
in particular, the Albanian immigrant
population tends to increase, a fact which
directly demands the reinforcement of
intercultural education which until then had
been on a preparatory stage as well as the
more general tendency of the Greek society
on issues of immigrant assimilation.
What is interesting about the researchers
is that even from the first years many
Albanian communities and associations2
throughout Greece have been developing.
Statistics coming from census.
We indicatively state the associations of Elefsina and Aspropyrgos which take action in Western Attica.
Indicatively: χου, Χ. & α
, . (2010), « α
α
π ο
α α
α
α :
α Φα ο ο ο
ο
», ο:
π
ου, Φ. ( π .) M ο ο
α
α α υ
π
:
ο α
« ου ο α ου
ου »,
,
α:
, 193-227.
χου, Χ. & α
, . (2010), «
α ο
ο ο
α:
ο
αυ
α
ο ω ο-πο
ο
α χ α
ο », ο α ου, . α
ου α
, . ( π .)
α
α
ο
:
ο α ο
,
,
α:
α α, 457-493.
2
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
This population group basically wishes to
be incorporated into the Greek society and,
thus, it is intensely noticed a tendency for the
assimilation of the immigrant children from
the Greek reality.
At this point, it worth mentioning the
female immigration given the fact that the
woman plays a crucial role in the child’s
development, cultivation and is directly
related to his/her education. During the
previous years female immigration was
addressed as the result of the male one, that
is women and children were mentioned as
dependent members. As a result women and
children were following the man that is we
are talking about a “dependent immigration”
(Emke – Poulopoulou, 2007: 149-152).
Even though the female immigrant has
come into the labor market, she still
remains responsible for the household and
the children upraising. Thus, she legally
remains dependent on her husband and
her position is downgraded within the
family (Emke – Poulopoulou, 2007: 152153). Our observation does not ignore the
differentiations that may exist within the
family due to the educational and social
capital of its members that seem to affect
the woman’s position in the family. But,
it is generally observed that the positions
undertaken by them within the professional
areas as a household assistant, elderly nurse
and baby-sitter are related to the roles they
hold in her family environment.
2 Immigrant education and the greek
reality
Within a society as much as like the
Greek one, multiculturalism is regarded as a
given social reality and intercultural education
is the means to create cultures symmetric
interaction conditions (Govaris, 2004:
110). The procedure of interculturalism
is defined as a situation and procedure of
conscience based on the re-meditative notion
and experience of the cultural pluralism
25
(Govaris, 2004: 85). Within the school
community the Albanian immigrants acquire
knowledge and theoretical background,
through the procedure of incorporation, in
order to overcome the needs of the school
examination system.
The issue of the immigrant education
starts from the first years of their
incorporation. It is observed that the
parents more generally tend to boost their
children to attend Greek schools, to learn
the language and to try to rise, through
Tertiary education, up in the Greek society.
It is remarkable that many of the Albanian
students do not speak Albanian and regard
the Greek language as their mother tongue
but without any intention from their side to
reject their Albanian nationality. The issue of
their children’s education is related to their
successful course of their immigration. It is
interpreted through the goals they set for
progress, success and social mobility. The
Albanian immigrants coming in Greece
have mainly a low educational capital,
something which is related not only to the
divergence existing between the Greek and
the Albanian culture but to the divergence
from the dominant school culture. It is
therefore natural that their educational
goals are directly linked to their professional
evolution in relation to the labor market.
We observe that they should connect the
two levels that of their education and that
of their professional success. For most of
them, their professional training is a one-way
street. At this point, we should point out that
the issue of their professional incorporation
is connected to their acceptance and their
broader incorporation into the Greek society
since unemployment does not only create
financial issues but also leads to exclusion
and marginalization, a fact that the Albanian
family tries to avoid.
Learning and using a common language
by all the citizens refers to the political
principle of equality and to the right to form
a common will (Gotovos, 2003: 178-180).
26
The albanian students’ stances & perceptions regarding the choice of profession
Thus, within the school the theoretical
perception that the immigrant student who
attends from an early age a general or an
intercultural school has proportionately the
same probabilities to enter Tertiary education
with a student of Greek citizenship. But
researches indicate that despite this theoretical
placement, in practice, in professional training
there is a multitude of immigrant students in
contrast to the general senior high schools
where the number of immigrants attending
them is limited.
It is remarkable that in Primary
education, according to a research by Ath.
Gotovos and G. Markou,3 there are many
foreign students (8,6%) whereas this
percentage is dramatically decrease in the
junior high school (6,9%) and the senior
high school (3,2%).
This is a phenomenon going through
the time4 and we reach the conclusion that
school drop-out, especially by the weak
students is a consolidated tactics given the
fact that they are boosted to search for a job
or they thoughtlessly follow their parents’
profession. It is often the result of the
teachers’ behavior usually using stereotype
characterizations and humiliating comments.
They do not offer any assistance and
encourage them to drop out school, because
they stereotypically believe that the students
of the particular group have no chance to
successfully continue the learning procedure
(Evangelou & Kantzou, 2005: 37-39).
3. Research data
3.1 Selection of sample
In our research we concentrated on
immigrant students having attended
the General Senior High School
and managed to enter an Upper or
Technological Education Institution
(Tertiary Education). We used the method
of questionnaires and the individualized
interviews for cases that diverged from
the sample. Besides, we looked for the
percentage of Albanian immigrants in
Universities and Technological institutions5
and we categorized them based on the sex
and faculty so that, through the Case
Study of the particular parts, we analyze
the immigrants’ choices and reinforce the
speculations of our research. The Albanian
immigrants children show a special
interest because a large percentage, as we
will analyze afterwards, of the immigrant
children choosing the General Senior
High School finally manage to enter
Tertiary education.
Significant research studies about the
immigrants have been made in Greece
throughout the past years. However,
the phenomenon of lack of statistics
is a crucial problem since the study of
the groups is particularly difficult. The
immigrant population does not comprise
a homogenous corpus and there are no
figures about the accurate number of
immigrants in Greece, since many of them
entered the country without the necessary
documents (Emke – Poulopoulou, 2007:
40-41).
We studied 80 immigrants and
through semi-constructed questionnaires
and interviews we looked for their family
background, their educational capital,
their labor and family status. Our sample
consists of 28 women and 52 men,
between 18 and 24 years old attending
Upper educational institutions.
3
A. Gotovos & G. Markou (2003). “Repatriated and foreign students in Greek education” Volume A’,
General description. Athens: Institute of Homogenous and Intercultural Education.
4
Indicatively: Nikolaou G. (2000), Incorporation and education of foreign students in Elementary
School, Athens: Ellinika Grammata
5
We should thank the President and the Administration staff of the Technological Educational Institution
of Kalamata for the provision of the results.
27
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
3.2 The impact of family of the choice of
professio
Throughout the whole sample,
parents have particular professions in
Greece even if they have attended Tertiary
education back in their country. Men
engage themselves with professions
of “building” whereas women in their
majority work as household assistants,
nurses or deal with their own household.
Previous researches6 have dealt with
issues of immigrant education in their
country and from these it comes out that
over 15% of the immigrants working in
professions of the primary production
have a degree in Tertiary education.
Therefore, the data analysis makes us
observe the more general tendency of
males towards technological professions
where the professional settling down
seems to be faster. On the very opposite,
females prefer humanistic professions
consistent with the perception about the
woman’s position in the Albanian family.6
Women basically prefer professions such
as nursery, primary or high school teacher,
psychologist, lawyer, baby nurse, speech
therapist consistent with the mother
role model. It is believed that they can
be combined to the family and help the
development and growing up of children.7
Statistics analysis
Out of the sum of the sample and as
it has derived from the questionnaires,
apart from the sex we categorized
the sample according to their studies.
Thus, we distinguished the faculties
of Tertiary education in upper and
technological educational institutions. The
categorization of faculties of the above
mentioned institutions was realized on the
basis of the mode of filling the application
form with the relevant faculties that the
students state when they fill in their
preferences for faculties to enter Tertiary
education after the final exams and they
are separated into five fields.
In particular, the first field (scientific
field of humanistic, legal and social
sciences) includes university faculties
such as Foreign Language and Literature
faculties, Greek Philology, Law School,
Psychology, Sociology and Music. It also
includes faculties of the technological
educational institutions such as Library
science, Social work and
Baby nursing. The second scientific field
( scientific field of exact sciences) includes
university studies such as Mathematics,
Physics, Chemistry, Informatics, Biology
as well as technological educational
6
Gretta, 21 years old, student of Philology:” the choice of my profession is partially conscious […].
The family played a significant role […] I am a woman […] I could not choose a “male” profession […]
and I think about the family, I should be a very good role model for my children”.
Elton, 19 years old, student of informatics at a technological institution: “I have engaged myself in
computers since an early age because I liked them […] My parents supported my choice because they
believe that I will easily find a job […] I always liked to deal with works done with hands just like my
father […] I would not like my wife to do the same job […] there are professions that suit men more”.
Eddy, 23 years old, student of a university faculty of economics: “I found it difficult to enter my
faculty […] I do not really like it but I believe that it will suit me […] my parents wanted that very
much […]I preferred the philological subjects”.
7
Gretta, 21 years old, student of Philology: “my profession will assist me in making my own family
[…] I am going to have free time in the afternoons […] I will be able to help my children study […]
it is not sure if my husband will have the time to engage himself ”.
Elton, 19 years old, student of informatics at a technological institution: “I would like my wife to
engage herself with the children […] if she asked me, I would advise her to become a nursery school
or an elementary school teacher […] these professions suit a woman […] I could never exercise such
a profession.
28
The albanian students’ stances & perceptions regarding the choice of profession
institutions with faculties such as Vegetable
and Animal Production, Fish science
and Greenhouse cultivations. The third
scientific field (scientific field of health
sciences) includes faculties of Medical
sciences, Pharmaceuticals and Biology.
The technological institutions of this field
deal with paramedical professions such as
Dietology, Speech Therapy, Obstetrics,
Aesthetics and Nursing. The fourth scientific
field (scientific field of technological
sciences) includes faculties related to
Informatics, Technology, Mechanics and
Applied Sciences as well as Architecture.
In terms of a technological institution level
there are faculties such as Electronics, Ship
building, Automation and Construction
Works. In the fifth scientific field (sciences
of economics and administration) there are
departments of Marketing, International
and European Relationships, Accounting,
Economics and Administration. Within the
technological institutions we find the same
faculties under a different framework of
institutionalized professional rights.
Our sample includes 50 men and 30
women. 20 men out of 50 (a percentage of
40%) attend Upper Educational Institutions
whereas 30 of them (a percentage of 60%)
have entered Technological Educational
Institutions. 18 women of the sample (a
percentage of 60%) have entered Upper
Educational Institutions (U.E.I.) and 30%
of them (12 women) attend Technological
Educational Institutions.
Following this general distinction, we
proceeded to the students ranking according
to the scientific field in which their faculties
belong. The results of the research showed
that the 14 out of the 20 women that have
entered U.E.I. (a percentage of 70%) chose
the scientific fields of humanistic, legal and
social sciences, 2 out of 20 (a percentage
of 10%) chose the scientific field of exact
sciences and the remaining 4 (a percentage
of 20%) preferred the scientific field of
economics and administration sciences.
It is remarkable that the percentages of
entering the two other scientific fields
(those of health and technological sciences)
were zero.
Our next step was to examine the
choices made by men having entered the
Upper Tertiary Education. The results
showed that 10% (2 men) decided to
attend faculties with scientific fields of
humanistic, legal and social sciences.
Also, another 10% of men preferred the
scientific field of exact sciences whereas
20% chose the scientific field of economics
and administration. The rest 60% (12 men)
preferred the scientific field of technological
sciences with a zero percentage of those
following the scientific field of health
sciences. At this point, we observe that the
field of technological sciences, which had a
zero percentage among women, is the top
preference among the majority of the men
of the sample. On the other hand, the field
of health sciences presents a zero percentage
in both categories.
After that, we examined the percentages
of women that entered Technological
Educational Institutions and the 5 scientific
fields. The research showed that out of
the total of 10 women of this category 7
of them (a percentage of 70%) entered
faculties of the scientific field of health
sciences, only 1 of them (a percentage 10%)
chose the scientific field of economic and
administration whereas the remaining 2
ones (a percentage of 20%) preferred the
scientific field of technological sciences. No
woman of the sample preferred the other
two scientific fields (those of exact sciences
and humanistic, legal and social sciences).
We correspondingly examined the men
entrance percentages into technological
educational institutions. Three men out of
30 of this category in total (a percentage
of 10%) preferred the scientific field of
exact sciences, 6 of them (a percentage of
20%) chose the scientific field of health
sciences, the remaining 20% entered
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
faculties of the scientific field of economics
and administration whereas 50% preferred
schools of the scientific field of technological
sciences. A zero percentage regarding
entrance in faculties of the scientific field
of humanistic, legal and social sciences was
presented, a phenomenon which was also
noticed in the women category.
Conclusions
In our research, we found out that
it is difficult for both male and female
immigrant students to justify their
professional choices. It perhaps seems
as a resistance against a system that
indirectly suppresses them on the basis
that legislation does not address them
as equal citizens as it does with the
natives. The acquired higher educational
level, especially, makes them realize to a
greater degree the forms of inequality
and the limited functions of the welfare
state which seems to press heavily on
their dreams and expectations within the
Greek society. The fact that they are also
affected by their families to undertake
professional roles makes them connect
education to profession. This issue is
connected to the necessity of reinforcing
their immigrant family as well as their
simultaneous acceptance, through labor,
by the Greek society.
It is not at all accidental that the
immigrants choose vocational schools
and especially those immigrants that come
from a family with a low educational
capital. The choice of the vocational
school expresses, as it happens in the
Greek family as well, the limited goals
within a school of limited demands with
a simultaneous learning of an art which
facilitates the immediate access into the
labor market, since technical works are
considered to be linked to a limited range
of knowledge but, on the contrary, they
need an increased number of skills. The
29
General Senior High School is considered
to be the school of the native population.
Thus, one more distinction line within
education is formed, with studies of two
different velocities for both the greatest
number of natives and the greatest
number of immigrants.
The issue of choices, as far as studies
are concerned, seems to reproduce the
traditional stereotypes in terms of sex;
these stereotypes are reproduced within
the Albanian family and are related,
in a broader sense, to the structures
and functions of the Greek culture.
In particular, the issue of professional
occupation of women in sectors of services
under a clerk - relationship, discourages
the Albanian family to choose those studies
that would jeopardize the professional
roles of their children. When choosing
professional roles, studies that guide the
professional settlement in relation to the
public sector are excluded for both sexes.
At the same time, and always in relation
to the sex, studies which do not go with
the reproduced role models in relation to
their role are excluded for women.
At this point, we would like to
comment that even if there are stereotypes
within the Albanian immigrant community
regarding the sex, in Greece they are
reinforced within a Greek society which,
even though it tries to present a model of
a modern society attuned to the Western
culture, to the European and International
policy of rights, reproduces inequalities
within its structures, both in terms of sex
and of the “others”, the immigrants.
It is important to notice that in the
vocational schools of Secondary education
a notion has been formed in which the
vocational school is regarded as a school
for native failures where the Greeks
attending them come from lower social
classes and lower educational capital.
Correspondingly, for the largest number
of immigrants the vocational school
30
The albanian students’ stances & perceptions regarding the choice of profession
is their school; they feel different and
get socialized within the environment
of peer immigrants. For those people,
their success in the examination for the
Tertiary education and their entrance
into an upper technological institution
is considered a success and changes,
theoretically, the immigrant status of the
family through the capacity of the student
in the upper technological education. The
education model in Secondary education,
even if it is not chosen by the natives, in
combination to their entrance in Tertiary
vocational education is the typical way
for the immigrants to combine upper
education with vocational education and
labor market.
To top it all, a point that we should
highlight is that the policy of rights both
towards the immigrants and the equality
in terms of sex should be reinforced
because it has not been fruitful. Moreover,
an issue of democracy is under question
since citizens are addressed under different
criteria and the experienced forms of
discriminations that penetrate the social,
economic and political environments,
defi ne the individual’s life by limiting
his / her right in self-realization and the
projection of preferences and desires.
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PSYCHOLOGY SERVICE EFFICIENCY IN
EDUCATING CHILDREN AND ADOLESCENTS
Edo SHERIFI - University of Tirana
Department of Psychology & Pedagogy
E- mail: edo_sherifi@yahoo.com
INTRODUCTION
This paper treats the functional necessity of the psychologist profession as a potential
factor in reducing stress and depression levels which lead to aggressive behavior in people
and induce social conflicts. This paper provides the first steps of school psychology service
operation in the world and in Albania. In particular, it examines the role and efficiency of
school psychologist as a monitoring and manager of problematic behaviors of children
and adolescents at school.
The study underlines the need of psychological services in social institutions. It
emphasizes the idea that the efficiency of psychological services will improve if the
decision-making bodies shall take the legislative initiative, completed by the bylaws,
for the approval of the “Psychologist’s Legal Status”, as the profession is more than
necessary in a democratic society.
The research conducted on “School Psychology Service” in such schools as “Sami
Frashëri”, “Petro Nini”, “Asim Vokshi”, “Osman Myderizi”, and “Sabaudin Gabrani”,
became a motive for initiating this paper. This work defines the thought that it is time
that the school psychology service was institutionalized as a permanent occupation, as
an integral part of the organigram of the teaching staff in all schools in the country,
both in urban and rural areas. The efficiency of psychological assistance is also reflected
in the collaboration of the academic staff, parents, school administration, student’s
senate, business community and adolescents themselves with the school psychologist.
Harmonization of these factors has positively influenced the improvement of educational
instruction indicators of these schools. The efficiency of psychological service in these
schools is also observed in the reduction of bulling cases against children and adolescents
at schools. The paper also examines the following issue: Why has psychological service
not found the necessary extension in all the public and private institutions?
Keywords: education, psychological service, collaboration, bowling, effective, behaviors.
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 33-42
34
Psychology service efficiency in educating children and adolescents
I. Beginnings of school psychology
service in the world. Emergence and
extension of psychological service in
the Albanian reality
School psychology service has
its origins in the late 19th and early
20th century. In 1892, Witmer opened
the first psychological clinic for the
children. Psychology knowledge was
attempted to be used for the first time for
a practical application in the treatment of
educational problems. In the 20th century,
Educational Psychology was represented
by a group of authors, among whom Lev
Vigotski, who published his masterpiece
“Thought and Speech” and was praised
by his contemporaries as the “Mozart
of Educational Psychology.” J. Brunner,
published his “Education Process” which
emphasizes the idea that “In order to learn
and acquire you should conceptualize,
categorize”, etc.
In Albania, the Faculty of Social
Sciences of the University of Tirana was
established in 1992 upon decision of
the Ministry of Education and Science.
In 1995 the branch of Psychology was
established in this Faculty. From that
moment up to September 2010, 1202
students were registered, part-time system
and master and doctorate programs
excluded. The figures are even higher as the
branch of psychology is being developed
in other public and private universities.
The academic staff of the psychology
branch at the Faculty of Social Sciences
is qualified or graduated in the most
prestigious universities of the world.
Over the years, the branch of psychology
and its sub-branches are gradually being
performed. The curricula, textbooks and
lectures have been updated and the most
modern methods are applied in teaching.
In 2004, the Ministry of Education
and Science, through a two-year pilot
project, applied psychology service at the
compulsory and pre-university education.
In some institutions of Tirana the first
140 psychologists have been appointed.
Without doubt, this is a limited number
compared to the needs of society, but it
deserves praise as it is in its early steps.
Psychologist as a profession
Another major problem to be
examined is the fact that the profession
of psychologist is not yet considered as a
specialized profession. The psychologist,
as a professional, can treat and help
people with behavioral and cognition
disorders. He/she is professionally capable
to make persons with problems adapt
to memory, thoughts, emotional and
personal problems. He/she can guide
clients towards communication and social
interaction and achieve the phenomenon
of social facilitation. To make state
institutions and public opinion aware of
the necessity of psychological services
in social life, the press and electronic
media play a crucial role. The association
of psychologists for the operation and
assurance of the psychologist’s legal
status, should undertake the necessary
legal initiatives to collaborate with line
ministries, the Faculty of Social Sciences
and other decision-making institutions.
But the psychologist has a duty to
enhance professional performance in
social life. Professionally he can become
a psychological support to calm troubled
souls and troubled minds. It is necessary
that even the community accepts the
psychologist’s role as promoter of a social
climate which is not stressful and which
does not cause conflict, because it often
stigmatizes his role and contribution to
society. The psychologists’ army, which
* Note: Jerome Bruner: «Procesi of education».(I960).Harvard.University Press.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
is increasing every year, should always
promote the ever-increasing professional
values to be “imposed” to the social
community with a high professional
performance and polite service.
Performance of its multi dimensional
personality would increase the impact of
the psychological service at community
level. Psychology service in government
institutions requires more recognition by
the decision-making bodies to accept its
necessity and extension in the entire life
of the country. I emphasize this, because
it is time to alter the public psychology
service into a private one in order to be
consolidated as a crucial service to the
individual’s mental health. Let this be the
appeal of a psychologist to all public and
private stakeholders that the psychological
service in our country be given the role
that the societies with higher standards of
civilization and social culture have given
to it. These requirements make psychology
service a necessity in the entire life of
Albania.
The Role of the School Psychologist
School as the temple of knowledge is
included in a thorough process for a more
comprehensive reformation of unified
teaching standards with the education
system of the European knowledge society.
Traditional teaching has been teachercentered, it is now more and more being
replaced by interactive teaching, which
is student-centered, by using teaching
methods and activities that encourage
learning and develop critical thinking
and by involving high levels of cognitive
processes. In this comprehensive reform
process, the school psychologist is of a
primary role. It is his duty to cooperate
with the School Directorate to build up
strategies of socio-educational programs
in order to minimize the problematic
behaviors of students. It is necessary
35
that he cooperates with head-teachers,
to reassess the relationships between
teachers and difficult students. A school
psychologist by recognizing psychosocial
characteristics of students offers to teachers
a new vision for treating adolescents as
collaborators and partners in educational
activities in and out of school. He should
collaborate with different teachers to
minimize conflict within the class by
managing with his expertise the social
climate deterioration in the learning
process. School psychologists, in their
counseling sessions with adolescents
with problematic behavior, should help
teenagers to discharge negative emotions
by freeing them from their stressful
emotional condition. Cooperation with
parents is a school counselor dimension of
his profession. It is his duty to contribute
in enhancing the role of parents and all
community stakeholders to support the
school community. Collaboration with the
student’s senate to protect their rights is
another direction of the work of school
psychologists.
Role harmonization of the above
factors by the school psychologist will
strengthen relations between them and will
enhance the school educational process
efficiency. This process is organized in
accordance with the cognitive level of
students, from pre-school to the higher
levels of the education system. Western
experiences show that in a school with
about 2000 students, it is more than
necessary to have a functional group
of psychologists (social psychologist,
counseling psychologist and school
psychologist). School psychology service
is necessary not only for the management
of students’ psychosocial problems
but also for the creation of a social
climate of cooperation between students,
teaching staff and school community
support. A psychologist is necessary not
only to help teens recover from their
36
Psychology service efficiency in educating children and adolescents
Cooperation of stakeholders with the school psychology service to support education of adolescents
problematic behaviors, but also to shape
their individuality and orientate them with
regards to the profession or career choice.
The psychologist enables this mission
based on a test of students’ psychological
skills. The psychology service may and
should function in the entire educational
system, and should be extended in other
areas in addition to the urban ones.
Problematic behaviors of teenagers in
some of the Albania’s capital schools were
among those important motives which
inspired this study. As a result of failures
in school expectations, of experimentation
with drugs, tobacco and alcohol, of feeling
depressed; of demotivation to study, of lack
of awareness of their skills, of coping with
relationship problems with friends, concerns
37
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
about their sexuality, conflict relationships
with teachers, aggravated family relations,
poor time management, anxiety, stress,
depression, sorrow for social and family
reasons such as parents’ divorce or loss of
close family relatives – all this wide range
of teenagers problematic behaviors needs
treatment from an expert in this field that
is the school psychologist. It is of interest
to know the techniques and therapies
used by school psychologists to facilitate
development processes that characterize
teenagers by assisting his maturity and
overcoming the social crisis to be selffulfilled. It is important that the school
psychologist arranges psychological service
based on individual documentation for any
teenager whom he/she advises. Counseling
sessions should not be spontaneous but
organized and displayed in special “Files”
per each client as well as in individual
folders. Empathy and confidentiality are
two principles that are respected within
the professional psychologist status. For
the purposes of this study, information was
gathered from several instruments such as:
500 questionnaires addressed to teenagers
in 3 high schools in Tirana, namely “Sami
Frashëri”, “Petro Nini” and “Asim Vokshi”,
and two 9-year schools: “Osman Myderizi”,
and “Sabaudin Gabrani”. Through these
questionnaires addressed to the pupils and
teenagers of these schools, it was possible
to gather first hand and very interesting
information for the position of school
psychologist and his/her tasks. Analysis
of such collected information shows
some achievements as well as a range of
problems to be solved raised by the school
psychology service in Albanian schools.
The questionnaire addressed to the school
psychologists consisted of 20 questions
and aimed at getting a direct view of these
psychology service specialists with regards
to their role in the school community, the
techniques they use to assess students’
academic skills, behavioral problems of
teenagers at school, the psychologist’s
relationship with the staff, the department,
parents and school senate. Semi-structured
interviews were applied to the teachers
of these schools, parents of pupils and
adolescents from 14 to18 years old. They
brought their real experiences with regards
to cooperation with the school psychologist
by pointing out the motivational role of the
The role of school psychologist as a coordinator of social relations at school
38
Psychology service efficiency in educating children and adolescents
The role of school psychology service to facilitate the learning process and achieve defined expectations
psychologist in many difficult and stressful
situations for adolescents in the educational
process.
At the same time students are critic
about the prejudiced attitudes of some
teachers with regards to their school
psychology service. In their interviews,
parents have given different opinions.
The answers are pro and against the role
of psychologist to support establishing
the identity of adolescents and minimize
behavioral problems. Whereas in their
interviews, teachers show some doses of
nihilism and skepticism about the role of
school psychologists as counselors not
only to teenagers but also to the staff
regarding specific professional techniques
used in relationships with adolescents. In
their interviews, representatives of school
directorates unanimously accept the
positive influence of the psychology service
in minimizing problematic behaviors
of teenagers and therefore encouraging
and motivating them to achieve higher
academic results. However, in their
interviews they have a tendency to limit
the psychologist’s role at school only
in collaboration with teenagers. They
ignore their relations and cooperation
between them and psychologists aiming
only complete dependency from school
directorates without any partnership
between them.
The routine work of school
psychologists is: counseling, psychoeducational assessment, psychological
assistance and social assistance, and
individual counseling. All information
sources are permeated by a positive message
that psychology service (in chosen schools)
is integrated every year into the school
community as one of the factors that
motivate adolescents to have a positive
attitude about teaching. An important
task of school psychologists is to design
tests for assessing the teaching load,
their relationships with each other, with
their teachers and their parents. Another
important task of school psychologists
is the development of tests to assess the
orientation of graduates in choosing
a future profession according to their
psycho-social abilities. A new concern in
schools is bulling. Bulling (behaving like
39
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
Prejudice hinders the professional work of psychologists and weakens their relationship with teenagers
the strongest one) affects students’ sense
of security. Bulling is very widespread and
perhaps the less reported security problem
at schools. Contrary to the popular belief,
bulling occurs more often in school
premises than on the way to school or
even outside it. Bulling was thought of
as a harmless behavior that affects youth’s
character. Bulling is now known to have
long-term detrimental effects to the victim,
but also to the perpetrator. Bulling is often
misunderstood as a narrow range of tacit
antisocial behaviors which has conquered
the elementary school yards. Bulling can
happen in every class, from the first to
the ninth grade. It is a fact that police
The impact of school psychologists in bulling cases at schools
40
Psychology service efficiency in educating children and adolescents
have taken more responsibility for the
security of students by even helping
school directors, but this does not happen
in every school. Normal functioning
of psychology service at schools and
strengthening cooperation with supportive
stakeholders of students and teenagers, it is
what minimizes bulling cases.
Efficiency of psychosocial service in
social care institutions
The psychologist is the main figure
that determines the intelligence level of
the mental age of disabled persons. It
assesses the mental development level
of children with respect to the fine
global motoric, emotional and clinical
status of the child, language, behavior,
senses, and data on height, weight,
neurological and neuro-motoric situation.
The psychologist plays a key role in
defining and implementing its program
for the child’s mental development:
comprehension, concentration, emotional
level, expressive skills, reasoning and
j u d g m e n t l e v e l . Fu r t h e r m o re , i n
cooperation with the social worker,
therapists, physiotherapist, orthophonist
and care-takers, he/she defines and
designs development programs for the
PAK rehabilitation. The psychologist
lays down the load a client can handle
in various disciplines and activities to be
conducted in accordance with his mental
level development; determines therapeutic
sessions, psycho-motor training, or
programs for assimilation of pre-initial
elements in order to achieve autonomy
and self-service. In cooperation with
other experts, the psychologist suggests
methods and equipments that will be
used and also integrated activities that
will be performed; prepares a progress
file for each child covering the emotional
situation of the child, social behavior,
language, communication, sensory
development, etc; periodically assess
achievements in the educational process,
training of children through self-service
programs and activities to integrate them
and records them in his file; at the end of
each year assesses progress in: behavior,
autonomy, motority, orientation in
space and time, sensitive development,
speech and communication, learning,
activities in workshops and personality
development trends and records them
in his file; intervenes in special psychic
cases of children and determines causes
and methods of treatment; based on his
assessments the psychologist determines
the degree of development of the child
and the real possibility to be integrated
and designs complementary social service
programs for his future rehabilitation;
assesses in particular children with
disabilities when they start to become
aware of notions of life, death, and time
so that they may start analyzing and
judging activities; determines rules and
relationships for the care center staff,
child, parent, and community.
Why has the psychology service not
found the necessary support and
extension? The importance of a
multidisciplinary team
It might be the lack of the necessary
psychological culture. Perhaps for
tradition’s sake, the psychological service
is delivered as an addendum to other
professions, and therefore it is offered by
everybody and by nobody. It happens often
that people who lack the right information
identify the psychology service with the
psychiatry service. Indeed, these two types
of services serve to the individual’s mental
health, but they are not the same thing.
Each of them is a separate profession.
As far as mental health treatment is
concerned, syllogistic teams should be
established in order to perform a specific
41
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
professional assistance for each profession.
Clinic psychologists assess emotional
and mental problems. They treat clients
who have behavioral disorders by using
psychological techniques and therapy. A
psychologist’s instrument is language.
Whereas, psychiatrists are medical doctors
specialized in the treatment of neurophysiological disorders! As such, in order
to cure a patient’s mental health, they turn
to drug use. Coordination of activities
among psychologists and psychiatrists is
the best method to achieve success. At the
psychiatric hospital, we learned that there
are about ten years that the full operation
of a multidisciplinary team consisting of
a psychiatrist, clinic psychologist, social
worker and nurse, is required. But still
there is no definitive solution for all
hospitals. Psychiatrists should also handle
the clinic psychologist’s role and the social
worker’s role. Therefore, the psychiatric
service cannot achieve proper results to
improve mental health of the client. Such
clinics may serve to manage problematic
behaviors of persons who are stressed
or who stress other people, friends and
relatives, in order to minimize family and
social conflicts.
Conclusions
Application of psychology service
in several education institutions in
Tirana constitutes an innovation for
education at national level. It marks
another step forward in our education
system’s approach to the European
system of knowledge society.
Operation of the psychology service in
these schools motivates students and
teenagers to have a positive attitude
towards teaching and a cooperative
relation with all stakeholders who
achieve high academic expectations.
This paper defines the belief that the
time has come for the school psychology
service to be institutionalized as a
permanent occupation, as part of the
organigram of pedagogic personnel
and to be integrated in all schools at
national level.
Efficiency of psychological support is
also reflected in the collaboration of
academic staff, parents’ community,
school administration, student’s senate,
business community and adolescents
themselves with the psychologist.
Efficiency of the psychology service is
also noted in the reduction of bulling
cases against children and adolescents
at schools.
Recommendations
The profession of a psychologist should
function as a specialized occupation.
Decision-making institutions need to
adopt the “Psychologist’s Legal Status”;
In terms of social state, psychology
service deserves the support of state
structures for its expansion from every
neighborhood clinic ward in cities to
higher institutions, alternated even
with licensed private clinics;
Psychology service in all social,
health and education institutions is a
necessity.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Berliner, D. (2006). Educational psychology:
Handbook of Educational Psychology
Benjamin, Ludy (2005). “Annual Review of linial
Psychology”.
Bruner: Jerome: «Procesi of Education». (I960).
Harvard. Universty. Press.”
Carl. Gustav. Jung. (2004.) “Fan Noli”.
(Psikologjia e se pavetedijshmes).
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Psychology service efficiency in educating children and adolescents
Carl. G. Jung. (2007.) “Fan Noli”. “ The
Development of Personality”
Charles G. Morris, Albert. A. Maisto. (2008.)
“Psychology”
Davide. Funder. (2007). “The Personality of
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Orhani Zenel. Shtëpia botuese “Pegi” (2005.)
“Psikologjia konjitive”
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Pettijohn. F. Terr; Shtëpia e botimit; “LILO”
(1996.) “Psikologjia”
Seligman “M. Rashid. T. & Parks, A. (2006).
“Positive Psychotherapy”.
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Jex, S. M., & Britt, T. W. (2008). Organizational
Psychology. Hoboke, Neè Jersey: John
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Zimmerman, B. J., & Shunk, D. H. (Eds.)
(2003). Eduational psychology: A century
of contributions. Mahwah, NJ, US:
Erlbaumb.
43
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
CORRUPTION AND HUMAN
DEVELOPMENT: ALBANIA AND EU-27
Eglantina HYSA - Epoka University, Tirana-Albania
E-mail: elaci@epoka.edu.al
ABSTRACT
After 1990, Albania has passed from a centralized economy to a liberal one.
Liberalization has brought both positive and negative effects to the politics, economy and
other social aspects. There are two main components that measure a country’s progress
toward success. Firstly, the economic growth is the most used and discussed indicator
of the progress. During the last two decades the economists have been more interested
in the economic development, consisting of the aggregate of health, education level
and income rather than economic growth. Secondly, the corruption level is found to be
a significant component of progress. Different researches have founded out a negative
relationship between corruption level and countries’ progress.
This study focuses on the relationship between corruption level and human
development. The calculations are performed for both, Albania and European Union
member countries, and a comparison of the degree of this relationship will take place.
The analysis is extended in the regression of corruption level and the components of
human development such as health, education and income by using the data for years
2002-2010. The main result of this study is that the relationship between corruption
and human development is found to be much stronger in the Albanian case than in
the EU countries.
Keywords: corruption level, human development, quality of life, regression analysis
“[Corruption is] the gangrene of democracy, the AIDS of democracy.
(Miguel Angel Burreli Rivas, Foreign Minister of Venezuela)
“Economic development is sustainable if, relative to its population,
a society’s productive base does not shrink.”
(Dasgupta, P. 2008)
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 43-51
44
Corruption and Human Development: Albania and EU-27
I. Introduction
Albania, located in Western Balkan,
near Euro area, is a country in transition. In
1990, with the fall of communist system the
economic structure passed from a centralized
economy to a liberal one. The generation of
a high inflation rate parallel to the price and
trade liberalization seeks out macroeconomics
stabilization. But macroeconomic stabilization
is not the only requirement for the economic
trend of a country.
Today’s “the trendiest objective”1 of a
country, such as Albania, is to follow the
trends of a “successful group of countries”,2
such as European Union. This trend does not
have to do with just the economic growth
but also with the development of the country
itself, because the hidden pillar of economic
growth is certainly the development of that
country, components of which are health,
education and living standards.
“ I n t e g r a t i o n s h o u l d p ro m o t e
convergence among participating countries
independent of their income level (developed
or developing countries). The same idea
is also supported for the discussion of
international (to create an integrated national
economy), multinational (to create an
integrated regional economy) or worldwide
integration (to create an integrated world).”
(Machlup F. 1976, p.74).
Apart from the target of high developed
economy, countries have to combat
with difficult issues such as corruption.
Corruption is called a difficult issue to deal
with since it has to do with all the society
levels. A country which has changed its
political system, as in the case of Albania,
is face to face with this evident problem.
Even if Albania has more than 20 years in
democracy, this country is still suffering
from this disease. According to Corruption
Perception Index (CPI), assumed to be the
most objective measurement of corruption,
in year 2010, Albania is ranked in the 87th
place in a list of 178 countries.
In order to test the relationship between
corruption and human development,
corruption perception index3 and three
components of HDI are used. Since some
of the components are found to have strong
correlation between each other, the regression
analysis is concentrated in the relationship
of CPI and HDI (the aggregate of life
expectancy index, educational index and
income index). This study uses data during
2002-2010 period for both Albania and
European Union countries for the regression
analysis since for the case of Albania the CPI
data of previous years are not available.
The theoretical framework of the human
development and corruption relationship will
take place in the second part of the study. The
third part will focus on the regression analysis
of this relationship and the comparison of
Albanian performance toward the European
Union members’ performance. To sum up,
a short conclusion will take place.
II. Human Development and
Corruption Relationship
Corruption is generally defined as the
abuse of political office or public position
of trust for private gain, is not unique to
modern systems of government (Goldsmith,
1999). A more explicit way of defining
1
The developing countries try to implement in general the systems that the developed countries apply
because they struggle in order to reach them and as EU is thought to be successful group of countries, the
other countries try to follow its way without taking into account the country specific conditions or without
being critical to any EU policy.
2
Generally the success of EU is taken for grand but not later than the financial crisis of 2008 showed
that some of EU countries were in trouble.
3
This study has used CPI since this index has had larger attention and influence comparing to the
other corruption indexes.
45
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
corruption is the corruption pyramid which
has been designed by Sanjeev Sabhlog, in
2009in his book titled “Breaking free of
Nehru”. He divides the corruption in three
categories; visible corruption, hidden deep
corruption, and hidden policy corruption.
cor Visible
r up
tion
Figure 1: Corruption pyramid
Politicians, senior
bureaucrats dipping
into public funds.
national security risks
from corrupt security forces.
pol Hid
icy den
cor
r up
t
ion
dee Hidd
p c en
or r
upt
ion
Day-to-day
Transactional
Prioritisational
Policy negiect by politicians and
bureaucrats as a result of focus
on “making money”.
Source: “Breaking free of Nehru”, Sabhlog, 2009
Most of the literatures regarding
corruption (Akçay, 2006; Blackburn
and Sarmah, 2007; Chakraborty, 2003;
Qizilbash, 2001) have noted that the
corruption level has an inverse relationship
with the human development. According
to Akçay, corruption impedes growth,
reduces the spending on health and
education. Lower growth means less GDP
per capita, which have negative effects on
living standards, life expectancy and human
capital accumulation. Both these factors
decrease the human development level.
There are different methods and
sources calculating the corruption index
such as: the Corruption Perception
Index (CPI) calculated by Transparency
International (TI), International Country
Risk Guide’s (ICRG) corruption index
calculated by Political Risk Services (PRS),
and the corruption index that is constructed
by Kaufmann, Kraay, and Mastruzzi (2003).
In this study, the corruption perception
index has been taken into consideration and
has been used to calculate its correlation
to human development. CPI is based on
a “poll of polls,” indicating impressions
of business people, the local population of
relevant countries, and risk analysts who
have been surveyed. CPI is range between 0
and 10. A country having 10 as the overall
evaluation indicates a highly clean country
and 0 indicates a highly corrupted country.
According to this scoring, the higher the
CPI (the cleaner the country), the higher
the human development index (HDI).
In the late 1980s, the central focus
of economists was the income growth.
In the beginning of 1990s, the focus
shifted toward the quality of life and the
development strategies were oriented
from production to welfare improvement.
Seen that Albania is a potential candidate
country for EU accession, it is important
to analyze the aspects of the relationship
existing between corruption and human
development progress. This study will
precisely consist on the analysis of the
correlation between corruption and three
Figure 2: Corruption and Development
Less growth
Corruption
Less GDP
per capita
Less spending on health
Less spending on education
Source: “Corruption and Human Development”, Akçay, 2006
Low level of
standard of
living
Low level of
life expectancy
Low human
capital
accumulation
Low level
of human
development
46
Corruption and Human Development: Albania and EU-27
Figure 3: Components of Human Development Index
Liv
i
stang
nd
ard
s
Ed
uc
ati
on
Me
a
of n ye
sc ar
ho s
oli
ng
E xp
ect
of ed
sc yea
ho r s
oli
ng
Gr o
i n c ss n a
o t
ca me ional
pit pe
a r
Life
at expe
bir cta
th n c
y
He
alt
h
Human
Development
Index
Three dimensions
Four indicators
Source: HDRO
main development indicators such as
health, education and living standards.
There are different views that define
Economic Development. In the World
Development Report, the World Bank
presents the economic development as
“Development is often taken to mean rising
incomes. A still common view equates
development with growth, though there
has been a shift in emphasis since the 1970s
to a focus on the distribution of incomes.”
In Human Development Report, the
United Nations present another alternative
view such as “The essence of this view is
that human development--what people
can actually do and be--is the overriding
purpose of economic development.”
This study is focused on the analysis
of corruption-economic development
linkage of Albania and the European Union
members taking as definition the second
approach of economic development, and
mostly basing on human development.
Human development refers to a
sustainable increase in living standards.
It implies increased per capita income,
better education and health as well
as environmental protection. There
have been different measurements in
order to rank the countries according
to their development level. The last
method of measuring development is
the combination of indicators such as
life expectancy, educational attainment
and income into a composite human
development index (HDI). The main
aim of HDI is to combine the social
and economic development in a single
statistical data of which 0 indicates the
minimum level and 1 the maximum level.
The concept of development has been
widely discussed regarding the focus on just
national income or in other social factors
such as health, education. “A nation’s
progress with respect to its material wealth
is not independent of its progress in other
spheres…economic growth promotes
democratic development; education is
good for health; and health is good for
education” (Fielding D. 2000, p.6)
HDI is composed by three
components, Life Expectancy Index,
Education Attainment Index and Adjusted
Income Index. Each of them is computed
according to the general formula:
Actual valuei - Minimum valuei
Index=-------------------------------------------Maximum valuei - Minimum valuei
Where the fixed minimum and
maximum values have been established
for each of the indicators:
47
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
Life expectancy at birth: 25 and 85
years;
Adult literacy: 0% and 100%;
Combined enrolment ratio: 0% and
100%;
Real GDP per capita (PPP$): PPP$100
and PPP$40000.
Life expectancy index is calculated by
using the direct formula presented above.
In the Albanian case, the first index is
founded to be 0.900.4
The educational attainment index
is built as a linear combination of adult
literacy and combined primary, secondary
and tertiary enrollment ratios with weights
2/3 and 1/3, respectively:
adult literacy rate of age 15 and above,
results to be 99, 1 (UNESCO, 2010).
This shows to be a good indicator when
compared to other countries with the
same income level.
The third index, income index, is
more complex and is based on the utility
of income varying elasticity. GDP per
capita of year 2008 in US$ is calculated
to be 7.737 (HDRO, 2010).
Finally, the HDI is the sum of the
averages of the three indexes explained
above and Albania is ranked in the 64th
place from 169 countries with a total of
0.719.
Educational Attainment = 2/3 Adult literacy + 1/3 Combined Enrollement
“[Education] can add to the value
of production in economy and also to
the income of the person who has been
educated.
But even with the same level of
income, a person may benefit from
education – in reading, communicating,
arguing, in being able to choose in a
more informed way, in being taken more
seriously by others and so on.”(Sen A.
1999, p.294).
The Albanian education attainment
index is 0.689. However, the Albanian
education attainment index based only on
III. Regression analysis
As stated in the previous studies,
higher levels of corruption are associated
with lower levels of human development,
health, education and income. This
study also expects the same relationship
between the variables for both Albania
and EU member countries. Table 1 gives
a general idea regarding the correlation
between Corruption perception index,
human development index and other three
components of HDI. Given the strong
correlation between all the independent
Tabela 1: Correlation Matrix: Albania and European Union Countries (2002-2010)
CPI
CPI
LEI
EAI
AII
HDI
4
1
0.784829
0.818711
0.903161
0.846295
AL
LEI
EAI
AII
HDI
1
0.996041
1
0.966616 0.982758
1
0.993547 0.997821 0.988999 1
Referring the data to the UNDP official website
CPI
CPI
LEI
EAI
AII
HDI
EU-27
LEI
EAI
AII HDI
1
0.493052
1
0.540679 0.995844
1
0.842927 0.800796 0.824931
1
0.637922 0.975594 0.982784 0.900496 1
48
Corruption and Human Development: Albania and EU-27
Figure 4: Scatterplot of HDI and CPI for Albania and EU countries (2002-2010)
Human Development Index
Scatterplot of HDI and CPI (Al/EU-27)
EU-27
AL
Corruption Perception Index
variables in the Albanian case and also in the
European Union countries multicollinearity
is of concern.
The scatterplot of human development
index and the corruption perception
index shows briefly the picture of this
relationship for years 2002-2010. On the
one hand, Albania is found away from EU
countries with respect to this relationship.
On the other hand, even if Albanian HDI
and CPI are lower than HDI and CPI of
EU countries; Albania is doing positive
steps toward the enhancement of these
indicators. According to these results,
we can estimate that if EU is assumed to
stay at the actual position and Albania
improves with the same rates, Albania will
need approximately 25 years to reach the
average of EU member countries in HDICPI relationship.
At the same time it is of great
importance the analyses of all the variables’
trend which has been drawn in the graphs
below. In the Albanian case, the human
development and all its’ components have
shown increasing trends except the CPI
which decreased during 2004-2005 and
2008-2009. Human development, life
expectancy and education index have an
increasing trend in the European Union
whereas income index has a volatile
trend. From 2007 to 2009 the trend of
education index has decreased. After
2008 the corruption perception index has
significantly decreased.
Next, the research demonstrates the
regression equations and the results of
this multiple equation. This equation is
used for both, Albanian and EU member
countries data. LEI, EAI and AII are
Graph 1: Variables Trend for Albania and EU-27 (2002-2010)
49
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
expected to be statistically significant
and have positive coefficients; an increase
in these independent variables should
decrease corruption, and as a consequence
increase the CPI.
CPIi = a0 + a1LEIi + a2EAIi + a3IIi + ei (1)
This regression tries to explain the
relation between corruption perception
index (CPI) and three independent
variables such as life expectancy index
(LEI), education attainment index (EAI)
and adjusted income index (AII). The
first two components are founded to be
insignificant for both AL and EU whereas
the third component, adjusted income
index is founded to be significant in both
cases and the coefficient sign meets our
expectations indicating a positive sign.
(Appendix - Table2)
As shown in the regression equation
above, some of the variables are founded
to be insignificant, probably because of the
high correlation between variables. For
that, a second equation has been studied.
CPIi = a0 + a1HDIi + ei (2)
Since HDI is the aggregate of the three
components used in the first equation, the
human development index has been used as
an independent variable. HDI is founded to
be significant for both, Albania and EU and
also the coefficient is positive. While in the
Albanian case the model explains around
72%, in the EU case it explains only 41%,
which means that human development has
a higher relationship with corruption level
in Albania compared to the EU member
countries. (Appendix-Table3)
The percentage of corruption explained
by the human development in Albania
is in fact very high in comparison to the
EU member countries, but we have to
underline the fact that the data used for
this regression analysis was very limited.
In a more extending time lag maybe other
50
Corruption and Human Development: Albania and EU-27
results would show up. However, it can be
said for sure that Albania is too far from
“its target group countries”, EU countries,
based on its low level of the human
development and high level of corruption.
IV. Summary and Conclusions
Empirical studies have shown that
corruption is responsible for low economic
development, discourages investments
on education and health, triggers high
income inequality and poverty, high child
and infant mortality rates. In addition,
corruption is revealed to be an obstacle for
foreign and domestic investment, inflation
rate stability, currency volatility, etc.
This study explored the relationship
between corruption and human
development in Albania and the group
of countries within EU. Research results
reveal that there is a statistically significant
negative relationship between corruption
i n d e xe s a n d h u m a n d e v e l o p m e n t .
Empirical evidence of the study, comparing
Albania with the EU member countries,
suggests that more corrupted countries
tend to have lower levels of human
development. In the Albanian case, the
relationship between corruption and
human development is found to be much
stronger than in the EU countries.
Appendix
Table. 2 OLS Regression of Corruption Perception on 3 Components of Human Development
Model - AL
Model - EU-27
1.0261
0.4136
(0.89)
-0.4995
0.2434
(-1.32)
-12.2079
0.1253
(-1.84)
1.3487
0.3233
(1.09)
0.0015*
0.0055
(4.67)
0.0001**
0.0277
(3.07)
R2
0.9607
0.8410
F
40.7519
8.8145
N
9
9
Life Expectancy Index
Coefficient:
P-value:
Educational Attainment Index
Coefficient:
P-value:
Adjusted Income Index
Coefficient:
P-value:
Note:
*Significant at the 1% level
**Significant at the 5% level
51
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
Table. 3 OLS Regression of Corruption Perception on Human Development
Model - AL
Model - EU-27
26.6798*
0.004
(4.20)
6.5237**
0.0645
(2.19)
R2
0.7162
0.4069
F
17.6666
4.8033
N
9
9
Human Development Index
Coefficient:
P-value:
Note:
*Significant at the 5% level
**Significant at the 10% level
REFERENCES
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Blackburn, K. and Sarmah, R. (2007), “Corruption,
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Chakraborty, L ekha S. (2003). “Public
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Inequality, Poverty and Human Well-Being,
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Fielding, D. (2002). Health and Wealth: A
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Precise Measurements: The Case of Poverty,
Discussion Paper No. 20001-5, School of
Economic and Social Studies, University of
East Anglia, UK.
Sabhlok, S. (2008). Breaking Free of Nehru,
Anthem Press.
Sen, Amartya K. (1999). Development As Freedom,
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United Nations Development Programme,
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Poverty (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1990).
REPATRIATION OF ALBANIANS: REDESIGNING
A STUDENT ACCULTURATION POLICY
Evagjelia KALERANTE / ΕΤΑΓΓΕΛΙΑ ΚΑΛΕΡΑΝΣΕ - University of West Macedonia, Greece
E-mail: ekalerante@yahoo.gr
ABSTRACT
The Greek economic crises shroud the future of Albanian immigrants with obscurity
and unpredictability. Up until the economic crises, Albanian had been integrated into the
Greek educational system, having a considerable presence at university level, a process
interrupted, curbing the education- based aspirations of the Albanian family for social
mobility and status-quo oriented vocational success that was to transcend the first generation
immigrants’ limitations. Our research looks into their transition to Albanian society. More
specifically, a dual model of education is described: a. the Greek educational system and b.
the Albanian educational system. It is a civil rights oriented educational policy, respectful of
the human condition and the complexity of the post modern society member, transferable
between countries, as a rule. We scrutinize the educational structure policy to be developed
in each country, as well as the detailed basic curriculum to be followed, along with the extra
curricular activities practiced in the two countries.
Keywords: economic crises, Albanian immigrants, transition, educational system,
1. Financial crisis in Greece: a
readjustment policy in education
The financial crisis in Greece has
generated new standards (Freeman &
Soete, 1997). Which are connected to
uncertainty (Sennett, 1999) and insecurity
(Harvey, 2005; Harvey, 2006) so that the
certainty developed in the period before
the financial crisis for possibilities of
development and progress is refuted and
citizens, both native and immigrants, feel
their uncertain future in a country under
new policies and financial dependence by
an international system which limits the
possibilities to formulate an opposing
discourse. The financial situation, as it
is formed with the concentration to the
paying off the debts, cancels in the first
place any form of welfare policy. The
welfare state seems to collapse (Bauman,
2007) that is it is not able to fulfill its
social obligations towards citizens. As a
consequence, the political and social rights
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 53-61
54
Repatriation of Albanians: Redesigning a Student acculturation Policy
are shrank on this level, that is the policy
of rights is being weakened and especially
the immigration policy (Triantafyllidou
& Veikou, 2002) which, during the past
decade, has shown a stable course towards
the perception of isonomy of both native
and immigrant citizens and the creation
of “structures, opportunities” within an
educational, political and social field.
The educational system is readjusted
based on the new economic situation that
is it downsizes the provisions towards
students and the procedure of diffusing
knowledge, research and re-distribution of
rights through education is substantially
enfeebled. Up today, the Greek educational
system has been open meaning that it
created opportunities, even for the lower
strata with an imperfect linguistic code
through the prolonged attendance of the
educational system for at least nine years,
to improve their knowledge and become
familiarized with the educational culture
and especially with the upper social class
culture, by obtaining skills and knowledge
to utilize on a professional level and in
professional fields. The same model has
been in force even for the immigrants
(with a particular reference to Albanian
immigrants) who are fully represented in
education since their immigration policy
is related mainly to their family transition
in the country of reception and who have
the disadvantage of a poor knowledge of
the Greek linguistic code and are placed
off the dominant Greek culture.
In brief, the immediate changes
which have occurred in the educational
system are: a) schools merging, meaning
a larger number of students in the
classrooms, b) abolition of the immigrant
incorporation classes, c) abolition of
tutorial substructures and d) the decrease
of teaching aids and educational force.
The total of such measures is related
to the broader program of downsizing
expenditures which for the case in
question is interpreted as a decrease of
costs for education and for the issue of
our concern as a decrease of provisions
towards the immigrants. Therefore,
since the educational provisions towards
immigrants are shrunk by the state and,
simultaneously, families with unemployed
members have to confront financial
problems, we observe that the aim of
immigrating or residing in the country of
reception is cancelled since the connection
‘education – success – progress’ does not
exist any longer.
During the previous years the Greek
educational system provided immigrants
the potential to educate and reinforce
themselves so that they would be able to
attend Tertiary Education. The political
possibility to benefit from welfare
policies in all levels given to immigrants
was linked to the implementation of a
democratic progressive policy which,
gradually, was incorporating elements of
a European immigration policy in which
the immigrant was specified under the
capacity of a citizen. This way, nationalism
policies, which stopped the emerging of
racism among the total of natives, were
typically refuted.
The educational system, as it has
been formulated after the financial
arrangements, seems to be a close one,
being limited only to the upper social
strata which are able to reinforce their
children’s education by providing them
knowledge in cognitive fields which
are not covered in education but are
regarded as necessary for their professional
incorporation. We observe that the upper
social strata in Greece have access to a
variety of choices improving this way
the education provided in public schools
either addressing private schools or
tutorial classes. Immigrants are unable
to follow the same course; they are
financially enfeebled with their income
undergoing a shrink. Even those ones
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
that can preserve their working positions
address their children’s education as not
a matter in question, as it happened the
past years, because they are concentrated
on the present period and their immediate
survival. Moreover, the future in the sense
of an educational course or social mobility
seems to be far off their concern because
they are unable to support it. On the
contrary, the number of Albanian families
returning to the country of their origin
seems to increase, perhaps to secure their
savings and to create those conditions
that will help them re-incorporate in the
country of origin. This choice creates a
significant problem to their children being
already embodied in some educational
grade. It is observed that their children
are not familiarized with the Albanian
culture; Albania is “another” country and
children are requested to get incorporated
in the Albanian society and the Albanian
educational system.
To recapitulate, we observe that
the coercive adjustments in the Greek
educational system by placing in front of
the costs decrease have worked against
the Albanian immigrants residing in
Greece since they realize that not only
their financial income tends to shrink
or their residing in Greece leads them
towards a sub-proletarization population,
but even that education can not longer
work towards the improvement of
the economical, social and political
place of their children. Therefore, the
arrangements that have been made in the
educational system through the loss of
supportive structures towards the lower
strata and immigrants cancel their plan
to succeed in the country of reception
or in other possible reception countries.
On the contrary, it escalates insecurity
and uncertainty so that returning to
the country of their origin seems to be
a one way course towards a protective
social environment in the sense that they
55
come back to their family incorporations,
thus reducing risk. This plan of coming
back, although it is interpreted by them
both as a rational attitude and emotional
choice, it does not seem to be so painless
for their children who are requested to
distinguish, understand and interpret
different social environments in which
to develop reception and acceptance
strategies.
2. Suggested re-confinement strategies
of the Greek educational system within
a policy of rights towards immigrants
Within this financial arrangements
policy (Bauman, 2007), the Greek
educational system is invited to examine
its performance not only in financial terms
but in relation to the policy of immigrant
rights (Maroukis, 2005). In other words,
it is about a policy which will take under
consideration the broader functions and
aims of the educational system (Bourdieu,
1974). If the one area is the alignment
with the more general plan of confronting
the debt needs of Greece, an issue related
to the downsize of costs in all the fields,
including education, the other area to
investigate is how the educational system
will satisfy its social goals since education
constitutes a part of the social rights.
So, what is the education we are talking
about when there is a cancellation of the
re-distributive policy of rights which was
realized through education; that is when
the policy to reinforce the lower strata and
immigrants with programs about learning
the linguistic code and familiarizing with
the school culture is refuted? Such issues
are connected to the projection into the
future, a future linked to success, progress
and prosperity (Zachou & Kalerante,
2010), especially of those immigrants
who have made an investment by entering
a procedure of social, political and
economical readjustments (OECD, 2010).
56
Repatriation of Albanians: Redesigning a Student acculturation Policy
The educational system is invited
to estimate the consequences of the
financial adjustments (Lundvall & Nielsen,
1999) and to create flexible structures to
reinforce the education of immigrants
taking under consideration the situation
formulated by the immigrants’ need to
return to the country of reception, in
this case, Albania. The issue about the
Albanian students, as being incorporated
in the educational grades, is that when
they return to Albania they can proceed
with their studies and adapt to a different
environment. The coming back to the
country of origin means coming back
to the culture of the country of origin
which is unknown or partially known
to the children attending Greek schools.
During the past years, the Albanian family,
in order to reinforce its incorporation
(Berry, Phinney, Sam & Vedder, 2006) into
the Greek society, followed an adaptation
model supported through learning the
Greek language and culture at the same
time. The issue of success and progress
mainly focused on the fast incorporation
into the Greek society so that it is accepted
by natives and racism is limited. Thus,
Albanian immigrant offspring either learn
no Albanian at all or their knowledge of
the language is little. Simultaneously,
even though the Albanian family itself
uses the Albanian language among
private or personal conversations, they
avoid using this language when talking
to their children. The financial change
and the simultaneous coercive Albanians’
response to return to the country of origin
should be taken under consideration by
the Greek educational system. The fact
that in the following years the number of
Albanians coming back to Greece will be
increased (Gropas & Triantafyllidou, 2007),
creates the moral and political obligation
of Greece to facilitate the Albanian
immigrants re-incorporation, according
to their wish, to the country of origin
or even if they remain in the country of
reception to preserve some Albanian
citizen data on their identification card.
The first case of returning to the country
of origin is connected to the second one
of the selective residing since the common
element is to form Albanian “studies” as a
necessity. In particular, we suggest learning
the Albanian language in the Greek
schools in the sense that the Albanian
students have the possibility to learn
their language as a syntactical structure
and content in the form dominating the
Albanian education. Additionally, they
can be taught history and literature so
that they come in contact with the culture
and civilization of their country. These
subjects, as part of a free choice, could
be attended at will by Greek students,
too, in order to increase Greek students’
professional opportunities in Albania and,
at the same time, to develop feelings of
solidarity and acceptance through the
substantial acquaintance with the other,
his/her culture and value.
The program we suggest on the basis
of cross-curricular and interdisciplinary
approach (Levine & Havighurst, 1992)
could be combined with the cognitive units
taught in the typical syllabus. What we
actually suggest is the enrichment of the
Greek syllabus which, if, during the past
years, was illustrated as a necessity for the
formulation of an inter-cultural education,
this argumentation is currently supported
by ethics in education that incorporates
the needs of an immigrant population to
return to the country of origin.
The point is how, during a period
of financial arrangements about the costs
limitation, a model of theoretical costs
increase would be realized. The model
we suggest is based on the opening of
the educational structures towards the
Albanian community as well as its political
and cultural structures of its function. In
particular, the Embassy educational sector,
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
the associations of Albanian immigrants
as well as other cultural and educational
institutions that can afford the means so
that the costs do not weigh the Ministry
of Education which will exclusively
undertake the programs evaluation as
well as matters of teaching content and
functional arrangement.
To recapitulate, we observe that
the educational system passing through
a severe coincidence for the Albanian
immigrants should at least reinforce them
regarding the increasing perspective of
transition to the country of origin, by
formulating the conditions to learn their
language and culture that are unknown,
insufficient or incomplete in order to be
able to support the re-incorporation of
the Albanian students who have been
attending the Greek educational system
into the Albanian education system.
Finally, the implementation of a
welfare policy even in the middle of
this financial coincidence must stop the
victimization of the Albanian students
(Kalerante, Fotopoulos, 2010), who are
actually immigrants that will return either
to the Albanian educational system or to
professional places in Albania.
At this point, we would like to
emphasize that the common element for
the lower social strata of both natives and
immigrants is that they will experience
situations of intense insecurity and
uncertainty and perhaps the destinations
for their children will be beyond the
country of origin leading to new notions
about countries of reception within
globalized systems. Therefore, the Greek
educational system is invited to reinforce
the educational model which is based
on an internationalistic model in which
the English language and technology
familiarization are a one way track in
an educational and professional course
among international destinations. This
last observation gives us the opportunity
57
to point out how these liquid situations
in economy go through the educational
system which should be open and flexible
so that it can redefine its aims and readjust
its program.
3. Re-formulation of the Albanian
educational policy
The financial situation as it is formed
in Greece has an immediate impact on the
systems functional structures existing in
Albania. Especially, the Albanian policy
should take under consideration the
Albanian immigrants transfer from Greece
to the country of origin, Albania. A first
depiction of the situation has been formed
and should be the concern of the Albanian
policy that these individuals will reincorporate into the Albanian society, its
social, political and economic structures.
The issue we are preoccupied with
is how the educational system will reincorporate the Albanian students coming
from different educational grades into the
Albanian system. In other words, the issue
is how the conditions will be formed so
that the repatriated Albanian families and
their children will redefine their future and
schematize a model of adaptation into the
Albanian society.
Especially, the Albanian children
returning to Albania, as we have already
mentioned, either speak no Albanian at
all or know an imperfect and insufficient
structure of the Albanian language which
is a temperate, oral, communicative
discourse. Therefore, they do not know
the Albanian code that would facilitate the
incorporation into the educational grades
of the Albanian system. The fact that they
were not taught the Albanian language in
the Greek educational system and that the
efforts of teaching by informal educational
institutions, mainly Albanian associations,
were limited and fragmentary seems to
create a big problem for the repatriated
58
Repatriation of Albanians: Redesigning a Student acculturation Policy
immigrant Albanian students. The fact
that they do not know the language of
their country of origin generates primarily
the problem of incorporating into the
Albanian society and they perhaps confront
some sort of racism as the “others” within
it. They are invited to get socialized quickly
in attitudes, values and behaviors in order
to be visible and acceptable by the social
system. At this point we would like to
highlight that beyond the incorporation
into the educational system there is also the
incorporation into the social system (Frith,
1980), into the citizen society, the everyday
routine life of the Albanian society.
We mainly focus on these students’
incorporation into the educational system.
The insufficient or imperfect knowledge
of the linguistic code means incorporation
problems into the student environment,
the peer society (Lauder, Brown, Dillabough
& Halsey, 2006). Moreover, we should not
ignore the psychological or social terms,
the issue of incorporating individuals
into the social domains in which they are
obligatorily incorporated. The student
must be adapted both to the macro
environment, the social one, and to
the micro environments in which he is
incorporated as a child or teenager and
as a student. The issue of incorporation
as a child or teenager is connected to the
recognition of his personality by people of
similar age with whom he associates with
and within the social framework he should
be incorporated. Here, he is aligned with
the system of values, through sequential
testing procedures so that he is lead to a
situation of his acceptance connected to
the satisfaction received as individual and
a social personality (Littlewood, 1999).
The issue of incorporation as a student
contains his adaptation on different social
areas as they work within the educational
environment (Rose, 2007) and are analyzed
in a) relations with fellow students, b)
relations with the teachers and c) relations
with the cognitive subjects.
In the fi rst area, theoretically, the
students of a class have common aims
that depict as a common perspective their
harmonic co-existence and their success in
the processing of their school obligations.
The issue is linked to a value model
(Frith, 1980) which implies a framework
of behavior and various social definitions
formulated through reproduction and
forms of social inequality. The immigrant
student is involved within this nexus of
inequalities being addressed as the non “recognizable” and as an Albanian he is
addressed as the “other”.
The second area of relations with
the teachers is analyzed mainly in the
vehicle of knowledge and the vehicle
of authority as it is interpreted by the
student himself. Therefore, the immigrant
student comes in contact to a structured
system of relations which he is invited to
decode and to accept thoughtlessly so that
the unhindered diffusion of knowledge
is facilitated and he makes himself a
participant of the cognitive content and
simultaneously to interpret the acceptable
or delinquent behavior so that he avoids
punishments or penalties as a result of
the social control being exercised within
the educational environment (Campel &
Manicom, 1995).
In the third area, the contact with the
cognitive subjects is not defined only by the
different concentration on the cognitive
fields and the level of their cognitive or not
proficient understanding but mainly on
how these weaknesses are defined within
the evaluation system existing in the
Albanian educational system, that is the
grading that finally defines the individual’s
success or failure in the educational system
and the professional fields. In social terms,
the individual is invited to meet the needs
of the examination systems linked to his
progress and his success within a society
which, for the Albanian immigrant, is a
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
society where he is continuously measured
or which he continuously tries to conquer.
Therefore, the Albanian educational
system is invited to take under
consideration these three areas and
to readjust its structures in order to
correspond to the needs of this population
seeking its adaptation in the country of
origin (Psimmenos & Kasimati, 2003). The
model suggested is based on a system of
supplementary education of the Albanian
language and culture so that the student
is familiarized with the system of his
country. The educational system has the
potential to organize the provision of
condensed knowledge with simultaneous
thorough examination on cultural issues.
These structures must be utilized by
the Albanian educational system in
order to give perspective and content
to the Albanian immigrant education
being incorporated into the Albanian
educational system. At the same time, we
estimate that the cognitive field obtained
in the country of reception, Greece, should
not be abandoned. The systematic teaching
of the Greek language and culture as well as
the cognitive field will be useful since the
students will feel that there is a continuation
and interconnection of the two systems
(Modell, 1993), the Albanian and the
Greek ones. The relationships with Greece
should not be split apart since the student
should feel balance and stability through
the reinforced possibility of transition from
the one educational system to the other
or of transition from professional areas
(Dolby & Dimitriadis, 2004) in Albania to
corresponding ones in Greece.
4. Conclusion
We observe that the period of the
financial crisis imposes the collaboration
between the Greek and the Albanian
system so that flexible forms of the
Albanian immigrant adaptation will be
59
formulated. These groups of people will
either transit directly to the country of
origin or, later on, to any professional or
educational level (Foray & Steinmueller,
2003; Frith, 1980) they will decide to
choose between Greece and Albania. A
common element for both systems is
that they should look more closely into
the teaching systems of technology and
English language in order to increase the
possibilities of the student population to
supplement their education or to engage
themselves in professional terms in other
countries (Lauder, Brown, Dillabough &
Halsey, 2006).
As we have already mentioned, the
Greek educational system should give
emphasis on the provision of teaching
the Albanian language as well, something
that consists a strong request within the
framework of intercultural education, but
nowadays, it seems to be a necessity. It
is a request incorporated into a broader
political ethics in which the Albanian
immigrant being repatriated should
have the means to incorporate from the
beginning in the country of his origin.
At the same time, learning the Albanian
language by the natives will blunt racism
and will increase the possibilities for
collaboration between the two countries
on different levels.
The Albanian educational system
should prepare an educational system
based on the Albanian language for
the repatriated students who should
become aware of the structure and
content of the Albanian language as a
communication and culture code. The
challenge actually lies within this necessity
of the supplementary education so that the
students will be able to adapt themselves
and under the best possible conditions to
the Albanian environment.
On the basis of these changes, a
broader collaboration field is formulated
in the sense that the notions of citizen
60
Repatriation of Albanians: Redesigning a Student acculturation Policy
and policy of rights exist beyond the
boundaries of the nation-states (Modell,
1993) and are incorporated into the
individuals’ right to become members
of a society (Alston & Robinson, 2005),
form their preferences, define their future
and feel creative (Deci, 1980). The Greek
educational system calls for its reforms
and restructuring so as to especially serve
Albanian immigrants, but also natives
who undergo nationalistic influences
by the existent curriculum during their
careers as students. Bi-level reforms
ought to take place in the Albanian
educational system, especially in regards
with familiarization with Greek culture:
a) Returning elementary and secondary
level students ought to continue honing
their Greek language skills so that they may
move back to either continue studies or get
jobs in changing times, as an expression of
transnationalism (Beck, 2005b).
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SOME CRITICAL THEMES REGARDING THE
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OF ALBANIANS
Lekë SOKOLI - University “Marin Barleti”, Tirana-Albania
Albanian Institute of Sociology
E-mail: lsokoli@instituti-sociologjise.org; lsokoli@hotmail.com
ABSTRACT
The phenomenon of migration has been at the core of economic and social changes
of Albania during last two decades. No other Center or East European Country has been
affected to such extent by migration in such a short period of time. That’s why Albania as
considered a kind of Laboratory for studying the migratory phenomenon in new Europe
and global world, and specially an excellent laboratory for the studying of the dynamic and
mutually interdependent relationship between migration and development.
Trying to understand the international migration of Albanians and its meaning, the
author treats some Critical Themes of migration, speaking generally. First Critical Theme is
concerned with the size of Albanian migration: from one third (people born in Albania living
abroad) to half (Albanian that have experienced migration, during the same period of time).
Second, Albania is still a net migratory country and another Critical Theme is concerned
with migrants, as contributors on Albanian economy. Albanian experience shows the positive
and negative aspects of migration on originated countries and, regarding remittances, not
only their “potential benefits”, but also the “potential costs”. The third Critical Theme is
concerning with the conclusion that the international mobility of people is a controversial
issue with attitudes ranging from openness and tolerance toward immigrants in good
economic times, to reluctance and even xenophobia and resentment, particularly during
times of economic slowdowns, unemployment, and financial insecurity such as the one we
live in now after the financial crash of 2008-09. Another Critical Theme is concerning with
the asymmetrical development of the world in the time of globalization. The nature of the
current wave of globalization is such that international mobility of goods (commodities)
and capital (money) across countries is much freer than the international mobility of people.
This can be called the “people’s paradox of globalization”. Another Critical Theme regarded
the illegal migration, is concerned with the conflict between Economic Logic and the Law.
Another Critical Theme is concerned with the correlation between migration and
development in the net migration countries, such as Albania. The case of Albania shows that
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 63-75
64
Some Critical Themes regarding the International Migration of Albanians
there is a great difference between changing and progress. Albanian migration has been the
key factor of an “extroversion” economy, meaning that internal consumption greatly exceeds
the capacity of national production. The last Critical Theme is concerned with how we are
measuring the progress. Albanian case shows the differences between the GDP growth and
social progress. The author refers, thanks first to migration, the fast globalization of Albanian
society and new concepts, such as: transnationalization, “globalizing communitarianism
beyond borders”, multiculturalism, “Hybridization” of Albania etc. So, Migration is defining
the features of Albanian society and it’s Future.
Keywords: migration, social laboratory, critical themes, remittances, transnationalization,
globalizing communitarianism, multiculturalism, “Hybridization” of Albania etc.
Albania as Laboratory for studying the
migratory phenomenon and not only
Being very representative the migration
of Albanians after ‘1990-s is much studied,
not only from Albanian scholars but
also from the social scholars of different
countries, such as US and UK, Italy and
Greece, Switzerland, France, Germany and
so many other countries. For example, the
last issue of the Journal “Perpjekja” (No.
26-27, January 2011) approaches Albanian
migration from diverse perspectives. Just in
the preface of this issue is written:
The issue approaches Albanian migration
from diverse perspectives, analyzing
sociological, cultural and political
phenomena relevant to an unprecedented
(post-socialist) migration of almost half of
the Albanian population between 1990 and
2010. It focuses on the main geographic
destinations of the Albanian migration:
Italy, Greece, USA, and Western Europe etc.
One of the contributors of this issue
is Russell King, from University of Sussex,
UK. His article is titled: Albania as a
Laboratory for the Study of Migration
and Development (King, 2011), where the
author explains:
This paper argues that, because of its recent
and intense experience of migration set
against a background of transition, poverty
and underdevelopment, Albania is an excellent
laboratory for the study of the dynamic
and mutually interdependent relationship
between migration and development.
Albanian migration is studied from
different approaches. On of them is that
of Julie Vullnetari, according to her, the
development of Albania itself and its
migratory policies, during last two decades
of past-communist transition have had
this trajectory: “From communist ‘gulag’
to Balkan ‘ghetto’ (Vullnetari, 2011). She
writes:
The fall of the Berlin Wall which symbolised
the collapse of the socialist system in Central
and Eastern Europe, was viewed with
concern by some policy-makers in Western
Europe who envisaged potential ‘flooding’
of their affluent countries with immigrants.
Yet, this fear did not materialise and postcommunist East-West migration was rather
moderate. The exception was Albania,
whose emigration displayed features of an
exodus – at least in the early 1990s – in terms
of its ratio to the country’s population, its
concentration over a short period of time,
and the typology of these moves.
From these sources we have (1)
“migration of almost half of the Albanian
population between 1990 and 2010” and,
(2), in all ex-socialist countries of Central
and Eastern Europe, the exception
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
was just Albania, whose emigration
displayed features of an exodus in terms
of its ratio to the country’s population,
its concentration over a short period
of time, and the typology of these
moves (Vullnetari, 2011). The exodus
of this significant share of the Albanian
population since 1990 is considered as
one of Europe’s newest and most dramatic
mass immigrations (King et al. 2006).
But how many Albanians have
emigrated, since 1990: one forth (UNDP,
2006), one third (Sokoli & Hroni, 2006)
or half (Perpjekja, 2011)? It’s very difficult
to give an exact number of the Albanian
migrants during the last two decades.
That’s because the Albanian migration
was irregular (illegal) and very chaotic.
Anyhow is very easy to joke with statistics
or, speaking in the language of Huff [1954,
(1985)] it’s easy to lie with statistics, such
as with the statistics of Albanian migration.
But we have tested some regions of
Albania just to explore the relationship
between household welfare and irregular
migration risk. The results were really
surprised. For example, in the families
of Roma Community (i.e. the poorest
Albanians) of two Albanian districts,
named Levan-Fier and Morava-Berat, more
than 50 per cent of the people were abroad:
42.4 per cent from Levan-Fier and 60.8 per
cent from Morave-Berat (Sokoli & Hroni,
2006).1 In these families the remittances are
naturally the major factor that distinguishes
“poor” or “non-poor” households. Because
of migration these families are likely to
produce almost nothing. So, sociological
surveys prove the greatest dimensions
of irregular immigration of Albanians.
It’s clear that No other Center or East
European Country has been so affected
by migration, in such a short period of
65
time like Albania. From this point of view,
Albanian’s experience of irregular migration
is “a kind of laboratory for studying the new
migratory process” (Rusell King, 2003, De
Zwager et al, 2005).
So, regarding migration Albania is
a Sui genres case in the Central and East
Europe (ex-communist part of Europe).
Understanding the international
migration of Albanians
In different studies on Albanian
migration we can find different explanations,
including right and wrong approaches
and conclusions, understandings and
misunderstandings as well. Why so many
Albanians have migrated in this short time,
quite different from the other countries?
We must exclude the ethnic diversity
factor. It is known that multiethnic states can
also be fragile, especially in face of internal
upheaval or external threat. Sometimes
societies with long history of ethnic tolerance
and integration can rapidly become engulfed
in ethnic conflicts – hostilities between
different ethnic groups or communities.
This has recently been the case in the
former Yugoslavia, a region renowned for
its rich multiethnic heritage. The Balkans
has long been the crossroads of Europe.
Centuries of migration and the rule of
successive empires have produced a diverse,
intermixed population. The conflicts in
former Yugoslavia have involved attempts
at ethnic cleaning, the creation of ethnically
homogenous area through the mass expulsion
of other ethnic population. Croatia, for
example, has become an independent
‘mono-ethnic’ state; the war which broke
out in Bosnia in 1992 involved the ethnic
cleaning; the war in Kosovo in 1999 was
prompted by charges that Serbian forces were
1
In some studies about Albanian migratory phenomenon (such as, World Ban Assessments) is valuated,
for example, that the poorest Albanians can not immigrate because of the cost of the process. Our survey
shows that this conclusion is not correct.
66
Some Critical Themes regarding the International Migration of Albanians
ethnically cleaning the Kosovar Albanian
(Muslim) population from the province (in
both cases of Bosnia and Kosovo, ethnic
conflict becomed international). Western
states intervened both diplomatically and
military to protect the human rights of
ethnic groups. Political repression, ethic
cleaning, armed war, genocide - describes
the systematic elimination of one ethnic
group at the hands of another – always have
produced international migration. Balkans
diary is the most recent example (Giddens,
2004; Rupnik, 2004).
But this is not the case of Albania,
which is the most homogenous Balkan
country regarding the ethnicity. The case
of Albania is different in comparison to
Bosnia, Kosovo etc. In Albania there’s no
arm conflicts, genocide, persecution, ethnic
problems, political repression, human
rights violation and so on.
The migration of Albanians can
be defined as a “peaceful” migration.
To describe the main global population
movement, al least since 1945, scholars
have identified four models of this kind
of migration, which are: the classic model
of migration – applies to countries such
as Canada, United States or Australia; the
colonial model of migration – pursued
by countries such as France and United
Kingdom, tends to favor immigrants from
former colonies over those from other
countries; the guest workers model – the
immigration in temporary bases, to fulfill
demands within the labour market of
countries such as Germany, Switzerland,
Belgium etc.; the irregular migration or
illegal migration (Giddens, 2004: 259).
Albanian migration has been first and
foremost irregular, or illegal migration.
The basic question: what are the forces
behind this massive “peaceful” migration
of Albanians? It’s known that many early
theories about migration focused on socalled push and pull factors.2 More recently
‘push and pull factors’ have been criticized
for offering only a simplistic explanation
of a complex process. Instead scholars of
migration are looking at migration patterns
as ‘systems’ which are produced through
interactions between macro-level and microlevel processes.3
Economic historians have shown that
“the main variation in inequality (differences)
in the past 150 years has been among countries
rather than within countries. Therefore a
main concern of current globalization is the
contrasting in income levels, living standards,
and economic potential across nations. These
international disparities create powerful
incentives for international migration.4
The development of the world is very
asymmetric and international movement
of people is inevitable.
The asymmetry is even within
countries, such as Albania. So, the
proportion richest/poorest of Albanian
families is 2.1 times higher than the average
of other East European (ex-communist)
countries (Sokoli, 2011). Here we have
another reason for Albanian higher level
of migration. The above mentioned
reasons of international migration can
give satisfied explanation of Albanian
exodus of last two decades. So, I’ll try to
2
‘Push factors’ referred to dynamics within a country of origin which forced people to emigrate, such as
war, famine, and political oppression or population pressures. ‘Pull factors’, by contrast, were those features
of destination countries which attracted emigrants.
3
Macro-level factors refer to issues such as political situation in the country, and different changes (not personal
ones); micro-level factors refer to the migrant himself (his resources, knowledge, understandings, interests etc.).
4
Comparing the five countries with the highest level of incomes (Chatar, Luxemburg, Norway, Singapore
and Brunei), with the five countries with the lowest level of incomes (Congo, Zimbabwe, Burundi, Liberia
and Eritrea), result that the income of five first countries are 145 higher than the incomes of five last
countries (Sokoli, 2011).
67
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
go in another direction. That’s because
I am convinced that understanding the
Albanian international migration means
understanding Albania itself and Albanian
post-communist transition.
Albanian migration of last two
decades and after is concerned with all
the developments of Albania, including
communist and post-communist time. All
the development of Albania during the
communist regime (1945-1990) is based
on Marxist theory of transformation from
capitalist to communist society. Marx writes
… between capitalist and communist
society lies the period of the revolutionary
transformation of the one into the other.
Corresponding to this is also a political
transition period in which the state can be
nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship
of the proletariat.
Marx (see, 1975: 226), says that the
dictatorship of the proletariat is a necessary
phase to move to the disappearance of class
distinctions generally, to the disappearance
of all the relationships in production5 upon
which are based these class distinctions, the
disappearance of all social relations that
correspond to these relations in production,
the overthrow of all ideas emanating from
these social relations.
So the democratic transition
interrupted another transition: the
communist one. And, rreferring to
Marx’s scheme, and judging the depth of
the transformations applied in Albania
- compared with other countries of
Eastern Europe - and the transformations
performed comparably to other types of
social transitions, we can say that:
First, of all types of transitions, the post
communist transition is the most representative
Scheme I: Communist transition, according to Marx
Capitalism
(Communist transition = Socialism = dictatorship of proletariat)
Communism
Scheme II: The features of Communist Transition (Karl Marks)
Communist transition = a
necessary transitive phase…
…to disappear all the relations on production
upon which are based these class distinctions
(First: owner relations)
to disappear all social relations that
correspond to these relations of production...
…to go to the disappearance of
class distinctions in general
…to overthrow of all ideas that
correspond these social relations
5
With relationships in production, Marks understood, first of all, relations of ownership over the
means of production.
68
Some Critical Themes regarding the International Migration of Albanians
one. This is regarded to the quantity and
depth of the transformations performed.
Second, the starting point of postcommunist transitions was different in
different countries. This depending on
three factors: the level of development (1)
the degree of application of Marx’s formula
- cited above, (2) and different levels of
previous reforms (3).
Third, it is confirmed that only ten
years after the fall of the Berlin Wall,
the characterization of East European
Countries as “post-communist,” clearly
lost every sense (Rupnik, 2002: 129-137).
The common denominator of Hungary,
Albania, the Czech Republic, Belarus or
Kazakhstan shows almost nothing.
Forth, of all former communist
countries, Albania represents a special
case, first of all, because in no other
country Marx’s formula (quoted above)
is implemented so faithfully, or blindly,
than in Albania. All other countries have
corrected the system, at least after ‘1960s.6
Albania, on the contrary, following the
strategy “neither East nor West” went
paradoxically in the road of the greater
‘communistization’: Albania of 1989 was a
more communist country than in 1945 or
in 1960. First, Albania was and remained
the country with the highest level of the
concentration of means of production in
state hands. In Albania, as nowhere else,
the state became the only owner and the
only employer. The Albanian people were, as
nowhere else, alienated to the state. But the
state has lost these functions, immediately,
in a very short time, let’s say, in one year.
Albanian citizen, totally alienated from the
state, felt suddenly abandoned. The main
question was just the survival, at any cost.
The migration was just the “life-boat” (the
boat of Noès”).
Fifth, Albanian communism remains
up to the end a “heavy communism”, quite
different from the “light communism” of
other countries, such as the so-called the
“communism of gulash” in Hungary, after
the revolution of 1956. This means that
Albania had some additional objective
difficulties for a successful transition, against
most other former communist countries.7
Sixth, in addition to this “plus objective
difficulties” Albania had some “subjective
additional difficulties”, for a successful
transition versus the majority of East
European Countries. That’s because, using
with the words of the famous Zbigniew
Brzezinski the behavior or engaging of
the Albanian leaders towards a pluralist
democracy has been and still is problematic.8
The above arguments lead us to the
generalization: if the post-communist
transition is more representative; the
Albanian post-communist transition is the
most representative one. So, the Albanian
transition is a kind of laboratory for the study
of transitional processes, received generally.
Seventh, the migration of Albanians
in such a great quantity was possible
6
It is widely accepted that after World War II, totalitarianism longest and most savage prevailed in
Albania, Romania and Bulgaria” (Rupnik, 2002). Albania was the most unreformed, even compared with
this to other former communist countries.
7
This is not a metaphor. Albania based its economic development in the heavy industry, as well as in
large cooperatives and agriculture farms. Almost all inhabitants of the city of Elbasan, for example, earned
their own living from the the Metallurgical Combine, at that time with more than 14 thousand workers, so
too much for a small country, such as Albania. In these conditions the process of transformations towards
the market economy was and is still very difficult.
8
In his article “The Great Transformation” Zbigniew Brzezinski (1993) has foreseen the historical
calendar of former communist countries of Central and East Europe. He listed these countries in four groups
according to the expected rate of development of democracy. In Brzezinski’s ‘classification’ Albania was
one of the fourth groups (the fourth), because “the behavior or engaging of the leaders of these countries
towards a pluralist democracy is problematic.”
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
thanks to some other geographical and social
factors. Albania is a European country,
near to Greece and Italy. So it was possible
to pass the border… Another social
factor is concerned with the traditional
connections of Albanians of Albania with
the Albanians of Diaspora. Except the well
known Jewish’s experience, the Albanians
represent the next case of spreading all over
the world. The number of Albanians living
abroad is valuated to be 3-4 times more
than the Albanians of Albania itself.9 Now
almost every Albanian, migrant or not is in
a dilemma: to live in Albania or in another
country. That’s motivated not only from the
financial capital (economic perspective),
but also from the social capital (sociologic
perspective) as well.
Some Critical Themes of migration
& some Conclusions referring the
Albanian migratory Experience
The attention of the scholars is
concentrated first of all in the study of
the impact of immigration on recipient
countries, so in the countries of destination.
From the late 19th century to the mid 20th
century, the international migration was an
important engine for economic growth in
such destination countries as the United
States, Canada, Argentina, Australia, Brazil,
and New Zealand – the so-called New
World countries. Most of the immigrants
came from Europe (Ireland, Italy, Spain,
Poland, and Scandinavia, and from Asian
nations. In the early 21 st century, the
geographical landscape of origin and
destination countries for international
migration has changed fundamentally.
Many European and such Asian countries
9
69
(such above mentioned) have turned from
being, historically, net emigration countries
to net recipient countries.
Albania is still a net migration country.
But less attention is focused on studing the
impact of migration on the countries of
origin, such as the Albania. Almost all the
studies are focused on economic impact,
referring to remittances.
But, there are some Critical Themes
to highlight the international migration,
regarding Albanian experience:
First one is concerned with the size
of migrants: from one third (Albanians
living abroad) to half (Albanian that have
experienced migration, during the same
period of time). Is this connected with any
“natural” feature of Albanians? The authors
have written, anyhow, about “Albanians – as
great recessives”. The concept “recessives”
is used to characterize Albanians as people
almost genetically tended to go abroad, to
move from their homeland. This approach,
or conclusion, is not correct.
The Albanian Migration is an old and
new phenomenon. But, during the history,
there have been some waves of migration
of the Albanians. The first one happened
during the ‘40s of 14th century, under
a very severe occupation of the emperor
Stephan Dusan (Stefan Dushani). Many
Albanians were forced to migrate, first of
all in Greece. Their successors (arvanitas
of Greece) have preserved the Albanian
language until today (Frasheri, 2008:
79). The second wave of Albanian exodus
was during the 15th century, at the end
of Albanian resistance against Ottoman
Empire under Skanderbeg. Again their
successors (arberesh of Italy, and not only)
have preserved the Albanian language until
The Albanians populate not only Albania, but even another Balkan country (Kosovo), they constitute
a qualified minority in FYROM, are distributed to all the other Balkan countries and have migrated to
more than 35 other countries in all continents. It is said, not without basis, that there are more Albanians
in Turkey than in Albania; there are more Albanians - together - in Greece and Italy than in Albania, there
are Albanian Diasporas in USA, Canada and so on...
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Some Critical Themes regarding the International Migration of Albanians
today and many Albanian traditions (Tirta,
1999: 1998). The third wave of Albanian
migration was that of first half of 20th
century, around the First World War.
But in every case, the migration of
Albanians has been a forced migration.
Later, in the second half of 20th century
(up to 1990) Albania was totally (self)
isolated by the rest of the world. Crossing
the border was considered “treachery
against the fatherland”, and so the most
serious crime. During the history the myth
of homeland through Albanians has been
always very strong.10
From this short ‘picture’ we can
draw two conclusions: First, the history
of Albania can not help us to explain the
Albanian exodus of last twenty years.
Second, the Albanian migrants have
conserved the main features of national
identity. And we can explain the Albanian
exodus of 1991 and after only based on
the specific developments of this country
concluding that what happened in Albania,
under the similar conditions, may happen
in every country of the world.
Table: Potential benefits and costs of remittances for receiving countries
Potential benefits
Potential costs
Ease foreign exchange constraints
and help finance external deficits
Ease pressure on governments to implement reforms
and reduce external imbalances (moral hazard)
Permit imports of capital goods
and raw materials for industrial
development
Are spent on consumer goods, which increases
demand, increases inflation and pushes up wage
levels
Are potential source of savings
and investments for capital
formation and development
Reduce savings of recipient families and thus
negatively impact growth and development (moral
hazard)
Facilitate investment in children’s
education and human capital
formation
Reduce labor effort of recipient families and thus
negatively impact growth and development (moral
hazard)
Are net addition to families’
income sources; raise the living
standard of recipients
Replace other sources of income, thereby increasing
dependency, eroding good work habits, and
heightening potential negative effects of return
immigration (moral hazard)
Reduce income inequality
Increase income inequality
Reduce poverty
Promote the development of money laundering
Source: De Zwarg et al. 2005. Competing remittances, Tirana: IOM, pp. 37-38
10
In a large volume of Maxims of the Albanian people, with about 14 thousand maxims, published
by the Albanian Academy of Science in 1883, the first ones are: “my field, my tomb”, “the most difficult
obstacle to pass in the life of a man is the doorstep of the house/the threshold of the house” and so on.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
The second Critical Theme of
migration, regarding Albanian experience, is
concerned with migrants, as contributors to
the Albanian economy. Albanian experience
shows the positive and negative aspects of
migration on originated countries and,
regarding remittances, their “potential
benefits” and “potential costs”. There
are two opposing views on the issue of
remittances’ impacts on immigrant sending
countries. One considers that remittances
do not promote growth but on the
contrary, they create dependency of sending
countries on migration and decrease
the likelihood of an improved economy.
The next one considers the potential of
remittance inflows to support growth
and development. The table presents the
views of the economic benefits and costs of
remittances to a receiving country.
The impact of remittance flows on
poverty reduction is not studied empirically.
But according to the Living Standard
Measuring Survey (LSMS) 2002, across all
households, remittances from immigrants
presented 13 per cent of the household
income while for households that received
remittances they presented 47 per cent of
the household income. A key question
concerning remittances is whether they
affect the labor supply of household
members that do not immigrate. As regards
Albania (Fuga, 2004) draws attention on
this impact of remittance for the country??.
Analyzing the impact of remittances on
farming activity of rural households in
Albania, they find that the provision of
remittances significantly hindered farm
efficiency, because of reduced labor effort.
Clearly more qualitative and quantitative
research has to be conducted. There is
still a high dependence of Albania on
remittances. A sudden decline in their
11
71
size, due to a recession in the immigration
countries for example could devastate
the Albanian economy. And they finance
mainly imports (the “boomerang effect”)
(De Zwader et al, 2006).
Another Critical Theme of migration
(the third one), regarding Albanian
experience, is the impact of economic global
crises on migratory issues. As observed in
similar countries,11 the short-term impact of
the economic global crisis in Albania covers
al least three main areas: the first impact
concerns the decrease for remittances;12
the second impact is the possibility that
part of the migrant stock might return in
Albania; the third area of impact is the
decease in the flow of migration, mainly
because of high unemployment rates in
host countries (Gedeshi, 2010).
The forth Critical Theme of
migration, regarding Albanian experience,
is concerning with the conclusion that
the international mobility of people is a
controversial issue with attitudes ranging
from openness and tolerance toward
immigrants in good economic times,
to reluctance and even xenophobia and
resentment, particularly during times of
economic slowdowns, unemployment, and
financial insecurity such as the one we live
in now after the financial crash of 2008-09.
The fifth Critical Themes of migration,
regarding Albanian experience and not
only, is concerning with the asymmetrical
development of the world in the time of
globalization. The nature of the current wave
of globalization is such that international
mobility of goods (commodities) and
capital (money) across countries is much
freer than the international mobility of
people. Trade and capital-market regimes
are more open than immigration regime.
The asymmetric treatment of people’s
Rua, T. A., Migration, Remittances and Development in Times of Crisis, UNFPA, Peru, 2010.
The surveys clearly show that the number of Households sending remittances has decreased with
11 percent (Gedeshi, 2010).
12
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Some Critical Themes regarding the International Migration of Albanians
mobility in globalization opens the
doors to various interpretations. In 1867
Karl Marx wrote, somewhat ironically,
in the opening chapter of Capital about
“commodity fetishism”. His metaphor
refers to social relationships that in capitalist
societies apparently are transformed into
objective relationships with commodities
or money rather than relationships with
people who produce those goods. Another
asymmetries is between “knowledge
workers” (or talented elites) and manual
workers. This asymmetries can be called
the “people’s paradox of globalization”
(Solimano, 2010).
Another Critical Theme is concerned
with the dilemmas post by migration. One
of them is regarded the illegal migration,
with the conflict between Economic Logic
and the Law. However, economic maturity
is now coexisting with slow or stagnant
population growth, low fertility rates, and
an aging population. In some advanced
economies, the population is shrinking.
Thus, immigration provides much needed
workers, professionals. Another one
regards the conflict between economic
logic and the immigrant’s rights.
The seventh Critical Theme is
concerned to the correlation between
migration and development in the net
migration countries, such as Albania.
First this is connected with our concept of
progress. The case of Albania shows that
there is a great difference between changing
and progress. Albanian migration has been
the key factor of an “extroversion” economy,
meaning that internal consumption greatly
exceeds the capacity of national production.
The eighth Critical Thems is concerned
with how we are measuring the progress.
Albanian case shows the differences
between the GDP growth and social
progress. The present Albanian prime
minister, for example, declared some days
ago: “Germany and Albania are the more
developed countries of Europe…” (Shqip,
19 August 2011). That’s because the only
point of reference for the development in
Albania has been and still is the growth of
GDP. In fact, the average growth of GDP
in the last six years has been about 5 per
cent. In this growth there is a great impact
of Albanian migration.
But, the GDP of Albania is still very
modest. With this cadency Albania can
reach the average GDP of EU countries
(supposing no growth of it) in about 50
years. What is more, the GDP growth
is not an indicator of social progress.
Economist Simon Kuznets was one of
the architects of the US national account
system. But, in his report presented in
1934, he categorically stated:
The welfare of a nation can scarcely be
inferred from a measurement on national
income (Cit, Marks, 2011).
More than twenty years later, in March
1958, speaking about the US measurement
system, John Kennedy said:
Even if we act to erase material poverty, there
is another greater task; it is to confront the
poverty of satisfaction – purpose and dignity
– that afflicts us all.
And after referring to a very high
US GDP (at that time, Gross National
Product) he continued:
… but the Gross National Product counts
air pollution and cigarette advertising, the
ambulance to clear our highways of carnage.
It counts special locks for our doors and
the jails for the people who break them. It
counts the destruction of the redwood and
the loss of our natural wonder in chaotic
sprawl… Yet the Gross National Production
does not allow for the health of our children,
the quality of their education or the joy of
their play. It does not include the beauty of
our poetry or the strength of our marriages,
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
the intelligence of our public debate or the
integrity of our public officials. It measures
neither our wit nor our courage, neither
our wisdom nor our learning, neither our
compassion nor our devotion to our country.
It measures everything in short, except that
which makes life worthwhile.
Albanian experience as well as the
experiences of other countries shows that
Kennedy’s words still ring true… The
(re)valuation of the measuring system
is a point of debate between economists
and sociologists.
In Albania, during the communist rule
(1944-1990), has not been any transparency
about the material well-being of the people.
Those data are considered “state secrets”.
Twenty years after the communist collapse,
almost the only reference of the Albanian
progress is still the growth of GDP (Telo,
1998).13 The official poverty line is not
calculated in national level… From the
growth of GDP to the social well-being
– this must be the present debate through
scholars, sociologists and economists, first.
The ninth Critical Theme, regarding
Albanian migration, is concerned to the
globalization of Albanian society, first
thanks to migration. All the traditions are
in discussion, even the national identity.
The “transnationalization” of our societies
requires further analysis. But there is a “state
of inbetweenness” of Albanian migrants
too. This is best expressed by a poem of
Zafer Senocak called “Doppelmann” (cit.
Abadan-Unat, 2003):
73
“I carry two words within me / but
neither one hole / they’re constantly
bleeding / the border runs / right across
my tongue…”14
Anyhow, the challenges concerned
with migration are quite different from
the traditional ones. Whereas in the past
most emigrants abandoned all symbolic
ties of their place of origin and become
citizens that took the local culture, spoke
the local language, today more and more
migrants retain significant, continuing ties
with the countries of origin (Abadan-Unat,
2003). With the support of electronic
revolution, internet, and the other means
of communication the migration has
severed the ties between time and space,
going to be part of a so-called “globalizing
communitarianism beyond borders”.
The intensification of Diaspora-home15
relations leads to the globalization of
Albanian domestic politics may be as what has
been called the “long distance nationalism”
(what was a characteristic of Kosovar
Abanians before their independence).
While discussing the changing nature of
relations between migrants and their new
home country, we have A new discourse
about migration and multiculturalism;
“Hybridization” of Albania – focusing on
increasing the number of Albanians leaving
in transnational communities; Globalization
of Albanian society, and Albanian issues,
including politics… John Stuart Mill, in
his time, has written about the impact of
“placing human beings in contact persons
dissimilar to themselves” considering as
13
On this debated question, Parkins (2006: 19) writes: “The growth of GDP may result even when it
profits only one person, such as an individual who owns a utility company, and even if the majority of the
population is burdened with debts. The rich get richer and the poor grow poorer. Yet, from a statistical
standpoint, this is recorded as economic progress”. All the projects of including the developing countries
in the “global empire” of so-called ‘corporatocracy”, speaking in Parkins language, were conditioned by a
‘spectacular growth’ of GDP in those countries. But the countries are not developed….
14
Tibi Bassam, in the book “Europe without identity” considers the formation of communitarianism
as particularly negative…
15
Arjun Appadurai, speaks about creating a “Diaspora spaces”, including ethnoscape – persons of
different origin living together; technospace – referring the new technologies that create new interdependence
between people; financescape and mediascape (cit. Abadan-Unat, 2003: 6-7).
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Some Critical Themes regarding the International Migration of Albanians
“one of the primary sources of progress”.
The tenth and the last Critical
Theme, regarding Albanian migration,
is concerned to the changing of social
relations and Albanian society, in general,
thanks to migration, first. I would like to
illustrate this changing referring to a sole
case, taken as a case study.
It’s the case of an Albanian, a PhD
scholar, who has ‘travelled” from a typical
traditional Albanian family to a global
family, perhaps in the real sense of this
word. Here is what he confessed:
“I am not an expert of international
migration. But I have been an Albanian
migrant for many years just in Greece and
Italy, where are situated more than 80 per
cent of Albanian migrants. I have exactly
shared my active life in two regimes: about 20
years in communist time (1971-1991) and
20 years (1991-2001) in the post-communist
epoch. In the first phase I used to be a
mechanical engineer more than everything
else and, in the second phase, I used to be
sociologist, more than everything else. So I
can confess something from my experience,
covered with a thin theoretical approach.
It’s not easy to imagine the traditional
Albanian society and its dramatic change. I
was born in a typical traditional region of
Albania, with the magic name Dukagjin.
It’s hardly imagining a long line of men
and women with tears in their eyes, when
I first moved from. A nine years old boy
from their kin was ‘migrating’. In fact I was
going to Shkodra (Scutari), the nearest city
and the capital of the district. But this was
considered migration. This picture remind
up to 1991: every movement inside Albania
was commanded by the state.
But I was an international migrant,
being at the same time a sociologist, one of
the first scholars of sociology in the history
of my country (under the communist regime,
so up to 1990, sociology was unplowed).
I spend several years in Greece and
Italy, being part of the first wave of Albanian
migration after the collapse of communist
regime, of that biblical Albanian migration
of 1991-1992. I experienced what a typical
migrant used to experience. No more not
less! I worked in more than 25 ‘professions’,
doing two or three jobs at the same time.
Than I turned back in Albania, but…
20 years later; Koh Samui, Thailand
2011: The Library Hotel. My family is
changed in a ‘global’ family. My sun got
married with a ‘cross-national’ KoreanCanadian girl. The ceremony was organized
in an island of Thailand. It was a non
traditional marriage. The participants were
from more than 20 countries. My sun was
a global student, different schools, different
countries, and different cultures. Now he is
a global citizen, travelling a lot and working
in different countries. My daughters the
same: one is engaged and is going to be
married with a ‘cross-national’ PersianAmerican boy, the next one the same…
So, Albanian society is changing
rapidly thanks - first - to migration. And
Albania is sight that serves as cautionary
example to other countries, as a kind
of Social Laboratory for studying the
migratory phenomenon in new Europe
and global world.
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SAFE, JUST, AND SMART: HOME EDUCATION
AS AN ESSENTIAL OPTION FOR FAMILIES IN
ALBANIA AND AROUND THE WORLD
Timothy HAGEN - Epoka University, Tirana-Albania
E-mail: thagen@epoka.edu.al
ABSTRACT
Education is a self-evident necessity for all children. Children need to learn the technical
skills to be productive and the moral and social skills to live an ethical life in community. The
reformer Martin Luther (1524; 1529; 1530) issued an early call for mandatory schooling
to equip students with the skills needed for an informed, competent society that valued the
critical pursuit of truth. Yet lived history shows that mandatory educational systems have
been misused to indoctrinate children. A solution that decentralizes educational power and
upholds the ideal of a liberal education should address this problem. Research and philosophy
show that an educational system that gives more choice to parents is safe, just, and smart.
Specifically, home education, that is, parent-directed education, provides a check to the
power of government, accords with natural law, and provides superior academic results.
Home education should therefore be permitted in Albania and worldwide.
Keywords: Compulsory, liberal, home, school, education, Albania
An Interesting Contradiction
The rationale for mandating education
for all children is obvious: Children need
to learn the skills and virtues to be moral,
productive citizens who contribute to
a peaceful, just, and prosperous society.
The idea that some people need a good
education so that they can govern a nation
well is not new; since ancient times a
select group of young people have been
trained—by parental choice or force of
arms—to govern or serve in the civil
service or military (Daniel 1:3-4; Painter
1889). Yet it was with the advent of the
Reformation in Europe that the idea
that all children should be given a formal
education was introduced. When Martin
Luther discovered that the religious leaders
of his day had strayed far from the original
teachings of the Bible, he called on parents
and political and religious leaders to ensure
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 77-84
78
that all children had a formal education,
especially in the ancient biblical languages,
so that there would always be people able
to teach and correct on the basis of primary
source documents and a knowledge of
human history and thought (1524; 1529).
Such an education, now known as a classical
or liberal-arts education, is designed not
only to help people seek spiritual truth, but
also to help them make wise decisions for
secular government and in all other areas
of life (1524; 1530).1
Luther’s call for mandatory education
took some time to be implemented.
According to Benavot, Resnik, and
Coralles (2006, 10-1), it wasn’t until
the eighteenth century that compulsory
education for all children was implemented
in some German states. This movement
then spread throughout Europe to North
America and globally in the ensuing years.
Both the de-colonization movement
and the rise of communism in the last
century helped introduce compulsory
mass education outside of Europe and in
Albania, as newly-independent or newlyrevolutionized countries tried to create
a productive workforce and a unified
national identity through education
(ibid., 9; Misja, Teta, and Kallulli
1986). This historical development led
to an interesting contradiction. While
compulsory education, as envisioned
by Luther, may have been intended to
equip children with the skills to engage
in a critical pursuit of truth, the result,
especially under theocratic, communist,
and other dictatorial regimes, was that
compulsory education became a vehicle of
mass indoctrination,2 not critical inquiry.
Safe, just, and smart
A Proposed Solution
Long before the dictatorships of the
twentieth century, John Stuart Mill (1859)
saw the natural tendency of humans to
use schools as a means of indoctrination.
His proposed solution was this: “If the
government would make up its mind to
require for every child a good education,
it might save itself the trouble of providing
one” (chap. 5, par. 13). Mill recognized that
parents have the obligation to educate their
children and that the role of government is
not to indoctrinate children, but to ensure
that they have an education. He proposed
that the government subsidize or provide
free education for children unable to afford
it and monitor all children’s educational
progress through annual exams. To avoid
indoctrination, these exams should cover
“facts and positive science exclusively”
(ibid., par. 14). Any exams on controversial
fields such as politics were not to test
students’ opinions, but only student’s
knowledge of existing opinions held by the
various authors or sides of an issue.
Albania has, to a large extent, adopted
Mill’s proposed framework. Indoctrination
is prohibited in public schools, education
is compulsory, and parents have a choice
of public or private schools. However,
another, even more effective option for
preventing government indoctrination is
to allow home education. The purpose of
this paper is to argue for the inclusion of
home education as an option in Albania
because home education is safe, just, and
smart. Homeschooling is safe because
it reduces the potential for the abuse of
the power vested in a more centralized
1
For example, this Reformation idea of critiquing authorities on the basis of reason and primary sources
very likely contributed to the scientific revolution in Europe, in which people felt the need to test all claims
to truth on the basis of reason, observation, and if possible, experimentation.
2
Some may note that Luther practiced indoctrination himself; this is true. But the very doctrine he
taught also contained the line, “Love your neighbor as yourself ” (Matthew 22:39b). Thus Luther had to
grant to others the freedoms of inquiry, conscience, and communication that he exercised himself.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
educational system, it is just because it
accords with self-evident parental rights,
and it is smart because it often enables
students to do better academically. Yet
homeschools, like institutional schools,
can be misused to teach ideas that oppose
the rights of others to crucially pursue
truth. Thus the structural solution that
Mill proposes must be augmented with a
content solution, namely, that all forms of
education, including public, private, and
home education, intentionally promote
the critical pursuit for truth and the
respect of fundamental human rights and
freedoms.
Home Education as Safe
Education is a powerful tool. This
very power makes it a tempting target
for those who want to shape the minds
of children and in doing so, to shape the
future of a nation. Walter Lippmann (1928)
summarizes the conflict that a centralized
educational system sparks in a nation:
May I remind you, then, that the struggles
for the control of the schools are among
the bitterest political struggles which now
divide the nations?... It is inevitable that
is should be so. Whenever two or more
groups within a state differ in religion, or in
language and in nationality, the immediate
concern of each group is to use the schools
to preserve its own faith and tradition.
For it is in the school that a child is drawn
towards or drawn away from the religion
and the patriotism of its parents. (qtd. in
Zimmerman 2002, 1-2).
3
79
Benavot, Resnik, and Corrales (2006)
further note that “Mass schooling was part of
a movement to weaken family socialization
and home-based instruction” (10). While
it is likely that those who wish to control
education work out of sincere motives, the
ideas taught may not be true, and if not
true, then they could cause horrific harm
to the listeners who adopt them. Thus the
power of special interest groups to control
the educational system must be diminished
by decentralizing the power to decide
matters of ideology and opinion.
Albania currently does prohibit any
ideological indoctrination in schools.
However, two problems still remain: First,
lived experience suggests that it is very
difficult for any textbook writer, curriculum
designer, or teacher to be completely
objective. Second, even if education
is secular now, the very structure of a
centralized, mass educational system will
make it a tempting target for those who
wish to use the power of such a system to
advance their doctrines.
Private schools are an alternative to state
schools and thus are part of the solution to
the problem of concentrated educational
power. However, private schools take time
and money to open and are still under
extensive government scrutiny.3
Home education provides an even
more decentralized alternative to state
education. Whereas opening a new private
school could be very expensive, home
education can be carried out at reasonable
cost,4 thus enabling those who disagree
with government-controlled instruction
to more easily find an alternative. Home
This scrutiny is justified because private schools need to be held accountable so that they don’t promote
violence or civil conflict and so that they meet health, safety, and curriculum requirements. Yet this power
could be misused.
4
Ray (2010) found that 65% of homeschoolers spent less than $800 on educational materials per
student per year. However, the opportunity cost of one parent having to give up a job in order to teach
the children can be a significant barrier to homeschooling, especially in situations where an average salary
is not enough to support a family.
80
education is safe in the sense that it
decentralizes the power to indoctrinate
and allows for a wider spectrum of ideas
to be taught. This in turn fosters the
critical pursuit of truth, as with more ideas
taught in society, the contradictory nature
of some ideas will compel people to test
them for truth.
Home Education as Just
A decentralized system of education
that includes home education is not only
safe, but it is also just because it is fair and
because it expresses natural law.
If one group demands the right to teach
their ideas, fairness demands that others
be able to do the same. Instead of giving
a majority or minority group the exclusive
right to control schools, a decentralized
system that allows private schools and home
education enables a parent to teach his or her
child, if the parent wishes.
Furthermore, home education is just
because it is an expression of natural law.
Cicero gives an early definition of natural law:
This, then, as it appears to me, has been
the decision of the wisest philosophers—
that law was neither a thing to be contrived
by the genius of man, nor established by
any decree of the people, but a certain
eternal principle, which governs the entire
universe, wisely commanding what is right
and prohibiting what is wrong.
The Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (Declaration), adopted by the
United Nations in 1948 can be taken as
an attempt to express an understanding
of some of these “eternal principles”
in writing. The Declaration addresses
education in Article 26:
1.
Everyone has the right to education.
Education shall be free, at least in
the elementary and fundamental
stages. Elementary education shall be
compulsory. Technical and professional
Safe, just, and smart
education shall be made generally
available and higher education shall be
equally accessible to all on the basis of
merit.
...
3. Parents have a prior right to choose the
kind of education that shall be given
to their children.
Thus, if the Declaration gives us a good
idea of some of the “eternal principles” that
constitute natural law, then home education
is just because it enables parents to exercise
their “right to choose the kind of education
that shall be given to their children.”
Home Education as Smart
Home education may be theoretically
safer and more just than a centralized,
institutional system of education, but some
may question the practical applicability
of it. Horace Mann (1845) argued that
although parents have the love necessary
to give a child a good education, many of
them lack the knowledge to do so (186).
While that may have been the case in 1845,
it is no longer the case now. Ironically, this
may partly result from the very success of
compulsory mass education worldwide,
which has elevated adult literacy levels past
80% (Richmond, Robinson, and SachsIsrael 2008, 23). As most countries in the
world have educational materials already
published in local languages in order to
implement mass education, almost any
literate parent can use those materials and/
or the internet to locate additional research
and resources so as to have the knowledge
needed to teach his or her children.
Research has found that on average,
home-educated children achieve above
national averages in the USA and Canada
(Rudner 1999; Ray 2000 and 2010;
Martin-Chang, Gould, and Meuse 2011).
While Rudner’s and Ray’s studies did not
include comparisons of demographically
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
similar populations, some studies achieve
more compelling results by conducting
assessments of similar students in
public- and home-education settings. In
comparing similar children with ADHD
from public schools and home schools,
Duvall, Delquadri, and Ward (2004),
found that those educated at home
did better, despite the fact that their
parents only had high school degrees.
Martin-Chang, Gould, and Meuse (2011)
administered tests to similarly-aged publicand home-educated children from the same
geographic region, controlled for parental
education and income, and found that
home-educated children outperformed their
public-school counterparts. Interestingly,
home-educated children from structured
learning environments, that is, ones with
planned objectives and lessons, achieved
above comparable public-school peers,
but children from unstructured home
environments performed below the level
of their public-school peers (ibid.). This
supports the idea also put forward by
others (Ray 2000, Winstanley 2009)
that the individualized attention that
home-educated children receive allows
them to flourish.
Fu r thermore, while some may
question whether home-educated
children will be socially “smart,” that
is, socially competent, Van Pelt, Allison,
and Allison (2009) found that Canadian
homeschoolers who had entered adulthood
tended to participate more frequently in
organized group activities, were more
likely to vote, and were more likely to
work in health, social sciences, and arts
than their average peers.
Thus not only does home education
have a theoretical purpose of being an
expression of natural law and forestalling
the danger of indoctrination through
public schools, but it also serves the
practical purpose of increasing student
achievement.
81
The Necessity of a Liberal Education
Some influential thinkers, such as the
judges of the European Court of Human
Rights (2006), seem to fear that home
education may deprive students of the
skills needed for democracy. While Van
Pelt, Allison, and Allison’s (2009) study
suggests that this is not a statistically valid
concern, the concern may remain. Yet as
noted earlier, not only home schooling, but
also public education has the potential to be
misused as an instrument of indoctrination,
as the history of communist nations and
dictatorships of the last century indicates.
In reality, it is impossible to avoid
all indoctrination in schools. The idea
that no doctrines should be taught is
itself a doctrine. Likewise, the idea that
people should be free to seek, test, and
adopt those doctrines they find most true
is also a doctrine. However, this latter
idea is one that is designed to facilitate
the pursuit of truth. Instead of claiming
absolute truth, this doctrine provides
a framework in which individuals and
societies can seek truth.
A liberal education is designed to
expose children to the vast range of
human thought, art, and claims to truth
throughout history. The great variety of
ideas and claims in such a study should
give students a taste of the range of human
ideas, give them a vocabulary with which
to discuss important ideas, and give
them models of how great thinkers have
critiqued other ideas or developed new
ones. Robert Hutchins of the University
of Chicago (1952, 48) termed this virtual
discussion between the great thinkers and
writers throughout history the “Great
Conversation.” Hutchins further describes
the civilization that values this Great
Conversation as seeking the “Civilization
of the Dialogue” that esteems inquiry,
logic, and the exchange and testing of ideas.
Again, if the Universal Declaration
82
of Human Rights can be taken as a good
approximation of natural law and as the
product of the Great Conversation, then
Article 26 contains an acceptable summary
of the goals of a liberal education:
Education shall be directed to the full
development of the human personality
and to the strengthening of respect for
human rights and fundamental freedoms.
It shall promote understanding, tolerance
and friendship among all nations, racial
or religious groups, and shall further the
activities of the United Nations for the
maintenance of peace. (par. 2)
Te a c h i n g s t u d e n t s t h e r i g h t s
described in the Declaration can be done
in public, private, and home schools.
In order to lessen the danger of parents
or institutional teachers imposing their
doctrines on students, the curriculum
for each year, whether in a home, public,
or private school, should state how the
goals of Article 26, Paragraph 2 of the
Declaration will be promoted.
Home Education as a Liberal Education
Allowing home education in a society
fosters the pursuit of truth. In having to
select a curriculum, parents must practice
the skills of researching, evaluating, and
selecting or developing a philosophy of
education and a curriculum. The parents,
having practiced these skills, are better able
to teach them to their children. Likewise,
when a parent chooses to home school a
child, the parent shows by example that it
is appropriate to act on what one believes
is best, even in opposition to the majority
or to those in authority—so long as one
does not infringe on the rights of others,
including a child’s right to an education.
Safe, just, and smart
Furthermore, if a parent really wants what
is best for a child, he or she will have to
teach the child the skills of critical inquiry in
pursuit of truth in order to equip the child
to handle the many different and conflicting
messages in society.
For those parents disinclined to give
a liberal education, a requirement that
any parent who wishes to home educate
outline the planned curriculum for the
year and highlight how Article 26 of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
will be implemented will help remind
and encourage parents to provide a liberal
education that values human rights. Mill’s
proposed, unbiased annual exams could
also be used to ensure that parents fulfill
their obligation to provide an appropriate
education. Such exams could encourage
a liberal education by testing students on
the range of ideas in Great Conversation,
so long as students are not required to
subscribe to those ideas.5
Finally, home education, by producing
graduates who are deeply knowledgeable
in the philosophy and worldviews of
their parents and of the intellectual
history of humanity, should foster a
broader spectrum of viewpoints and thus
contribute to a more lively debate in the
search of truth, and, statistically speaking,
a higher chance of finding the same.
Conclusion
Martin Luther’s goals of promoting
good governance, critical thinking, and
accountability through an education that
emphasized knowledge of human thought,
language, and historical primary sources are
wholly appropriate. However, his suggested
means of achieving this goal—compulsory
5
This range of ideas must be representative and include the idea that humans have a right to freely and
critically pursue truth. Taylor (1992) notes that true stories can be selected in such as way as to predispose
the audience to certain opinions, something that we must be cautious about in education, especially in
mandatory exams.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
public education for all children—while
beneficial in many ways, has at times
been misused by those who would wish
to stifle independent thought and force
their doctrines on children. Albania’s
educational system under communism
illustrates how such an educational system
can be misused. The current system that
prohibits indoctrination in public schools
and permits private schools to function is
an improvement. A further improvement
would be to allow home education. Not only
does home education minimize the power
of special interest groups to indoctrinate all
children, but it also accords with natural law
and shows impressive academic benefits.
83
In addition to the structural reform
of education that Mill suggested, a
commitment must be made to uphold
the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights and give a liberal education in
order to introduce children to the Great
Conversation of human thought and
history, a conversation that, as a whole,
teaches an open and critical pursuit of
truth. Home education should, by its very
nature, foster critical inquiry; a mandate
that it uphold the goals of the Declaration
will help ensure this.
Thus home education should be
allowed in Albania because it is smart, it
is just, and it fosters the pursuit of truth.
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Adler, M. J. 1981. Six Great Ideas. New York, NY:
Touchstone, 1997.
Benavot, A., J. Resnik, and J. Corrales. 2006.
Global Education Expansion: Historical
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Laws). Trans. by Oliver J. Thatcher, 1907.
The Constitution Society. 1999. http://
www.constitution.org/rom/legibus1.htm.
Duvall, S. F., J. C. Delquadri, and D. L. Ward.
2004. A preliminary investigation of the
effectiveness of home school instructional
environments for students with attention
deficit/hyperactivity disorder. School
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spr331duvall.pdf.
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Konrad and others vs. Germany. Application
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2006 – XIII. http://cmiskp.echr.coe.int/
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Great Books of the Western World. Britannica.
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Lippmann, W. 1928. American Inquisitors. New
Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1993: 22-23.
Quoted in Zimmerman 2002, 1-2.
Luther, M. 1524. Luther’s letter to the mayors
and aldermen of all the cities in Germany on
behalf of Christian schools. Trans. Painter.
In Painter 1889, 169-209.
-----. 1529. Small Catechism. In Book of
Concord. 1580. Trans. W. H. T. Dau and
F. Bente, 1921. http://bookofconcord.org/
smallcatechism.php.
-----. 1530. Sermon on the duty of sending
children to school. Trans. Painter. In Painter
1889, 210-271.
Mann, H. 1845. Lectures on Education. Boston:
Ide and Dutton. 1855. Google Books.
Martin-Chang, S., O. N. Gould, R. E. Meuse.
2011. The impact of schooling on academic
achievement: Evidence from homeschooled
and traditionally schooled students.
Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science. 43
(2): 195-202.
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Mill, J. S. 1859. On Liberty. The Harvard Classics.
1909-14. http://bartleby.com/25/2/.
Misja, V., A. Teta, and A. Kallulli. 1986.
Higher education in Albania.
Monographs on Higher Education. Ed. W.
Vollmann. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/
images/0007/000713/071382eo.pdf.
Painter, F. V. N. 1889. Luther on Education.
St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing
House. http://ia600303.us.archive.
org/4/items/lutheroneducatio00painuoft/
lutheroneducatio00painuoft.pdf.
Ray, B. D. 2000. Home schooling: The
ameliorator of negative influences on
learning? Peabody Journal of Education. 75
(1 & 2): 71-106.
-----. 2010. Academic achievement and
demographic traits of homeschool students:
A nationwide study. Academic Leadership Live.
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and_Demographic_Traits_of_Homeschool_
Students_A_Nationwide_Study.
Richmond, M., C. Robinson, and M. Sachs-Israel.
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of youth and adult literacy in the midpoint of the
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Cultural Organization. http://unesdoc.unesco.
org/images/0016/001631/163170e.pdf.
Safe, just, and smart
Rudner, L. M. 1999. Scholastic achievements and
demographic characteristics of home school
students in 1998. Education Policy Analysis
Archives. 7 (8). http://eric.ed.gov/PDFS/
ED424309.pdf.
Taylor, P. M. 1992. Propaganda from Thucydides
to Thatcher: Some problems, perspectives,
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Van Pelt, D. A. N., P. A. Allison, and D. J. Allison.
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85
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
NATIONAL IDENTITY
AND RELIGIONS IN ALBANIA
Nertila HAXHIA (LJARJA) - University “Luigj Gurakuqi”, Shkoder-Albania
E-mail: nertila71@gmail.com
Romeo GURAKUQI - University “Luigj Gurakuqi”, Shkoder-Albania
E-mail: romeo_gurakuqi@yahoo.com
ABSTRACT
This paper intends to give a historical panorama of religious pluralism in Albania and
the scale of its influence in the formation of the Albanian National identity, at the same time
it intends to give some analysis for the perspective. In this paper, the following issues will
be briefly elaborated: 1. The religious composition of post-Ottoman Albania; 2. Platform
of Albanian National Renaissance; 3. The contribution on Cultural Movement during the
Renaissance and Independence by Catholic Albanians; 4. The state and religions in the
newly constituted Albanian state of 1920s; 5. The Communist take-over of Albania at the
end of 1944 produced serious consequences for the religious communities; 6. Status of
Religious Freedom in the post-communist Albania.
The Albanians, deprived from the same religious base, were constrained to use the
argument of the same ethnic origin, common customs and linguistic unity to realize nation
unity, the achievement of independence and the construction of a laic state. It is only by
beliefs in these common features that it was possible to have a contemporary Albanian
Identity. Generally speaking, the Albanians of the 21st century are by a majority unified in
the protection of such pillars of their national identity, but at the same time they are not
isolated from the rest of the world and from the existing challenges. The manipulation of the
religious differences from extremism is one of the most difficult challenges which are faced
by Albanians of the present day. From careful treatment of such a challenge the preservation
of the future of the Albanian National Identity and the process of the European integration
of that country depends on it.
The Albanians, deprived from the
same religious base, were constrained to
use the argument of the same ethnic origin,
common customs and linguistic unity to
realize nation unity, the achievement of
independence and the construction of a laic
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 85-98
86
state. It is only by beliefs in these common
features that it was possible to have a
contemporary Albanian Identity. Generally
speaking, the Albanians of the 21st century
are by a majority unified in the protection
of such pillars of their national identity,
but at the same time they are not isolated
from the rest of the world and from the
existing challenges. The manipulation of
the religious differences from extremism is
one of the most difficult challenges which
are faced by Albanians of the present day.
From careful treatment of such a challenge
the preservation of the future of the
Albanian National Identity and the process
of the European integration of that country
depends on it.
1. The religious composition of
post-Ottoman Albania and the
consequences of mass Islamisation of
the Albanian people
Ethnically, Albania is homogeneous;
more than 95 per cent of the population is
made up of ethnic Albanians. The officially
recognized minorities are the Greeks,
concentrated in the south, Macedonians,
Serbs and Montenegrins. In addition to
these minorities, there are Vlachs and
Roma. This ethnic uniformity is incarnated
into the two ethnic sub-groups to which
Albanians actually belong: the Geghs in
the North and the Tosks in the south, the
approximate line of demarcation between
them being the Shkumbini River which
flows through Elbasan. The Ghegs and the
Tosks differ from each other in linguistic,
historical-cultural and socio-religious
secondary characteristics.
The religious composition of postOttoman Albania is often asserted to be as
follows: 68-70 per cent Muslims (dispersed
throughout the country), 18 per cent
National Identity and Religions in Albania
Orthodox Christians living in the south
of the country and 12 per cent Roman
Catholics dwelling in the north. However,
these percentages do not reflect the
distinction between Sunnis and Bektashis
among the Muslims. Considering the
profound differences between them, it
would be more accurate to say that the
population of post-Ottoman Albania
comprised about 53 per cent Sunni
Muslims, 20 per cent Orthodox Christians,
15 per cent Bektashis and 12 per cent
Catholics. An analysis of the population’s
religious composition by ethnic subgroups reveals that in the north the Ghegs
were predominantly Catholics and Sunni
Muslims, whereas in the south the two
main religious affiliations of the Tosks were
Bektashism and Orthodox Christianity.
Emerging from a five-century Ottoman
rule, at the down of Albanian Independence,
Albanians no longer resembled a Christian
nation. Moreover, the balance between the
different religions was to the detriment of
Christianity. Albanian Catholicism once
called the arbanska vera, was now confined
to about 12 percent of population. The
Orthodox population was excessively tied
to the Greek Church, which continued
to identify religion with nationality. The
remaining majority, about two-thirds of
the population, had converted to the new
religion that is Islam.1
In the wake of the culture of the
East, the new faith, Islam, had also
penetrated the mentality of the Albanian,
his songs and dances as well; it had left its
impressions on his customs and traditions,
and had begun even to colour the heroic
epic songs. This new religion of the
Albanians according to its own principles,
considered religion and nationality to be
identical. If one opens the dictionaries
of Arabic and Turkish, he will find the
1
Morozzo della Rocca Roberto, Nazione e Religione in Albania 1920-1944, Il Mulino, Bologna 1990,
gives a full panorama of the history of Albanian Nation and Religion.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
concepts of din (religion) and millet
(nationality) to be synonymous;2 they have
only begun to diverge from each other in
contemporary Turkish dictionaries. Mass
conversion, involving almost two-thirds
of the Albanian people, created a factor of
differentiation that had consequences for
Albania, because it created a series of causes
for discord among the Albanian people.
Part of Muslim Albanians, having
the same rights as Ottoman citizens and
hitching their destiny to the Ottomans,
assumed some of the highest political and
military posts in the empire administration.
“The lure of government service and incentive
of paying lower taxes counted much for a people
often felt to have an instrumental attitude to
religion”, said Tom Gallager.3 So, when the
Christian peoples of the Balkans began
to move towards independence at the
beginning of the 18th century, Christianity
for them was no longer tied to nationality.4
The Southern part of Albania, as all
parts of this country has also been subjected
to Turkish rule. The major part of the
population of this region, even a part of
so-called South Epirus has been populated
by the Albanians of both Muslim and
Orthodox religions (the Chameria region
is compound by 70% Muslim Albanian
and 30 % Christian Orthodox Albanians)
87
and from Orthodox Greeks. It is estimated
by the Albanian sources that in Southern
Albania (so-called North Epirus) about
30000 to 60000 inhabitants were of Greek
origin, according to Greek estimates, 228000
inhabitants of Greek origin. On the other
hand, likewise, the majority of the Orthodox,
the Albanian Orthodox of Southern parts
of the country, has been oriented toward
Athens. Even those of Albanian ancestry (as
Himara region population) were Hellenized
to such a degree that it was hard to draw a
line of distinction between a Greek of South
part of Albania and an Albanian of Orthodox
persuasion in that time. Furthermore, under
the Turkish rule before establishment of
an Albanian Orthodox Church all were
members of the Greek Orthodox Church.
This was not only in 19-th century, but also
in the beginning of 20-th century and in
some way it is prolonged even in the present
days.5 In the end of the First World War,
during the development of Peace Conference
in Paris, the Albanian Orthodox leadership
denied the Greek assertions that there was
a Greek majority in the so-called Northern
Epirus. In the files of National Archives in
London we have found a great amount of
documents, mainly memorandums form the
Orthodox Albanians which all denied the
Greek propaganda pretensions.6
2
Gallager Tom, Outcast Europe: The Balkans, 1789-1989, From the Ottomans to Milosevic, London and
New York 2001, page 25. He gives further explanations: In the Ottoman Empire, “each religious community
was regarded as autonomous millet (nation) under a religious leader invested with civil powers. As well as the
Orthodox millet, there were, by the 18th century, Gregorian Armenian, Catholic, Jewish and also Muslim millets...
The Millet system... Implied no connotation of national identity, though in the later age of nationalism it was to
be invested with that idea... It was simply a convenient administrative device which in fact worked extremely well...
Provided taxes were paid, the Turks did not care what their subjects did with themselves. Local administration,
trade and education were entirely their own affair”.
3
Gallager Tom, Outcast Europe: The Balkans, 1789-1989, From the Ottomans to Milosevic, London and
New York 2001, page 28.
4
Stadtmüller Georg, Islamizimi tek Shqiptaret (manuscript in the Albanian language translated by Zef
Ahmeti) German version in: Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteeuropas, 1955, Bd. 3 pp. 404-429, München 1955
5
Huey Luis Kostanick, The geopolitics of the Balkans; George G. Arnakis, The role of religion in the
development of Balkan Nationalism, at The Balkans in Transition, Assays on the development of Balkan life and
politics since the eighteenth century, edited by Charles and Barbara Jelavich, University of California Press,
1963 pp: 44, 142.
6
See: Public Record Office (PRO), Foreign Office (FO).371.3570; 3571; 3572 and FO.608.28;
FO.608.29; FO.608.30; FO.608. 38; FO.608. 47.
88
2. Platform of Albanian National
Renaissance
Fro m t h e b e g i n n i n g , n a t i o n a l
ideolog i s t s o f A l b a n i a n N a t i o n a l
Movement have propagated a kind of ‘civil
religion’ which was epitomized in Pashko
Vasa’s famous and influential nationalist
poem O moj Shqypni (‘Oh poor Albania’):
Awaken, Albanians, wake from your slumber.
Let us all, as brothers, swear an oath not to
mind church or mosque. The faith of the
Albanians is Albaniasm.7 When it became
clear that the Ottomans could not protect
their interests, the Albanians began to
assert their own national claims so as
not to be overwhelmed by neighbourly
competitors. Faik Konica, one of the
most influential Albanian intellectuals
rediscovered and popularized the exploits
of Skanderbeg (the Albanian King of 15th
century, who held out against the Turks
of the same period), especially promoting
Skanderbeg’s emblem, the black double
headed eagle on a red background which
later became the national flag. 8 In the
case of Albania, the Cultural Renaissance
preceded in long time terms the processes
of national unity, the foundation of the
state and at the same time the economic
and political post-ottoman formation.
The Representatives of the Albanian
Renaissance and the great Albanian
statesmen understood that a Christian
nation could really remain behind because
of the Ottoman domination, nevertheless,
released from Turks; it was quite possible
to be easily and briefly reintegrated in the
European Civilization from which it was
disjoined. Meanwhile, a person who has
7
National Identity and Religions in Albania
considerably changed his religion after the
liberation from the ottoman occupation
would not so easily and passionately
welcome European civilization, because
the Ottoman occupation had shaped a
different mentality, had imposed different
customs and a different law system act.
Thus, the Albanians, deprived for the
time being from the same religious base,
were constrained to use the argument of
the same ethnic origin, common customs,
linguistic unity to realize nation unity
and the achievement of independence.
Only belief on these common features
made it possible to hope that those
would still work as internal propulsive
instigators of the political life. Albanian
elites needed to define the Albanian nation
and establish its capacity and right to
exist. The indigenous culture, particularly
Albanian ‘folklore’ and language, became
the basis of constructing a distinct
national identity and pride, and a distinct
territorial definition. The romanticized
attributes and heroic ideals of national
character were taken from a reservoir
of folk and Kanun culture and all those
served to establish an ethno-cultural
continuity based on the assumption that
“in essence the preservation of customary
law was one of the most important
elements in helping the Albanian people
to maintain their individuality under
Ottoman domination.9
Towards the turn of the century,
Albanian national literature had begun
to appear in Italy amongst the ItaloAlbanians, the Arberesh. They actively
strove to publicize, throughout Italy and
Europe, the aims of the Albanian national
Duijzings Ger, Religion and the politics of ‘Albanianism’- Naim Frashëri’s Bektashism writings, at Albanian
Identities Myth and History, editors Stephanie Schwander-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer, Hurst&Company,
London 2002 pp. 61.
8
Vickers Miranda, The Albanians: A Modern History, London: I.B. Taursi, 1995 pp. 46.
9
Schwander-Sievers Stephanie, Albanians, Albanianism and the Strategic Subversion of Stereotypes, at
“The Balkans and the West, Constructing the European Other, 1945-2003, edited by Andrew Hammond
Hampshire 2004 page 116-117.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
movement through their most important
journal Fjamuri Arberit (which in the
Italian-Albanian language means The Flag
of the Albanians) The Italo-Albanians
found the most trustful supporter in the
figure of Elena Gjika, (nicknamed Dora
D’Istria, a Romanian princes of Albanian
descent. She published a study of Albanian
nationality on the basis of folk songs.
In her studies she pointed out that “the
Albanians, although divided by religion,
formed one nation and had the right to enjoy
freedom and progress’.10
To an articulate group of Albanians,
who were at first encouraged by Abd ulHamid “being an Albanian” came first,
and the religion they professed was now
a secondary matter, a purely private affair.
The American scholar, George G. Arnakis
has underlined exactly that: “for the first
time in Balkan history, it was language, and
not religion, that was to become the vehicle
of national aspirations.”11 Another scholar
of the Albanian studies, Ger Duijzings,
wrote that, “Albanian nationalism forms...
an exception to this common Balkan pattern
of overlapping ethnic and religious identities
and religiously inspired nationalism”. 12
Noel Malcolm is considering this feature
of Albanianism “the myth of indifference
to religion.13 Shortly before the Congress
of Berlin, Albanian national leadership,
Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim, began
to speak in terms of nationalism over and
above the loyalties of religion.
Later on, Father Gjergj Fishta, one of
the most famous scholars and politicians
10
89
of the Albanian Nation of 20th century,
from the Franciscan Fathers Convent in
Shkodra, tried to explain to the Albanians
the differences which exist between a
civilization and another one, between a
culture and another one, understanding
the fact that culture is a product of
human spirit. Father Fishta also concretely
determined the distinctions which exist
between the Asian cultural system and the
Western European Culture.
The Albanians, seeing themselves
partitioned by the Treaty of Saint
Stephen at 1878, came to their senses
and organized the League of Prizren at the
end of the 19th century. But the politicians
of Europe, having considered them to be
Turks, and having decided to banish the
Turks from Europe would not think of
doing anything for them. This danger
opened the eyes of the Albanians to start
their movement based on national unity
and ethnic appertaining. The League of
Prizren leaders didn’t confuse the Albanian
cause with the Ottoman one and therefore
stood apart and did not mix themselves up
with the Turks. The immediate objective
of the new nationalist movement was
to prevent Montenegro, Serbia and
Bulgaria from annexing parts of Albanian
territory by virtue of the Treaty of San
Stefano. In a meeting held at Prizren, the
nationalist leaders declared: “we make
no distinction between creeds. We are all
Albanians. They constituted themselves into
an “Albanian League” and they appealed
to the Congress of Berlin to let all
Vickers Miranda, The Albanians: A Modern History, London: I.B. Taursi, 1995 pp. 47.
Arnakis George G, The role of religion in the development of Balkan Nationalism, The Balkans in Transition,
Essays on the development of Balkan life and politics since the eighteenth century, edited by Charles and Barbara
Jelavich, University of California Press, 1963pp.141.
12
Duijzings Ger, Religion and the politics of ‘Albanianism’- Naim Frashëri’s Bektashism writings, Albanian
Identities Myth and History, editors Stephanie Schwander-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer, Hurst&Company,
London 2002 pp. 60.
13
Malcom Noel, Myth of Albanian National Identity-Some key elements, as expressed in the works of Albanian
Writers in America in the early twentieth century, at “Albanian Identities-Myth and History edited by Stephanie
Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer, Hurst &Company, London 2002, pp. 73.
11
90
Albanian speaking areas remain within
the Ottoman Empire. Both Montenegro
and Greece received significantly less
Albanian territory than they would have
gained without this organized protest of
Albanian leadership.14
3. The contribute of Catholic
Albanians on Cultural Movement
during the Renaissance and
Independence
If we scrutinize the history of the
Albanian Cultural Movement during
the Renaissance and Independence,
or the history of diplomatic efforts to
achieve the international recognition of
the Albanian Question, and finally, if we
analyze rebellious efforts of the Albanian
against the Turkish occupation, one
will easily reach the conclusion that the
Albanian Catholic Community has played
a decisive and irreplaceable role in the
achievement of National Independence.
On the other hand, I would like to stress
that the same parallel role has been played
by the Muslim and Orthodox Albanian
intelligentsia, mostly the ones educated
in the West. What I would like to say is
that well educated Albanian intellectual
leadership has been compact in following
the national goals.
Albanian diplomatic representation in
1911-1913, especially at the Ambassadors
Conference in London and after the
First World War in the Conference of
Paris in 1919, Filip Noga, Dom Nikoll
Kaçorri, Father Gjergj Fishta, Mons. Jak
Serreqi, Mons. Luigj Bumçi, all from the
Albanian Catholic Community, managed
to get rid of the unfounded claim of
the neighbouring chauvinist circles that
“some of the Albanians had fought against
them”. When Dom Nikollë Kaçorri, Luigj
National Identity and Religions in Albania
Gurakuqi stood by the side of Ismail
Qemal Bey (1912) and Mons. Luigj
Bumçi stood aside the Albanian new
Prime Minister Turhan Pasha Permeti
(1919-20), to demand the independence
of the homeland; he did not calculate the
percentages of the religions in Albania!
When Monsignor Jak Serreqi wrote to
the League of Nation that in Albania,
Christians and Muslims are brothers and
want to live in the same state, he did not
base his argument on percentages of the
religious compositions of the Albanian
nation. Only after these prolonged efforts
of the Albanians leadership, was Albania
created, Albania that we have today.
What we would like to say is that
neither twenty centuries of Christianity
nor three centuries of Islamisation could
sever the Albanian ties with the great
Indo-European family. Nevertheless, the
nucleus of immigrants from Anatolia
within Albanian territories or the inclusion
of the Albanian elements in the Ottoman
administration, influenced in the delay of
the independence process, obstructed the
clarification of the position towards the
progress, but did not stop it.
After five centuries of Ottoman
occupation, though of a different religious
composition, Albania preserved the
national identity and the laic content of
national ideology in its own Renaissance
Movement.
4. The state and religions in the newly
constituted Albanian state of 1920s
In the newly constituted Albania,
meaning the Albanian state of 1920s,
two important factors appear in relation
to the organization of the religious
Communities. First, the new state opted
to have no proclaimed official religion
14
Gallager Tom, Outcast Europe: The Balkans, 1789-1989, From the Ottomans to Milosevic, London and
New York 2001, page 49.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
and proclaimed the Legal Status of
Religious Communities (LSRC). 15
Secondly, the civil code was adopted in
1928. In this context, three “national
churches”, independent from the state,
but increasingly controlled by it, were
instituted: the Christian Orthodox Church,
which proclaimed itself autocephalous in
1922,16 but was not recognized by the
Istanbul Patriarchate till 1937; the Sunni
Muslim Community, which declared itself
independent of the Ottoman Caliphate in
1923;17 and the Bektashis, who were driven
towards independence by the abolition
of the dervish orders in Turkey in 1925.
Even we can say that Bektashism, was
and is now a valuable link between the
three religious groups. Uniquely, the
Albanian Catholic Church maintained
close ties abroad, with Vatican. Where the
Muslims are concerned, two important
developments should be noted: First,
leadership of Sunni Muslim Community
from the end of the 1920’s was provided
by reformers, and secondly, the Bektashian
Order acquired de facto the status of a full15
91
fledged and distinct religious Community
with its own statutes and organization,
despite remaining officially attached to
Sunni Muslim Community till 1945.18
Likewise, after five centuries under
the Turkish occupation, the majority of
the Orthodox Church in Albania was
oriented towards Athens. Even those of
Albanian ancestry were Hellenized to
such degree that it was hard to draw a line
distinction between e real ethnic Greek
people and an Albanian of Orthodox
persuasion. This was so not only in the
closing years of nineteenth, but also in
the beginning of twentieth century. The
Albanian government in the interwar
period did much to absorb all the Orthodox
of South Albania into the Albanian
Orthodox Church, and it also made clear
that the Çams of the so-called South Epirus
region (they are 30% Albanian Christian
Orthodox and 70% Muslim Albanians)
were not subject to the obligatory exchange
of populations between Greece and Turkey,
because these people were not Turks but
“Albanians of Muslim faith”.19
PRO.FO.371.8532 pp.84 Legal Status of Religious Communities. It was sanctioned that: religions,
may organize themselves as religious communities independent of one another. The several religious or
denominational communities may maintain relations with the great religious centers outside Albania on
spiritual and dogmatic question only. The higher clergy…must be: Albanian subjects; must know the Albanian
language; must be in possession of civil and political rights; must be of Albanian race or members of a
family which has been established in Albania for three generations….Clergy belonging to Albanian districts
in which the Albanian language is not spoken are excepted from the provisions of this paragraph. The state
reserves the right to supervise the administration of (religious communities) estates and of annual incomes
in accordance with the special law of associations…
16
See: PRO.FO.371.7328, pp. 87 doc. No C 506/506/90, Acting Consul Heath-Smith to Marquess
Curzon of Kedleston, Durrazzo, January 2, 1922. In this report: discusses conditions essential for creating
autocephalous Orthodox Church and degree of Albanian support, patriarchal activity, anti- patriarchal activity,
teaching of Greek in Orthodox schools and the moderate attitude adopted from the Albanian government
of that time in that process of organization of Albanian National Orthodox Church; PRO.FO.8531 pg
43(44), League of Nations, Commission of Enquiry in Albania, Report of Activities from December 19th,
1922 to February 1st, 1923: The question of the formation of an Independent Orthodox Albanian Church.
17
PRO.FO.371.8535 pp.77 The statute of the Albanian Mussulman Community.
18
Clayer Nathalie, Islam, State and Society in Post-Communist Albania, in Hugh Poulton/Suha TajiFarouki (editors), Muslim Identity and the Balkan State, Hurst & Company, London in association with
the Islamic Council, London 1997, pp.118-119.
19
George G. Arnakis, The role of religion in the development of Balkan Nationalism, at The Balkans in
Transition, Essays on the development of Balkan life and politics since the eighteenth century, edited by Charles
and Barbara Jelavich, University of California Press, 1963 pp. 142.
92
5. The Communist take-over of
Albania at the end of 1944 produced
serious consequences for the religious
communities
T h e C o m m u n i s t t a ke - o v e r o f
Albania at the end of 1944 produced
serious consequences for the religious
communities. Following the military
victory and liberation, the Communists
launched an assault against the religious
bodies. The new regime chose to weaken
gradually the religious bodies, subordinate
them to the state, use them as long as
they could further its program and then
destroy them. That would require 20
bloody years.20
A dogmatic Stalinist, Enver Hoxha
considered religion a divisive force
and undertook an active campaign
against religious institutions, despite the
virtual absence of religious intolerance in
Albanian society. The Agrarian Reform
Law of August 1945, for example,
nationalized most property of religious
institutions, including the estates of
monasteries, orders, and dioceses. Many
clergy and believers were tried, tortured,
and executed. During the first years
of dictatorship system, the destiny of
the nation rested on the hands of a
former tinsmith, Koci Xoxe, former
Minister of Internal Affairs, who had
emerged from the fi lthy shanty towns
of the most Hellenophile section of
the Orthodox population; an initiate
of left-wing freemasonry of France;
and some segments of non-Albanian
origin or former employees of ottoman
administration who at that time embraced
20
National Identity and Religions in Albania
communism. The forced isolation of the
Hoxha years had greatly shocked the
fundaments of national pride, which
was based on the religious tolerance
and fraternity and at the same time
discreted the patriotic slogans used by
the communist dictatorship to justify its
power.
Moreover, this was also a sign that
Hoxha’s dictatorship system and his
inheritance was not exclusively Stalinism.
It was a perfect tradition of backstairs
intrigue and political wheeler-dealing.
By May 1967 religious institutions
had been forced to relinquish all 2,169
churches, mosques, cloisters, and shrines
in Albania, many of which were converted
into cultural centers for young people. As
the literary monthly “Nendori” reported
the event, the youth had thus “created the
first atheist nation in the world.”21
The clergy were publicly vilified
and humiliated, their vestments taken
and desecrated. Many Muslim mullahs
and Orthodox priests buckled under and
renounced their “parasitic” past. More
than 200 clerics of various faiths were
imprisoned, others were forced to seek
work in either industry or agriculture, and
some were executed or starved to death.
Many clerics from all religious persuasions,
especially from Catholics, were sent to jail
or killed, land and goods belonging to
the communities were confiscated, many
religious schools were closed, and the
liberty of press was suppressed.22 Under
these conditions it was only at home and
in secrecy that the religious traditions,
Muslim as well as Christian, could be
preserved and transmitted.
Jacques Edwin E., The Albanians, An Ethnic History from Prehistoric Times to the Present, McFarland,
North Carolina & London, 1995 pp.447
21
Haxhia-Ljarja Nertila, The Catholic Church and the Communist regime in Albania (1944-1990). Ph.D.
Thesis (manuscript), Tirane, 2009, pp.154-156.
22
Haxhia-Ljarja Nertila, The Catholic Church and the Communist regime in Albania (1944-1990). PhD
Thesis (manuscript), Tirane, 2009, pp. 157-161.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
The cloister of the Franciscan order in
Shkodër was set on fire, which resulted in
the death of four elderly monks.
Hoxha’s brutal antireligious campaign
succeeded in eradicating formal worship,
but some Albanians continued to practice
their faith clandestinely, risking severe
punishment. Individuals caught with
Bibles, icons, or other religious objects
faced long prison sentences. Parents were
afraid to pass on their faith, for fear that
their children would tell others.23 Officials
tried to entrap practicing Christians and
Muslims during religious fasts, such as
Lent and Ramadan by distributing dairy
products and other forbidden foods in
school and at work, and then publicly
denouncing those who refused the food.
Clergy who conducted secret services were
incarcerated.
Specially, the persecution of the
Albanian Catholics was a genuine genocide
that bears no comparison with any assault
on any other compact section of the
population in Albania.24 Historically, the
patriotism of the Albanian Catholics and
their contribution to culture and politics
were unquestioned until the day the
communists took power and started to
persecute them in a maniacal fashion. The
reasons for this attitude are clear today.
Prof Giusepe Valentini a well-known
Italian albanologist, who spent many
years in Albania before 1944, points out
that their natural outlook was toward
the West and that their philosophical,
theological and legal cast of mind was
entirely opposite to that of communists.
“Being cultured and with a very high level
23
93
of education, the Albanian Catholics had
always aroused some people’s jealousy”.
Thus, the communist regime, under
the order of his fanatic leader Enver
Hoxha, exterminated from the ranks
of the Catholic intelligentsia not only
those it considered active enemies, but
also those who were reckoned simply to
be “potential enemies”. Together with
the Catholic clergy nearly all former
intelligentsia which had studied in the
West was either marginalized or eliminated
through imprisonment.25 Besides, their
extermination obliterated Albania’s
chances of turning its eyes towards
Europe. In the historical sense, it might
be said that their extermination had heavy
consequences for the actual situation of
the Catholic community. Since 1992, the
improvement of the Catholic position
has not been a goal of any political
governmental party, although there were
some signs of changing it in the period
1992-1996. The Catholic community
today still continues to be out of any
satisfactory representation at highest
ranks of the Albanian administration, the
diplomatic service, and generally out of an
equal treatment which is characteristic of
a real and pluralist democratic society. I
would like to stress that such an attitude
constitutes a huge deficiency for the
integration capacity of Albania in the
European Union, but unfortunately is
not yet publicly underlined in the Western
chancelleries.
Albania’s government under the
leadership of Ramiz Alia, in the end
of 1990’ became more sensitive to the
Haxhia-Ljarja Nertila, The Catholic Church and the Communist regime in Albania (1944-1990). PhD
Thesis (manuscript), Tirane, 2009, pp. 167-169.
24
For a more detailed information about the persecution of Catholic Church and Catholic Community
in Albania see: Edwin E. Jacques, The Albanians, An Ethnic History from Prehistoric Times to the Present,
McFarland, North Carolina & London, 1995 pp.450-456.
25
Lubonja Fatos, Albania after Isolation: The Transformation of Public Perceptions of the West, at “The
Balkans and the West, Constructing the European Other, 1945-2003, edited by Andrew Hammond
Hampshire 2004 page 128.
94
barrage of criticism from the international
community and started to adopt a
relatively tolerant stance toward religious
practice, referring to it as “a personal and
family matter.”
6. Status of Religious Freedom in the
post-communist Albania
Since the end of 1990, following
the collapse of the Communist Regime,
religions have reappeared in Albania, thus
drawing the attention of many observers
in the neighboring countries as well as in
more distant ones, and attracting numerous
missionaries of various persuasions. After
fifty years of Communist rule (during
twenty four of which religion could not
be practiced openly), significant numbers
are either atheist or, while retaining their
faith, do not attend places of worship.
Only people over sixty and certain families
have kept the tradition alive. Consequently
the young – a very high percentage of the
population- are now targeted by all the
religious missions. So, the percentages
given in the first part of this paper are not
valid for the Albanian situation after 1990,
in the sense that we have not an update of
the religious percentages for nowadays.
Most Albanians remain secular and do not
practice their religion.
The Albanian Constitution of 1998
provides for freedom of religion, and
the Government generally respects this
right in practice. According to the 1998
Constitution, there is no official religion
and all religions are equal; however, the
predominant religious communities (Sunni
Muslim, Bektashi, Orthodox, and Roman
Catholic) enjoy a greater degree of official
recognition (e.g., national holidays) and
social status based on their historical
presence in the country. (Starting from
2010 we have an official recognition for
Albanian Evangelist Church and Albanian
Evangelist Community). All registered
National Identity and Religions in Albania
religious groups have the right to hold
bank accounts and to own property and
buildings. Official holidays include religious
holydays from all four predominant faiths.
According to official figures, there
are 14 religious schools in the country,
with approximately 2,600 total students.
The Ministry of Education has the right
to approve the curriculum of religious
schools to ensure their compliance with
national education standards, and the
State Committee on Cults oversees
implementation. There are also 68
vocational training centers administered
by religious communities.
Government policy and practice
contributed to the generally free practice
of religion. The Government is secular. The
Ministry of Education asserts that public
schools in the country are secular and that
the law prohibits ideological and religious
indoctrination. Religion is not taught
in public schools. While there is no law
restricting the demonstration of religious
affiliation in public schools, there have been
instances when students were not allowed
to do so in practice.
The generally amicable relationship
among religions in society contributed to
religious freedom. Society is largely secular.
Intermarriage among members of different
religions is extremely common. Religious
communities take pride in the tolerance and
understanding that prevails among them.
7. Some perspectives
After five centuries of Ottoman
occupation, though of a different religious
composition, Albania preserved national
identity and laic content of national
ideology in its own Renaissance Movement.
Albania has a laic state and the religions
are separated from the state.
The amalgamation of Muslim religion
with ethnic and national identities is not
an argument which can readily be applied
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
in the case of the Republic of Albania
where there is no direct confrontation
with non-Albanian elements and about 30
per cent of the population is of Christian
confessions.26 At the same time we have
to understand that the religious situation
in Albania after 1990 is rather different
from the traditional figures.
But, a division between two mentalities
represents a potential danger for the
disintegration of any nation. The inclusion
of the Albanian elements in the Ottoman
administration influenced in the delay of
the independence process obstructed the
clarification of the position towards the
progress, but without stopping it.
In the case of Albania, there is a
movable cultural reality, that is to say, it is
a country which faces within his national
borders two different traditions, each
with his own criteria of judgment and
with their own different historical stands
towards modernity. 27 Nowadays, these
two traditions are not fully based on the
religious considerations and appertaining.
They are mainly founded on the educational
and civilization systems which influenced
the contemporary Albanian citizens.
In Albania where there is no ethnoreligion-based confrontation within the
country, the strategy of identifying national
identities with religious ones does not
appear so fruitful. As in others non-Western
societies, the expansion of the West has
promoted both the modernization and
the Westernization. Furthermore, Western
propaganda appears stronger and has
greater advantages especially among those
individuals attracted by the West. Those
attracted by the West are mostly young and
educated town-dwellers and intellectuals.
One of the advantages enjoyed by the
95
Christian churches is that many Albanians
have had to travel to Italy, Germany
and Greece to work or to study. Yung
generation of that country which has been
educated in the Western universities and
generally intellectual elite of main cities
as Tirana, Shkodra, Korça, Durrësi, and
Prishtina is growing up with a laic and
European mentality.
Generally, Albanians today, based on
their traditions, have achieved a consensus
in the unified presentation of their desires
and problems, starting not from the
religious considerations, but from national
considerations and European standards.
But, in any case, the internal Albanian
development will depend mostly on the
manner of how to go forward when
discussing the process of consolidation
of state of law and democracy, the strict
preservation of laicism of the state
institutions, the equal treatment of regions
and religions components in the political
and administrative representations. The
avoidance of the political influences with
religious background in the strategic
determination of the Albanian integration
will be decisive in the stability of that
country. Those, according to my opinion,
will be the preliminary condition which will
do more steady public and social life of the
Albanian state. Furthermore, an Albania
which will steadily and really proceed in the
European and North Atlantic integration,
and which will stand away of the shadow
of international organizations with a
religious background, an Albania which
will close the doors of financial supports
for terrorism, traffics, and corruption ,
will be a secure place in the political and
social point of view. Albania as such, for
sure would be a secure country in the
26
Clayer Nathalie, Islam, State and Society in Post-Communist Albania, in Hugh Poulton/Suha TajiFarouki (editors), Muslim Identity and the Balkan State, Hurst & Company, London in association with
the Islamic Council, London 1997, pp.135
27
Plasari Aurel, Vija e Teodosit rishfaqet, nga do t’ia mbajnë shqiptarët? in Hylli i Dritës, Tiranë 1993/2-3.
96
political and social point of view, which
will avoid the internal confrontation with
cultural background, which will continue
to rebuild its European identity, a friendly,
stable Albania and progressive in South
East Europe. An important role in this
direction will play the future of Kosova, its
future international status, the appropriate
solution of actual democratization and
Europeanization problem in that region
and finally the ending which need to put
into practice the new leadership of Kosova,
to all Asian terrorist infiltrations. If Kosova
in the future international status would
have an independent state, this means
that this country would not be a place of
national and religious discriminations. A
new state in Balkan must be a conciliatory
entity for the social and political order in
a geopolitical territory which has been for
centuries disputable in historical point of
view; The state of Kosova must be a factor
of stability in the Balkan and Europe, a
secure political entity against terrorist and
integralist infiltrations and in the same time
a space freed from international criminal
activities. A place such as Kosovo will
influence directly in the stability of Albania,
politically very fragile, but at the same time
over Macedonia and Montenegro where
there are a large number of populations of
the Albanian ethnicity living.
On the other side, Albania and the
Albanians of the beginning of the 21st
century are not yet isolated from the rest
of the world and the challenges which we
are facing in the contemporary period. The
manipulation with cultural particularities
from the religious extremism is one
of the most difficult challenges of the
contemporary world which is influencing
the religious sensitiveness within the post
communist Albanian society. Being mostly
a rural society and very backward in some
of its segments, post communist Albania
has been generally unprepared to face such
a challenge in the political, juridical and
National Identity and Religions in Albania
cultural point of view. Certainly, most of the
Albanians, respecting everyone’s religion,
tend to have a laic vision of social life and
try in every way to imitate western stile of
life. But this is not for the all segments of
society especially in the segments with a
remote non Albanian origin, who yet live
with the remembrance of the Ottoman
grandfathers, and an oriental stile of life
and thinking. The challenge with which is
faced in all periods of the Albanian identity,
at least, has emerged again, and if it will
not be treated with the extreme prudence
and large vision, would be e great problem
for the future of that country, and not only.
The opening of Albania, free movement
of peoples, different relationship, have
created the spaces for the penetration in
that country, parallel with real missioners of
religions and of the representatives of some
integralist sects and so-called foundation,
which constitute an unprecedented
developments for the Albanian tradition,
specially for the Islamic one. Some recent
developments within the Albanian Islamic
Community have been kept up with a
great attention from public opinion. In
the last meetings of General Council of
this community, on 14 and 15 May 2005,
has clearly predominated the perseverance
to follow the traditional school of Muslim
Albanians based on Hanefi’s Islamic
School of Law. But this decision of
General Council of Albanian Islamic
Community have been followed with severe
reaction from the vahabist movements,
compound by the young students and
imams educated in Arab world. Different
Albanian scholars and annalists think that
the vahabist movement represents a real
danger for traditional Albanian Islam.
Historically, Albania, though formerly part
of Ottoman Empire, being far away from
epicentre of Islamic vahabists, continue to
follow an Islamic tolerant tradition which
has been brought here from the Turks.
Representatives of Vahabist Movements
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
since 7 years ago are trying to take control
of the General Council of Albanian Islamic
Community or to create parallel structures.
The fact is that with this stream are being
educated most important part of religious
students, and unfortunately they have the
future in their hands. Because of those facts,
the Albanian Islamic Community is before
the challenge of determination of their own
future physiognomy. But the treatment of
this challenge is a problem which affects
all Albanian society, because it conditions
a number of strategic developments in
internal and external fields of Albanian
policy. The seriousness of treatment of this
question needs the attention and the effective
reaction not only from the leadership of the
Albanian Islamic Community, but at the
same time, from the Albanian civil society
and the state institutions generally. In
97
accordance with the interests of national
security and European integration of the
country, the Albanian political class must
be conscientious for the importance of
careful treatment of religious matters in
the country and not to give free space
religious leaders with fanatic formation to
manipulate actual and future developments.
Concluding, we can say that it is the
fact that Albanians of today apart from
the religious appertaining, incline mostly
towards a full integration of their country
in the European Community. But if the
Albanian society will not treat this with the
high attention religious matters or will not
take care to rebuild the Albanian identity
based in the European identity of this
nation and in the same way as the Albanian
National Renaissance did, every perspective
would be obscured.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Arnakis George G, The role of religion in the
development of Balkan Nationalism,
The Balkans in Transition, Essays on the
development of Balkan life and politics
since the eighteenth century, edited by
Charles and Barbara Jelavich, University of
California Press, 1963.
Clayer Nathalie, Islam, State and Society in PostCommunist Albania, in Hugh Poulton/
Suha Taji-Farouki (editors), Muslim Identity
and the Balkan State, Hurst & Company,
London in association with the Islamic
Council, London 1997.
Duijzings Ger, Religion and the politics of
‘Albanianism’- Naim Frashëri’s Bektashism
writings, at Albanian Identities
Myth and History, editors Stephanie
Schwander-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer,
Hurst&Company, London 2002.
Gallager Tom, Outcast Europe: The Balkans,
1789-1989, From the Ottomans to
Milosevic, London and New York 2001.
George G. Arnakis, The role of religion in the
development of Balkan Nationalism, at
The Balkans in Transition, Essays on the
development of Balkan life and politics
since the eighteenth century, edited by
Charles and Barbara Jelavich, University of
California Press, 1963.
Haxhia-Ljarja Nertila, The Catholic Church and
the Communist regime in Albania (19441990). PhD Thesis (manuscript), Tirane
2009.
Huey Luis Kostanick, The geopolitics of the
Balkans; George G. Arnakis, The role of
religion in the development of Balkan
Nationalism, at The Balkans in Transition,
Assays on the development of Balkan life
and politics since the eighteenth century,
edited by Charles and Barbara Jelavich,
University of California Press, 1963.
Jacques Edwin E., The Albanians, An Ethnic
History from Prehistoric Times to the
Present, McFarland, North Carolina &
London, 1995.
Lubonja Fatos, Albania after Isolation: The
Transformation of Public Perceptions
of the West, at “ The Balkans and the
98
West, Constructing the European Other,
1945-2003, edited by Andrew Hammond
Hampshire 2004.
Malcom Noel, Myth of Albanian National
Identity-Some key elements, as expressed in
the works of Albanian Writers in America
in the early twentieth century, at “Albanian
Identities-Myth and History edited by
Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd
J. Fischer, Hurst &Company, London 2002.
Morozzo della Rocca Roberto, Nazione e
Religione in Albania 1920-1944, Il Mulino,
Bologna 1990, gives a full panorama of the
history of Albanian Nation and Religion.
National Identity and Religions in Albania
Schwander-Sievers Stephanie, Albanians,
Albanianism and the Strategic Subversion
of Stereotypes, at “The Balkans and the
West, Constructing the European Other,
1945-2003, edited by Andrew Hammond
Hampshire 2004.
Stadtmüller Georg, Islamizimi tek Shqiptaret
(manuscript in the Albanian language
translated by Zef Ahmeti) German version
in: Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteeuropas,
1955, Bd. 3, München 1955
Vickers Miranda, The Albanians: A Modern
History, London: I.B. Taursi, 1995.
99
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
THE POSSIBLE EFFECTS
OF SELF-CONSTRUALS AND SOCIAL
RELATIONSHIPS ON HAPPINESS
Albana CANOLLARI - Oxford Brookes University, UK/Phd Studente;
Kristal University, Tirana-Albania
E-mail: acanollari@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
The present study examines whether interpersonal closeness to family and closest friend
are predictors to happiness, and whether happiness can be explained by independent and
interdependent self-construals. A questionnaire was developed and it was administered to 212
English participants in the United Kingdom. The questionnaire included three parts. Participants
were first asked to indicate how close they are, ought to be and ideally wish to be to their family
members (grandparents, parents, siblings, aunts/uncles and children), and their closest friend.
Part B included the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire (OHQ) prepared by Argyle (2001).
Singelis (1994) 24-items Self-Construal Scale was the last section of the questionnaire.
This study suggested that individuals who scored high in interdependence were
closer to others than individuals who scored low, whereas individuals who scored high in
independence were happier than the ones who scored low. It was found that happiness
was predicted by how close people are to family members and closest friend. Being close
to both made no difference from being closer to family or friends separately. However, not
being close to either predicts unhappiness.
Keywords: Actual, Ought and Ideal closeness; Culture; Independent and Interdependent
Self-Construal; Well-being and Happiness
Introduction
Many great minds have proposed
and proved with research that people
are different from culture to culture
(Hofstede, 1980; Markus and Kitayama,
1991). Research has also been conducted
on the idea that people differ not only
at national level, but also indeed within
culture and the way they view themselves
(Singelis, 1994). Among others, Singelis
has given an important contribution in
the concept of individuals’ independence
and interdependence self-constructs by
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 99-109
100
The possible effects of self-construals & social relationships on happiness
looking at them as two separate dimensions
of the self. Another area of interest that
has grown rapidly during the last two
decades is the exploration of the pursuit
of happiness, which is very much exposed.
Because it is subjective, it is known to
be difficult to measure. The study aims
to explore how the notion of happiness
can be explained by independent and
interdependent self-construals. It also
aims to find the impact of being close to
family and friends on happiness.
Individualism and Collectivism versus
Independence and Interdependence
Numerous writers have concluded that
people differ in various characteristics on
behalf to different factors. An important
factor that distinguishes people from oneanother is culture, which makes the society
people live in be different. Hofstede (1980)
first came up with the notion that cultures
can be recognized as individualist and
collectivist. Amongst other dimensions,
he proposed the individualism/collectivism
dimensions, which illustrate the way all
cultures are different from each other. He
viewed these dimensions in the level of
cultural description. In 1991, he came up
with a definition by stating that:
“Individualism pertains to societies in
which the ties between individuals are
loose: everyone is expected to look after
himself or herself and his or her immediate
family. Collectivism as its opposite pertains
to societies in which people from birth
onwards are integrated into strong,
cohesive in-groups, which throughout
people’s lifetime continue to protect them
in exchange for unquestioning loyalty.”
(Hofstede, 1991:51)
After Hofstede’s suggestion a lot
more work has been done. According to
Kagitcibasi and Berry (1989), the concepts
of individualism and collectivism were
identified as one of the major themes of
cross-cultural psychology in the 1980s
(source: Triandis et al, 1998). Markus
and Kitayama (1991) contributed to the
concept of individualism and collectivism
dimensions as well, but from a different
prospectus. Based on the idea that people
in different cultures have different construal
of the ‘self ’ and of ‘others’, they developed
the concept that people have independent
and interdependent self-construal, which
can be described as cultural conceptions of
the self. In other words, it is an individual’s
way of measuring self relative to the other.
Whilst collectivism and individualism
operate in cultural level, independent and
interdependent self-construals operate at
individualistic level.
In general, collectivism and
interdependent self-construal are associated
with cultures in Africa, Asia and some part
of Eastern Europe, while individualism and
independent self-construal are part of the
Western cultures. People in non-Western
cultures hold an interdependent image of
self-stressing “connectedness, social context
and relationships” (Markus and Kitayama,
1991). Therefore, the ‘self ’ is viewed as
interdependent in complex with the others
and it is the ‘other’ or the ‘self-in-relationto-other’ that is central in individual’s
experience. Furthermore, their expression
and the experience of emotions and
motives may be significantly formed and
controlled by the reaction of the others.
By contrast, people living in Western
countries hold an independent view of self
that emphasizes the “separateness, internal
attributes, and uniqueness of individuals”
(independent self-construal). In other
words, they view themselves as being
separate and unique from other people
and that their internal thoughts and beliefs
guide their lives and behaviour.
In cross-cultural research on happiness,
it was found that cultures seen as collectivist
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
are seen to be less happy, whereas
individualistic ones are seen as happier
(Argyle, 2001; Diener et al 1995). In
other words, people from individualistic
rich societies are happier than people who
live in collectivistic poor countries. In a
theoretical paper, Ahuvia (2002) discusses
individualism/ collectivism dimensions
and the cultures of happiness. He explains
how in individualistic societies people are
encouraged to be themselves. By contrast
people from collectivist cultures consider
others first and they are not encouraged to
think of themselves; therefore less happy. In
other words, he is suggesting that a person
who is collectivised and interdependent
would score significantly lower in subjective
well-being (SWB); whereas, individualised
and independent individuals would score
high in SWB; therefore happier. However,
he has difficulty explaining himself when
individuals within culture are compared. He
first claims that individuals in individualistic
cultures have the freedom to pursue their
intrinsic goals, which bring happiness.
According to Kasser (1997), intrinsic
needs are self-acceptance, autonomy, and
relatedness, having satisfying relationships
with family and friends, community
feelings. The issue he raises is that these
goals are actually characteristics of people
from collectivist cultures; therefore, they
are not less happy. According to Kasser,
these goals do make people happy. On
the other hand, extrinsic goals are goals
concerning financial success/ money, wealth
and material success. Nevertheless, the last
ones are known to be goals of people in
the Western culture. Is he claiming that the
values of the happiest people in the USA
are the ones that we know interdependent
people hold (i.e. community feelings)?
Perhaps this confusion can be
resolved if we think that independence
and interdependence are not opposite ends
meaning that people can be independent
and interdependent. Singelis (1994) and
101
collegaous argue that an individual could
have both self-construals within his/her
internal world. The self-construals can
be developed separately in the individual
enabling him/her to be independent and
interdependent (Hawk and Brislin, 1992;
Cross and Markus 1991; Yamaguchi,
Kuhlman and Sugimori, 1992). Singelis
defines self-construal as the “constellation of
thoughts, feelings, and actions concerning
the elation of the self to others and the
self as distinct from others (1999:316).”
Therefore, he designed the 24-item
quantitative Self-Construal Likert –type
scale to measure the complex structure
of feelings and thoughts that include
independent and interdependent selfconstruals as separate dimensions.
What Singelis is suggesting is that
both independence and interdependence
are not two distinct dimenstion. Therefore,
people can be independent and be happy.
However, they also can be interdependent
and be happy. In this study, we will
discuss whether both independence and
interdependence correlate with happiness.
Gender differences and Self-Construals
Differences in women and men’s
behaviour can be explained by individual
differences in the self-construal (Markus
and Oyserman, 1989). To prove this theory
Cross and Madson (1997) showed in their
recent research that American women
are more likely to describe themselves in
terms of relatedness of others, whereas
American men are more likely to describe
themselves in terms of independence from
others. For individuals with interdependent
self-construal close friendships develop
their sense of self and maintain their
self-esteem. By contrast, individuals with
independent self-construal avoid behaviours
that encourage intimacy to protect their
sense of autonomy and separateness.
Cross and Madson defined independence
102
The possible effects of self-construals & social relationships on happiness
as “being free of connection with other
people.” They concluded that men have
an independent self-construal; whereas
women, an interdependent self-construal.
Cross and Madson’s research was argued
by Baumeister and Sommer (1997)
in which they suggested that men and
women are more similar than different.
They both pursue belongingness, but in
different aspects. They concluded that
women’s sociality is oriented toward
dyadic close relationships, whereas men
is toward a larger group.
Happiness and Social RelationshipsFamily and Friends
Another important aspect in pursuing
happiness is the impact of social network.
Argyle (2001) demonstrated with research
that the main cause of happiness and
positive emotions are social relationships
(pg. 74). The first basic relationship to be
experienced is the relationship we built
with our family members. When kin get
together they like to talk, eat and most likely
provide “social support” for each other.
By social support Argyle (1983) defines
the “availability of family and friends or
others who can provide emotional support
and material help”, which is good for our
physical and mental health (Henderson et
al., 1978:145). Social support can reduce
and eliminate stress. The relation between
parents and children is to a certain extent a
joy. Hoffman and Manis (1982) suggested
that parents give a lot of “stimulation,
affection, and fun” to their children
(source: Argyle, 2001). Shapiro and
Lambert (1999) found that fathers were
more depressed, especially when separated
from children. Argyle suggests that the
importance of different relationships varies
with stages in life. For children parents are
very important. Then as they grow friends
become more important. Afterwards, there
is love and marriage, and so on (pg. 86).
Family ties differ from culture to
culture. In Western Europe and America,
the main kin for a person are his/her parents,
siblings, and children. Relations to uncles
and aunts, who are considered outside
the nuclear family, may be associated with
cultures such as Africa. In other words,
in individualist cultures people are more
likely to be attached to their nuclear family
(people that they live with until they are
independent). By contrast, in collectivist
cultures individuals are connected to their
extended family, which includes their aunts,
uncles, cousins, etc.
Another source of social support,
which is known to provide a “main effect,”
is friendship. Larson (1990) carried a study,
which required participants to report their
mood in random occasions and discovered
that they were in the most positive when
with friends. Many more studies show
how happiness and friendship correlate at
different levels. Costa et al. (1985) found a
factor of quality and quantity of friendships,
which correlated .29 with happiness. Close
friends are an important source of happiness
because they are similar in attitudes and
beliefs, so when in need to talk friends
raise our self-esteem. Weiss (1973) found
that to avoid loneliness people needed a
close relationship. According to Argyle
friends can be defined as people that we
can trust, like and whose company we enjoy
(1983: 142). In addition, Larson (1990)
concluded from his study that when people
are with friends, it puts them in a positive
mood, therefore happier. He suggests that
this is due to the enjoyable things that
friends do together. Friends are important
to us as they can provide “companionship,
social integration, and acceptance by the
community” (Cohen and Wills, 1985).
Recent feminist theory suggests that
relations have powerful significance in
women’s lives (e.g. Belenky et al. 1986). As
Gilligan (1986) claimed, a willingness and
ability to care are standards of self-evaluation
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
for many women (source: Markus and
Kitayama, 1991). Additionally, Argyle
(2001) suggested that women’s friendships
are closer involving more affection and
social support, whereas for men, social
network are important.
The present study
The aim of study is to explore the
impact of the Singelis Independent
and Interdependent Self-Construals on
individuals’ happiness in the United
Kingdom. This study also looks at the effect
of social relationships on happiness. These
are the hypotheses that the study predicts:
Hypothesis 1: There will a positive
correlation between independence and
happiness.
Hypothesis 2: Individuals who are close
to their family members will score high in
interdependence than the ones who are
not so close.
Hypothesis 3: Individuals who are close
to their closest friend will score high in
interdependence than those who are not
so close.
Hypothesis 4: Individuals who are close to
family members will score high in happiness
than individuals who are not close.
Hypothesis 5: Individuals who are close
to their closest friend will score high in
happiness than those who are not so close.
The question raised is whether
interdependence, when used in conjunction
with independence and closeness to family
and best friend, adds to happiness. The
result section will be presenting statistical
tests performed to see whether the above
hypotheses are supported.
Method
Participants
To maximize randomization, the
sample included individuals in Oxford,
Reading, and Shrewsbury. 212 respondents
103
filled in the questionnaire (96 Females; 116
Males). Four of them failed to respond to
the OHQ, so they were excluded from
further analysis. The sample included 96
students, 105 employed, 7 unemployed and
4 retired, aged between 18 and 69 (Mean
Age =31.14 and Standard Deviation
=11.7). 120 of participants were single,
74 were married, 9 were in relationship,
and 9 were separated. This study examines
the effects of social relationships (family
members and closest friend), and Singelis
(1994) independent and interdependent
self-construals on the subject of happiness
within British culture, so only English
participants were involved.
Design and Procedure
The participants were asked to fill in
their age, gender, occupation, nationality,
and marital status. A pilot study was
administered to 14 participants. Not
many changes needed to be done. Asking
about nationality was one category, which
was added as it was noticed that people
from other nationalities were willing to
complete the questionnaire. Changes
were done on the format in which the
pilot was demonstrated. In Part B of the
questionnaire participants were asked to
write down the equivalent number from 1
to 6; instead, this was changed into circling
the rated number from 1 to 6 to make it
easier for the participants to answer.
Participants were informed that the
questionnaire would take 10 minutes from
their time. They were also informed that it
was confidential and anonymous between
the experimenter and the supervisor at
Oxford Brookes University. Respondents
were reassured that they did not have
to finish the entire questionnaire if they
felt uncomfortable and that, if they had
questions about the research or results,
the experimenter would inform them. The
questionnaire consisted of 5 pages of A4
paper format. Pens or pencils were provided
104
The possible effects of self-construals & social relationships on happiness
to the participants. (Please refer to Appendix
for a copy of the questionnaire).
The questionnaire consisted of three
parts:
Part A consisted of 3 separate questions
in which participants were to answer
questions regarding their closeness to some
members of their family if those members
were applicable to them, i.e. how close
do you think you are (actual), you ought
to be (ought), and wish to be (ideal) to
grandparents, parents, siblings, aunts/uncles
and children. Respondents were asked to
circle the appropriate number for each of
those three questions in a 5-point Likerttype format (1-Very Close, 5-Not At All). Part
A also had a section asking participants how
close they think they are, ought to be and
wish to be to their closest friend rated from
1 to 5 with 1 being Very Close and 5 Not At
All. Therefore, the lower score indicates
higher in closeness to specific target.
Romantic relationships were omitted
in this study because of their complexity,
which contains a range of various factors
that need to be explored separately. The
study was interested on finding distinctions
between ‘blood relations’ (family) and ‘nonblood’ or ‘elective’ relations (friendship).
Furthermore, because not enough
respondents answered the questions on
children and grandparents, they were
dropped for further analysis. Therefore,
Parents, Siblings and Aunt(s)/ Uncle(s)
were collapsed in one category (closeness
to family). Friends were separated as
a different category called closeness to
friends. Closeness to family and friends
were looked at separately for actual, ought
and ideal. However, due to limitations of
the length of this report, only Actuality
will be reported and discussed in relation
to Happiness and Singelis Self-Construals.
Closeness to family and friends were
looked at separately. It was decided that
the actual closeness to parents, siblings,
and aunts/uncles to be considered as one
variable called CLFAM3 because these
three targets were found to be the most
significant. Furthermore, closeness to
family was divided into two categories
(CLFAMCAT; 1= close, people who ticked
Very Close; 2= less close, including the rest
of scores). A4FRIEND was the name of
the variable for closeness to the closest
friend. This variable was also divided into
two categories CLFRICAT (1= close,
people who ticked Very Close; 2= less close,
including the rest of scores).
Part B included 29 statements of the
Oxford Happiness Questionnaire (OHQ)
developed by Argyle (2001). The number
of respondents who completed the Oxford
Happiness Questionnaire equals 208.
The questionnaire has been found to be
reliable and valid when compared to Oxford
Happiness Inventory (OHI, Argyle,
Martin, & Crossland, 1989). Participants
were asked to rate their agreement with
the items in a 6-point Likert-type format
scale (1-Strongly Disagree; 6-Strongly Agree).
Therefore, the lower score indicates less
happiness. The reliability coefficient for the
happiness subscale was acceptable (alpha=
.86). Even when Factor Analysis was
performed, the deletion did not improve
the percentage, so the original alpha score
was considered. The items that were
originally marked (-) were scored in reverse.
Part C included 24 statements of the
Measure of Independent and Interdependent
Self-Construal Scale (SCS) (Singelis, 1994),
which measures individuals’ independence
(12 items) and interdependence (12
items). Sample independent items included
“I’d rather say ‘No’ directly than risk being
misunderstood” and “I am comfortable with
being singled out for praise or rewards.”
Sample interdependent items included “I
have respect for the authority figures with
whom I interact.” and “It is important for
me to maintain harmony within my group.”
Respondents were asked to indicate their
agreement with the items in a 7-point
105
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
Likert-type format (1- Strongly Disagree
to 7- Strongly Agree). Therefore, the lower
score indicates low in independence or
interdependence. There were 210 samples,
which were considered for further analysis
as two were dropped out for not completing
the entire questionnaire. The reliability
coefficients for both interdependent
(alpha=. 68) and independent (alpha=.
62) self-construal subscales were acceptable.
Preferably, the alpha should have been
higher. However, even when a Factor
Analysis was run, the new score did not make
significant differences (for independent
self-construal alpha =. 67, items=14;
for interdependent self-construal alpha=.
64, items=10). Based on the diversity of
scores, individuals were categorized as high
or low in independence (INDEPBI) and
Interdependence (INTERDBI).
The data was entered manually in
the SPSS computer program and many
statistical tests were performed.
Results
Table 1 shows the Analysis of Variance
performed with OHQ being the dependent
variable; INDEP, INTERD, and AGE
being Covariates; and CLFAMCAT,
CLFRICAT, and GENDER being the Fixed
Factors. As the table reveals, independence
is highly significant predictor of happiness
(F= 12.07; d.f. = 1; p=0.001) and
ETA score equals 6.5% out of 13, so
independence predicts almost half of the
variance. This suggests that independent
people are happier, which supports the
first hypothesis. Linear Regression test
was also performed, which showed that
independence is a predictor of happiness
(F= 5.67; d.f. = 2; p= 0.004).
Furthermore, the analysis of variance
shows that being close to your closest
friend predicts happiness (F=5.12; d.f.
= 1; p=. 025). This finding supports
hypothesis number five of this research,
which predicted that individuals who are
close to their closest friend would score
high in happiness. It is worth mentioning
that there is an interaction between
closeness to family and friend. This suggests
that being close to both family and best
friend predicts happiness. So number 4
hypothesis is supported as well. If people
are close to either family or friend, they are
still happy. However, if not close to both
target, then unhappy. Table 2 and 3 show
the mean difference to both family and
closest friend for males and females.
Table 1. Univariate Analysis of Variance summary table
Dependent Variable: OHQ
Source
d.f.
F
Sig.
Partial Eta
Squared
INDEP
INTERD
AGE
CLFAMCAT
CLFRICAT
GENDER
CLFAMCAT*CLFRICAT
Error
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
173
12.07
.928
.014
1.61
5.12
1.34
4.64
.001
.337
.906
.206
.025
.248
.032
.065
.005
.000
.009
.029
.008
.026
a.R Squared =. 179 (adjusted R Squared =. 131)* Significant at 5% level
106
The possible effects of self-construals & social relationships on happiness
Table 2. Closeness to family and friend by gender
Gender
Mean
FAMILY
S.D.
N
Mean
FRIEND
S.D.
N
Female/Very Close
Female/Not close
Male/Very close
Male/Not close
125.5
123.1
119.7
120.9
19.06
15.5
19.67
16.67
38
14
31
24
121.8
114.5
122.3
107.0
13.35
20.69
15.54
15.02
15
17
16
29
Chi square was carried out on Gender,
Closeness to family, and Closeness to friends.
It showed that more females were very close
to their family (N=104) than males. More
men were very close to friends (N=118)
than females. 94 of females were not close
to their friends. 87 of males were not
close to their family. T-test was carried out
which showed that there is mean difference
(t=2.6; d.f. = 204; p= .010) between
female respondents (M=122.86, N=93)
and male ones (M=116.3; N=113).
Having a higher mean, females in this study
were found happier.
Being interdependent does not predict
less happiness. The analysis of variance
(Table 1) shows that interdependence
does not predict happiness (F= 0.928;
d.f. =1; p= 0.337). However, Pearson
Correlation Test was performed on OHQ
(N=206), INDEP (N=204) and INTERD
(N=204), and it was found that there is a
positive correlation between happiness
(OHQ) and independence (INDEP; r=
0 .268; p< 0.01; 2-tailed). There is also
a positive correlation between happiness
(OHQ) and interdependence (INTERD;
r= 0.159; p< 0.05; 2-tailed).
Independent T-tests were carried
out measuring happiness and closeness
to family and friend. It was found that
there is a significant relationship between
happiness and closeness to family (t=
2.654; d.f. =184; 2-tailed p=. 009), and
a significant relationship between happiness
and closeness to friend (t= 3.15; d.f. =
204; 2-tailed p= .002). The graph below
shows how happiness is predicted by
closeness to family members and closest
friend. These findings support once more
hypothesis 4 and hypothesis 5. As the graph
shows, when people are less close to friends,
they are significantly unhappy.
Graph 1: Closeness to family/friends and
happiness
Note - CLFAMCAT (closeness to family
members with both categories ‘close’ and ‘less
close’ included); CLFRICAT (closeness to closest
friend with both categories ‘close’ and ‘less close’);
OHQ (Oxford Happiness Questionnaire)
Gender
T-test revealed that closeness to family
was predicted by how interdependent
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
people were (t= 2.8; d.f. = 187; p= 0.005,
2-tailed). This supports hypothesis number
2. Independence did not predict closeness
to family or best friend. In addition,
interdependence did not predict closeness
to friends, which rejected hypothesis 3.
Discussion
Happiness and subjective well-being
are fundamental and necessary conditions
for the satisfaction of basic needs. The
current work sought to integrate previous
researches that have explored on the
subject of independence/ interdependence
and happiness. It also tried to explore the
impact of social relationships on happiness
in an individualistic society such as the
United Kingdom. On one side, Markus
and Kitayama (1991) following Hofstede’s
cultural dimensions, developed the concept
that people from individualistic cultures
hold an independent view of themselves,
whereas people from collectivist cultures
hold an interdependent view of themselves.
In addition to this view, Ahuvia (2002)
discusses that people in individualist
societies are happier when compared to
people in collectivist ones, who, because
of their poor economy, will be unhappy.
By contrast, Singelis (1994) challenged this
idea by designing a 24-item Self-Construal
questionnaire. This questionnaire suggested
that people within one culture could have
both independent and interdependent selfconstruals that are grown separately within
107
the individual. It is this last point that the
current study supports. People can have
an independent and interdependent view
of themselves.
In this individualistic society such as the
United Kingdom, people who scored high
in independence were found to be happier
than those who scored low, who are not
necessary interdependent. By contrast, it was
found as predicted that people who scored
higher in interdependence were closer to
their family and friends. In other words, we
can say that interdependence is a predictor
to how close people are to their family
member, whereas independence as predicted
is a fundamental predictor of happiness in
an individualistic society such as the United
Kingdom. Perhaps, independent people in
an individualistic society are happier because
they fit in with the norms of its society. It was
also found that both family and closest friend
are predictors of happiness. This supports
Argyle’s (2001) as he claims that social
relationships are the main cause to happiness.
To conclude, the study suggests that
in an individualistic society, people are
found to be high and low in independence
and interdependence. It concludes
that independent people are happier.
Alternatively, interdependent people were
not found to be less happy. They were
indeed found to be closer to their family
members and friends. To examine in
more details whether interdependence can
contribute to happiness, it would need to
be an aim in a future research.
REFERENCES:
Ahuvia, A.C. (2002). Individualism/ Collectivism
and cultures of happiness: A theoretical
conjecture on the relationship between
consumption, culture, and subjective
well-being at the national level. Journal of
Happiness Studies 3:23-36.
Argyle, M. (2001).The Psychology of Happiness.
2nd ed. Routledge.
Argyle, M. Hills, P. (2001) The Oxford
Questionnaire: a compact scale for the
measurement of psychological well-being.
Personality and Individual Differences, Vol
33, pg 1073-1082.
Argyle, M. (1983). The Psychology of Interpersonal
Behaviour. 4th ed. Hammondsport; Penguin.
pg 142-145.
108
The possible effects of self-construals & social relationships on happiness
Baumeister, R.F., Sommer, K.L. (1997). What
do men want? Gender differences and two
spheres of belongingness: Comment of
Cross and Madson (1997). Psychological
Bulletin, Vol 122, pg 38-44.
Cross and Madson (1997). Models of the Self:
Self-Construals and Gender. Psychological
Bulletin, Vol 122, pg 5-37.
Hofstede, G. (1980). The Organization in its
Environment. p. 89-99.
Markus, H.R. & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture
and the Self: Implications for cognition,
emotion, and motivation. Psychological
Review 98, 224-253.
Singelis, T.M. (1994).The measurement of
independent and interdependent selfconstruals. Personality and Social Psychology
Bulletin, Vol. 20 No. 5, October (p.580-591).
Triandis, H.C., Chen, X.P. & Chan, D.K.
(1998). Scenarios for the measurement of
collectivism and individualism. Journal of
Cross-Cultural Psychology 29, 275-289.
109
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
EDUCATION AND FORMATION
IN ADULT EDUCATION
Edi PUKA - “Aleksander Moisiu” University, Durres-Albania;
Faculty of Education
E-mail: edipuka@yahoo.it
ABSTRACT
In adult age, development is achieved starting by putting into question the personal
means of recognition, feelings, relationships, behavior and believes previously gained which
constitute the basis of personality. For the adult to find a new personal development, it is
necessary to implement a process of regeneration and separation, through which what was
previously thought, existed and believed, at a certain point does not exist any more; in a way,
it is therefore transformed. Human life coincides with a teaching itinerary, the denying of
which would lead to a denial of life itself; in fact, knowledge and educational needs can not
appear limitless and unending because an adult notes that requests for change correspond
to impulses involving mind, body and interpersonal relationships.
Keywords: education, pedagogy, diversity, background;
I. Introduction
In adult age, development is achieved
starting by putting into question the
personal means of recognition, feelings,
relationships, behavior and believes
previously gained which constitute the
basis of personality. For the adult to find a
new personal development, it is necessary
to implement a process of regeneration
and separation, through which what was
previously thought, existed and believed,
at a certain point does not exist any more;
in a way, it is therefore transformed.
Human life coincides with a teaching
itinerary, the denying of which would lead
to a denial of life itself; in fact, knowledge
and educational needs can not appear
limitless and unending because an adult
notes that requests for change correspond
to impulses involving mind, body and
interpersonal relationships.
People, as human beings, are in the
process of education and in fact they
are even educated, because they do not
live in isolation and they do not remain
abandoned in their fate in the enormous
effort to document the continuation of
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 109-116
110
their education, but they live in a cultural
world and people who are different from
each-other.
It is exactly the presence of such
diversities and the confrontation between
them that provokes great changes and
therefore, asks for the enrichment and
continuous growth of the individual.
This discussion mainly applies to the
evolutionary age, in which development has
not finished yet, against any evolutionist
point of view which would consider it
finished with the adolescent age, the social
and psychological tasks of individuals who
are in the middle of their life course, are
the factors that permit the continuity of
their education.
It would be fair to talk about lots of
adult ages, not just one, as much as the
different definitions that different cultures
have elaborated in order to respond to
their need to define the adult age.
This problem is not presented if we
follow the organic model, according to
which the ages of human life are readable
only through evolution categories,
according to which the adult results a
cautious individual capable of coming to
life and to immortalize the species and
culture he is part of.
This definition is seen with equanimity
by the social scientists who focus their
attention on the ontogenetic aspects of
human maturity, which bring back to the
different and relative manifestations from
one individual to another, which put the
subject in front of the task of turning into
a personal identity, different from the
others. The image of oneself, which the
individual tries to protect, in comparison
to the others, tends towards independence
and more personal freedom. Identity
cultures which modern societies accept,
base on independence rights and reciprocal
respect, contribute to formulate a modern
idea in adult age. (Demetrio, 1990: 22-23)
Pursuing this direction, the idea of
Education and Formation in adult education
adult is distinguished by a temporary and,
in the final analyzes, it is the individual
who builds his own impermanence.
Thus, age is a personal acquisition in
a daily revision and as such it is destined
for instability; but the only suitable
way to give a sense of time is that of
experimentation with the others and the
confrontation with the not always image
that he send.
Ultimately, self-representation is
an illusion. In fact, it is the others who
represent us or we represent ourselves
through the others and come to know
ourselves this way. The individual himself
does not know how to represent himself,
because he can not do it and needs
mediation of others to give him an identity.
In this case, identity, especially as an adult,
is manifested at the moment in which he
is able to communicate the existence of
his ego to the others, through language or
other forms. (Demetrio, 1990: 37)
II. The Andragogical Theory
The treatment of the flow of life
”considers the individual as a continuous
generator of his biography, a personal
history equipped with meaning, mediation,
interaction with others, and with the
circumstances which he happens to live
in”. (Saraceno, 1988: 22)
With the definition of adult age as a
phase of the complex human experience,
should be considered the way this
complexity, as a change generator, can be
encouraged and facilitated. The specific
notion which needs to be analyzed is
that of change. Some state that: by
making a relation between age and adult
age, it would be more fair to talk about
andragogy; this term implies: to lead the
adult in the direction which he needs to be
self-directed, to know how to appreciate
his readiness to learn and he is interested
to learn what is related to the solution of
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
the problem of his concrete everyday life.
The central hypothesis of the theory
of andragogy is concentrated in that of
an adult who has an autonomous idea of
himself and feels the need for recognition
of his independence. The adult represents
an incremental backup of his experience
of life, which should not be left apart, but
on the contrary, it should be appreciated
in the formation processes and, moreover,
these experiences generate a change in the
organization of the individual thought of
an adult, who needs to learn about the role
he has in different stages of his life.
It is even important to analyze the
contribution and meaning assigned to
change by the main trends of psychosocial and therapeutic thought which
have underlined the fact that adult age
is still opened to formation. (Demetrio,
1990: 81).
S t a r t i n g f ro m t h e b e h a v i o r i s t
treatment, the topic of change may be
analyzed under the light of the relation
between the subject and the environment
and the impacts that are defined in such
an interaction.
In this field, the notion of learning
has an essential role, which is the process
through which an activity is initiated
and modified reacting against a specific
situation.
In the transposition in the formation
field of the behaviorist model, education is
transformed into a conditionality of special
behaviors, which means manipulation.
Thus, education is not meant as a
complex system of effective cognitive
events that operate between them, but
as a set of mental and emotional factors,
which are subject to modification.
Therefore, the individual’s change comes
through the structuring of the educational
environment.
Cognition, on the contrary, gives
less importance to the environmental
conditionality in the modification
111
processes of change. This is due to the
fact that in this orientation the same
environmental stimulus is interpreted
differently by specific subjects equipped
with characteristics that distinguish them
genetically and socially. The individual is
not a passive receiver of environmental
stimulus, but he elaborates them starting
from his mental recognition.
In this meaning, adult education
is perceived as education of mind, the
activation of the processes which the
subject can answer in order to change
what his image of the world is. Change is
implied as a representative transformation
which first happens in the cognitive level
and then is able to influence the emotional
and affective area. (Demetrio, 1990: 83)
Finally, another approach to be
considered is that of cultural psychology,
according to which, the individual is not
only equipped with cognitive dimension,
but even with an affective, social and
historical dimension, that characterizes
him and make his unique.
These assumptions create a vision
of change which presents innovation
compared to the previous ones: first of
all, the subject transforms his cognitive
model based on the meaning of personal
cognitive processes and not on results;
the change is relational, which means that
benefits from the role of one who interacts
with an intelligent mind.
In other words, the change starts
when the individual notices that, from a
passive receptor he can turn into an actor of
his own knowledge formation, acquiring
the usage rules. Generally, change should
be considered as an interruption of
experience, perception system and reality
interpretation with which people move in
the world and organize their life. If it is
true that change contains a modification,
can be achieved by being prepared, or
because it is an anticipated transformation
in the biographical model, or because the
112
possibility of change is part of the personal
model of value and of the life project itself.
Conversely, it can be achieved by being
unprepared, even because the incident
that change provokes appears suddenly,
or because the change related to the
anticipated means is perceived as dangerous
and negative. (Morgagni-Pepa, 1993: 111)
III. The adult and the psycho-social
character
The psycho-social character
incorporates different learning strategies.
On the one hand, it means to supply with
such cognition resources that allow the
individual an anticipated socialization
and transitory changes and states, which
are predicated and predictable, as well
as a capacity of reality-reading which
enables to determine the opportunities
and the possible ways for an individual
project of change. On the other hand,
it means to supply with knowledge
resources, abilities to enter into relations
and psychological competencies to face the
shocking unexpected changes.
Turning back to adult formation,
an important observation is having
access in a way or a formative experience
which supplies with resources for the
development of social competences beyond
the professional and cultural content.
These competences may be understood
as rational capacities (to establish and
develop various relationships) as well as
capacities of reality reading.
Fully competent and skillful people
may get lost in their social world when
exposed to other (new) rules. This is what
everybody experiences when moving to a
foreign country where one needs to learn
the mechanisms, formal and informal rules
and the relational styles which govern life
in that community.
The fact is that a lot of people find
their own country to be a foreign one as
Education and Formation in adult education
soon as they find themselves outside the
boundaries of their own groups of direct
reference; therefore it is important to
supply with competences of transportation
from one group to another, from one
culture to another, casing of confrontation
and learning. (Morgagni-Pepa, 1993: 123)
Which are the objectives to be
achieved? The cognitive and psychosocial objectives are the most notable
ones. The first ones need to know and
develop capacities of critical analysis
and self-criticism related to complex and
ambiguous topics; it is also important
to learn how to develop confrontation
skills in a dialogue related to personal
and collective situations which can be
considered historically and culturally ‘’new
‘’. The second ones need to become aware
of the existence of the denied attitudes and
behaviors from the ethnical point of view,
but sometimes, in fact, even supported.
If these represent the objectives to be
achieved, there are problems posed to
permanent education which includes the
entire individual and social human life,
which consist in attempts of correction,
organization and orientation of the
acculturation process.
This attempt aims what every
educative process does: to realize the social
integration and personal growth processes
avoiding the trauma and imbalances of the
typical deformations of the socio-cultural
history. (Laporta, 1979: 53)
Life-long education can not be limited
to acquisition of cultures in which we
interaction their basis and their historical
existence. Its task is not to immortalize,
but to make the acculturation relation that
they establish as harmonic and efficient
as possible, especially with the prevailing
culture. Its fundamental problem is always
that of respecting the personality of the
one who is being educated, thus, that of
the whole culture that he represents and
embodies.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
Co-existence in a society is based
on the solidary behavior which enables
individuals to react in conflictual or peaceful
way, towards the others interventions.
Groups and communities are a residency
in which maturity is tested and developed.
The learning of co-existence and
interaction rules starts in the early stages
of life and implies, for the whole life,
a functional need in the material and
psychological survival of individuals.
Loss of membership relations, their crisis
and the concern which derives from
them, is equal to the substantial threat
of this practice which is made up of the
dimension and reciprocity. Interaction and
conflicting are deeply rooted and inevitable
phenomena, a social interaction finalized
with the achievement of results and private
or public benefits. (Demetrio, 1990: 134)
Interaction is the result of learning
and progressive acculturation; an adult
experiences moments of interaction in
many fronts, being unprepared to face
the tasks which put him in situations of
priority and prestige. An adult in groups
does not only learn to decide and compete,
but groups and community are collective
forms of territory identification and
preservation of personal roots.
In such a situation, interaction and
reciprocity are cases of liberation from
ignorance and cruelty, and serve to
delineate the maturity profile of the work
involved in raising the personal conditions
of life against exploitation and injustice.
Learning to work, to be part of a
group and ask for the others’ solidarity is
another moment through which maturity
is built by resigning from personal
individuality in the name of general
interests.
Another aspect which goes hand
in hand with learning is that of a
better understanding of learning. The
cultural changes that we experience
in an international and local scale put
113
the education institutions, systems and
organizations in the center of a storm
which they were not prepared about.
(Josso, 1995: 28)
As the learning act heads towards the
individualization of the education process,
formation ways need to be conceived to
fulfill the needs of a society which does not
even know where it is heading for.
IV. Learning Stages and Basic Formation
To be formed and transformed as
a person implies being formed and
transformed as a professional and as a
socio-cultural actor. Learning does not
mean to learn this or that thing, but to
find out new ways of thinking and acting
differently; it means starting to look
for may be called something different.
That is why today, we can say that the
learning act, transformed into a searching
act, may allow them to learn, develop
creativity, skills, their capacity to evaluate,
communicate and negotiate.
Fundamentally, the learning process
is an informal process. In fact, there is
an informal formative process which not
only works in the level of consciousness,
but even in the unconscious one, and
these informal education processes are
activated in the young subjects as well as
in the adult ones.
Adult education has continuously
tries to eliminate this “separation” vision
in education but it has not made its way in
the pedagogical projections. (Alessandrini,
1995: 64)
It is clear that such a theory, which
approaches the formation problem in a
more detailed way, considers the subject
and the environment in which he lives, as
an entirety which establishes the global
process of learning; it is important to
consider human beings as total subjects so
that the formative process forces us to start
from the subject himself, from his own
114
world, and to activate the processes that
are found within the subject and which
need to be “unlocked” and restored in
motion with the relevant strategy.
The learning concept represents a
constellation of concepts related to the
content, with he cognitive forms and the
ability that an individual acquires and
processes through education.
The first concept belongs to
the organization of knowledge; the
information that the individual acquires in
the continuity of his personal experience
during the everyday life do not constitute
elements in isolation, but they constitute
the organized cognitive structures:
schemes. These deal with the anchoring
of new elements of information in terms
that enables knowing and assimilating
facts and specific examples of events that
the individual comes across.
Schemes have a creative function
because they do not only get information,
but they create it; the other function
of the productivity of knowledge. The
detailed recognition of a problem or field
of experience allows the individual to make
useful interventions to understand new
situations, helps to better involve facts
and events and to formulate predictions.
(Morgagni-Pepa, 1993: 220)
The second subgroup of the concepts
belongs to the regulation strategies of
control that the adult puts into action
during learning. Learning is an active
process, because it plans, supervises and
verifies the results obtained from the
individual student learning.
A third subgroup and the last of
concepts, belongs to the general or specific
nature of knowledge and skills. Learning
theories applied to education have shown
that the knowledge and skills learned in
school are generalized in different contexts.
In fact, thanks to the contribution of
intercultural studies, this assertion is
strongly put into question: Ability and
Education and Formation in adult education
knowledge are not independent from the
context where they are acquired and used,
but they are associated with it. (MorgagniPepa, 1993: 222)
Learning is the result of formation,
it is important to distinguish two types of
learning: the simple one which happens
by the addition of new elements, in the
sense that the past culture of the individual
is improved, but not modified in its
elements; another type is the complex
one, which mainly occurs by modifying
the previous knowledge of the person, in
other words, complex learning highlights
the fact that the culture of the individual
is modified.
While the simple learning directs the
attention towards “a new element”, the
complex one directs the attention towards
new connections that the individual should
establish between the new things and things
already present in his experience. Complex
learning refers, above all, to the creation
of adults who are already experts in their
job and for whom learning signifies always
adding, but even, mainly modifying.
Learning new concepts and skills
related to the exercise of the employee’s role
itself, inevitably, results in a modification
in the notion that the subject has for his
role and image; taken together, they can
be synthesized on the principle of learning
as a form of change. This stems from the
fact that cognitive and psychological areas
of a person constitute a system; according
to the systems law, an action on one part
of the system determines the possible
actions and reactions not only in that part,
but also in all other subsystems which are
interdependent.
By analogy, in the individual’s cultural
system, a change in the knowledge and skills
subsystem, determines changes in all the
other subsystems such as perception of the
role and global conception of professionalism.
(Bruscaglioni, 1991: 43-44)
It is possible to hypothesize a general
115
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
model of adult learning in three phases:
from the beginning, the adult has a global
vision of what should be taught, even
because he is an expert in the work he
is engaged, or because he has elaborated
dreams on such a topic, psychologically
important ones, therefore co-defined from
emotional aspects. Formation needs to
work on this initial global image, which
will affect the ways of learning in further
details. In the second phase, the adult
learns different notions. During the last
phase, the global concept is reviewed for
the reinforcement of the complete and final
results and for a possible development of
what is learned.
From the observations made on
adults, it turns out how they really learn
something when the external and internal
motivations act simultaneously. External
motivations of learning are associated with
the result that the individual receives, for
example: a prize, feeling prepared, and the
opportunity to reach new goals.
Perhaps these are necessary to
motivate individuals to enter and to
participate in the didactic situation. While
internal motivations are those dealing with
pleasure the learning process itself such
as: the so-called interest in the subject,
the desire to exercise intellectual skills
and development. These are necessary to
determine the complex learning, namely,
to modify the preceding cognitive and
psychological field.
The formation task is not that of
motivating learning in subjects that
have no motivation, but that of using
pre-existing motivation, often, the real
challenge lies in knowing how to release
the possible motivations which are difficult
to show. (Bruscaglioni, 1991: 47-48-54)
Another aspect to be considered in the
general area that has to do with learning is
the one associated with the construction
of a group that, from a psychological
viewpoint, appears to facilitate this
process even in the education of adults.
To explain the phenomenon of specific aid
which the group context provides in the
learning results, a set of serious factors are
emphasized, among which, the fact that
participation in a group activity allows
and facilitates the ability of individuals to
better elaborate the personal doubts and
uncertainties, and through interpersonal
interactions, facilitates the emergence
of emotional aspects that have a strong
capacity to mobilize energy.
The second group of factors highlights
the fact that the change of individuals is
made difficult by the preceding cultural
“affiliation” of individuals or reference
groups, to whom learning new things and
change would mean betraying such groups
of belonging, and violating the previously
acquired norms.
Finally, the third group of factors
regards the active group of learning
as the headquarters of interpersonal
representation. Dynamics between
individuals and subgroups that are
manifested in the learning group are
also active in representing the dynamics
inside each individual. For this reason, it
is possible to assume that each individual
has within himself different trends and
opportunities of choice, differentiated
elements of behavior and inhomogeneous
cultural impulse. (Bruscaglioni, 1991:
123-125)
V. Conclusions
It is exactly with such things
that formation deals, which has the
responsibility to support the manifestation
of different attitudes among individuals;
it favors the establishment of an
effective communication system and this
means that it manages to facilitate the
confrontation and that a differentiated
but complete integration of the attitudes
and ideas of different people is built. In
116
conclusion, we can say that that a subject,
particularly balanced or, as we say today,
open and flexible, will be characterized
precisely by all of the following elements:
inhomogeneous parts can also be well
integrated among each other, but they
Education and Formation in adult education
will inevitably determine uncertainty,
indecision and any internal conflicts in the
experience of a person. However, all of this
would happen only if there are any stages
of change, breakthroughs, and difficult
new topics.
REFERENCES:
Alessandrini. G., “Verso la formazione continua”,
in “Adultità”, n. 1, 1995, pg. 64;
Bruscaglioni. M., “La gestione dei processi nella
formazione degli adulti”, Franco Angeli,
Milano 1991, pg. 43-44-47-48-54-123;
Demetrio. D., “L’età adulta. Teorie dell’identica
e pedagogia dello sviluppo”, La Nuova Italia,
Firenze 1990, pg. 14-22-23-37-134;
Josso. C., “Formarsi in quanto adulti: sfide, rischi,
poste in gioco, risorse e difficoltà”, in “Adultità”,
n. 1 1995, pg. 28;
Laporta. R., “L’autoeducazione delle comunità”, La
Nuova Italia, Firenze 1979, pg. 53;
Morgagni. E – Pepa. L., “L’età adulta: il sapere
come necessità”, Guerini, Milano 1993, pg.
111-123-220-222;
Saraceno. C., “Pluralità e mutamento. Riflessioni
sull’identità al femminile”, Franco Angeli,
Milano 1988, pg. 22.
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Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
SCHOOL DROPOUT BY ROMA
CHILDREN IN TIRANA
Anila SULAJ & Fatmir BEZATI - University of Tirana-Albania
E-mail: sulaj_anila@yahoo.com
ABSTRACT
Education of children of Roma community in Albania has numerous problems
related to primary school attendance (primary and secondary, 9-year education) leaving a
considerable number of children uneducated. The social phenomenon of school dropout
by children of Roma community in Tirana city is continuing to be evident. In our study
carried out in Roma community in Allias, Tirana was concluded that out of 423 children of
this community from 7 to 16 years old, 270 or 64% of them were quitting the school, 67
children or 16% were attending school 1 or 2 times per week. 86 children or 20% of them
were attending school regularly. From all interviews was very convenient from 270 children
182 or 42, 5% were engaged or employed in different kinds of jobs. Some of the children
were working together with their parents. According to our study education of children of
Roma community in Albania remains problematic. The other problem is employment of
children which needs engagement and taking of immediate measures by state social services
in local and central governments.
Keywords: dropout, school, children, Roma, Tirana
Introduction
The Roma community has settled
in Albania since above 600 years ago
(Kolsti, 1991). Researches of the origin
of this community explain that they
arrived in Albania mid 15th century.
The mobility of this group has been
interpreted in various ways, giving
arguments on the mobility from different
places in the course of history, like India,
Persia, Iraq, the Byzantine Empire
territories and those of the Ottoman
Empire (Harluck 1938; Fraser, 1992).
Based on data of 1993, there have been
about 20 000 Roma people in Albania
(Anonymous, 1997b). During the
period of the communist regime there
was an assimilation process of the Roma
community, which was accompanied
with loss and assimilation of the Roma
culture in the country (Fonseca, 1995a).
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 117-122
118
During this period, Roma children
together with other children were obliged
by law to attend primary school. Like
in other former communist countries,
the Roma community in Albania is
considered as one of the parts of the
population which lost considerably in
the economic and political changes of
1980-1990. Having been uneducated
and lacking qualifications, their position
in society changed drastically, leaving
them totally unemployed. As a result,
the new generation (the children) of this
community was unable to attend school
due to the fact that it was impossible for
their families to support education for
their children. There have been few cases
when Roma children attended school in
the primary education. (Kovacs, 1996).
Recently, there have been trends showing
improvement of the situation concerning
education of Roma children in Albania,
and there has been signifi cant growth
in school attendance in the primary and
secondary education level (9-year school)
Based on Albanian legislation on preuniversity education, children in Albania
are obliged to attend 9 years of school
(primary and secondary education).
However, school attendance by Roma
community based on a 1996 ERRC
report appears to be: 60% of Roma
children dropped out of school before
they completed the first grade, and the
majority of the Roma students were
could not pass grade one. Data from this
study show that 40% of the children of
Roma community complete only 4 grades
of the 9-year education (Anonymous,
1999). Based on explanations by the
parents of these children, the reasons why
their children drop out or do not attend
school is related with discrimination
of children on Roma community in
schools, especially in rural areas and
regions where Roma community leaves
far from schools. On the other hand,
School dropout by Roma children in Tirana
there is another phenomenon – that of
marriage of Roma girls at a very early
age (early adolescence). There is no
accurate data on the level of education of
Roma community in Albania. Based on
some information in an article in Gazeta
Shqiptare (17-11-1997), out of 2708
Roma people who live in Tirana, 80.2
% were illiterate, 6.5% have completed
primary education, 1.2% has completed
high school and only 1% has a university
degree (Anonymous, 1998); Cahn,
1998). There have been attempts by
Albanian government and NGOs to
improve the situation of education among
Roma community in Albania. In 1995,
“Baltaz” – a private school licensed by the
Ministry of Education and Science – was
built in Tirana for the education of Roma
children in their native language, teaching
their history and culture (Anonymous,
1995). Despite the various attempts, the
number of children attending school was
law (27 children). This school was closed
in 1997 because of fi nancial problems
(Kovacs, 1999; Courthiades, 2000).
There have been even later attempts from
private and public enterprises to promote
education of the Roma community in
the country. In 1997, schools were built
by NGOs for Roma children to attend,
for example “Xurdelin” and “Rromani
Baxt” kindergartens in Tirana. The social
phenomenon of poor school attendance
has been evident in these schools as well
(Courthiades, 2000). The program of
the Institution for an Open Society,
sponsored by Soros Foundation launched
and undertook a series of programs about
education of the Roma community in
Albania and other countries. Programs of
this foundation have been supported by
many countries of the communist bloc.
They include projects and programs in
local governance through pilot projects
for the education of Roma community. In
1998, The Foundation of Open Society
119
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
through a project for Development
of Education in Albania developed a
program by funding Roma students
together with Roma and non Roma
teachers to improve school performance
and promote high learning outcomes in
the education of Roma children in 9-year
schools. There have been continuous
attempts and initiatives, both private
and public for improvements in the
education of Roma children. In addition,
these attempts have been intensified with
projects and investments in building
schools and different associations which
focus on education of Roma children
(Anonymous, 1997a). School dropout
is a social phenomenon which remains a
hot problem in the community of Roma
children in Tirana. This is proved by
many studies in this field. Often, there
is no support for studies and projects
concerning this problem-sometimes,
when started, projects are not completed.
The excuse in both cases is that school
attendance by Roma children is a very
diffi cult problem to tackle. This study
aims at raising awareness among the
public, government institutions, NGOs,
in order to evaluate the phenomenon of
school dropout in the Roma community
in Allias (Tirana). This study covers the
years 2009-2010.
Materials and Methods
This study was carried out within
a one year period, the academic year
2009-2010, among the Roma community
Allias (Tirana). For this reason, a simple
questionnaire was compiled, in two parts.
It served to collect information on school
attendance. The questionnaire had a
general and a specific a part. The general
part included simple questions like:
name, last name, age, place of residence,
parents’ occupation, name of school and
grade attending. The specific part of the
questionnaire included questions that
focused on specifi c information about
school attendance. The beginning of
the this part included questions as such:
do you attend school or not, reason for
not attending, how many times do you
go to school, how long have you been
out of school for, are you happy with
school, do you work, what do you do, are
you accompanied by your parents. 423
children took part in this process; they
were interviews in the 9-year schools in
Allias and the area around. In addition,
two centers represented by NGOs were
included in this study. These centers
provide education for Roma children. In
the period of one year, 423 Roma children
grades one to nine were interviewed.
Results and discussion
The outcomes of the survey carried
out during the academic year 20092010 show that school attendance by
Roma children was very low. Out of 423
surveyed children, 270 did not attend
school at all, having dropped out of it.
This considerable part, about 64% of the
interviewed group shows clearly that the
Table 1. School attendance by Roma Children
Roma
children
studying
Did not
attend
school
Went to school
1 or 2
days a week
Attended
school
regularly
Exploitation of
children
through work
423
270/423 (64%)
67/423 (16%)
86/423 (20%)
182/270 (42,5%)
120
School dropout by Roma children in Tirana
Table 2. Happiness of Roma children at school
Evaluation
Very Happy
Happy
Somewhat Happy
Not that Happy
Not happy at all
Values in %
11/ 153 (7%)
17/153 (11%)
3/153 (2%)
50/153 (33%)
72/153 (47%)
social phenomenon of school dropout is in
high occurrence in the Roma community
living in Tirana. According to some remarks
by authors of social studies in their social
studies on education of Roma community
in Albania, there have been cases of dropout
and lack of attendance in schools by Roma
children. Some authors show that school
dropout and lack of attendance in 9-year
schools has been in high numbers among
the Roma community. Their figures show
that in various populations there has been
about 50% up to 80% of Roma children
(Anonymous, 2009, Anonymous, 2010).
Despite attempts by the local and central
government to increase attendance of
Roma children in schools, the situation in
the 9-year school system does not have any
apparent improvement. It is evident that
there is an increase of illiteracy in the Roma
community as a result of the fact that many
most of the children drop out of school
while still in grade one, thus not completed
at least one grade. Only 67 (16%) attended
school once or twice a week, figures which
show that even this group of children
were not happy with school and school
attendance was not periodic. There is some
improvement for 86 Roma children or 20%
of those attend public schools, social centers
for specific Roma children education and
kindergartens. More than half of Roma
children who attend regularly belonged to
the social centers for the Roma community
and the other part belonged to public
schools. Employment or exploitation of
children for work by their parents or their
families is an outcome of this situation
(Liegeois, 1995). It is a serious social
problem. There are about 270 or 42.5% of
the children who did not attend school and
were exploited for work by their parents.
A considerable number of children (6-14
years old) are found as beggars in the
streets of Tirana, often alone or surveyed
by their parents or their custodians. Results
of studies carried out by UNICEF-Albania
reported the school dropout incidence until
55% of all roma children community in
Tirana (Anonymous, 2010).
Happiness at school was another part
of the survey. Results from Table no. 2
show that only 7% of the Roma children
who attended school were very happy, 11%
of them were happy and the other part
expressed they were somewhat happy 2%,
not that happy 33% and not happy at all
47%. In other words, 82% of the children
interviewed were not happy with school
and did not like it. There were cases when
children expressed they had experienced
discrimination by the other community
of children. Among the discrimination,
forms mentioned were calling names,
insults, and refusal to stay together by the
part of the non Roma community. There
have been many projects and studies to
increase school attendance but their results
have not been promising. The social
projects carried out initially were based on
investing for construction of appropriate
schools for the Roma community, social
centers, kindergartens, education centers,
etc (Lakshman, 1996; Liegeois, 1999).
There have been cases when Roma children
received separate education from the other
community of children; this has produced
a negative impact in attending public
schools and has not promoted social skills
for this category of children in their cohabitance with various communities in
public 9-year schools. Social exclusion of
some groups of children, including Roma
children, is an evident concern which is
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
spreading and getting more and more
serious (Goltson, 2002). Roma children
can be labeled as endangered group just
because of their ethnicity, since this is a
factor. However, this does not determine
the risks for a considerable number of this
category, which are deprived of the right
for social services, because many of them
have not been registered at birth. Lack
of birth registration of Roma children
deprives them of the right for public social
service as well as nongovernmental care
(Janusz 1994; Anonymous, 1999). The
education situation in the 9-year school
system for the Roma community is not
good and presents hardship due to some
extent to the abovementioned deterring
factors. It requires serious commitment by
public social services agencies, the support
of NGOs, state institutions which tackle
problems in the education of children and
that of Roma families.
Conclusions
There have been many serious
problems with school dropout by the
children of the Roma community in our
121
country. Attendance of school at the level
of 9-year school system (primary and
secondary education) by Roma children
has been low, and the number of illiterate
children in this community is increasing.
The social phenomenon of school dropout
by children of the Roma community in
Tirana remains present. Our study, carried
out in the Roma children community
in Allias (Tirana) indicates that out of
423 children ages (7-16) 270 (64%)
did not attend school or had dropped
out of it. The results of this study show
that 67 (16%) attended school once or
twice a week and only 86 (20%) of them
attended school regularly. Exploitation
of children through work alongside with
school dropout and lack of attendance
remains a serious problem. 42.5% of
the Roma children, who do not attend
school, were engaged in work alone or
together with their parents. Education of
the Roma children appears to have serious
problems. In addition, exploitation of
these children through work is a sharp
social problem which requires measures
by state social services which operate at
the local and central level.
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Anonymous, Albanian Human Rights Group
(1997a), a document, Tirana.
Anonymous, ACCESS Association (1997b).
Balkan Neighbors Newsletter, Vol. 5, Sofia.
Anonymous,ACCESS Association (1998).
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Anonymous, Amaro Drom (1999). “Balkan
Roma Conference for Peace and Security”
in Yilli i Karvanit, Issue Nr. 27.
Anonymous, (2010). UNICEF-Albania.
Anonymous, (2009). UNDP-Albania.
Anonymous, Center for International
Development and Conflict Management
(1995). “Minorities at Risk Project” in
Evaluation of the Gypsy Population and
of their Movements in Central and Eastern
Europe and in Some OECD Countries
(University of Maryland).
Anonymous. European Roma Rights Center
(1997c). No Record of the Case: Roma in
Albania, Report, pp: 27-59.
Cahn, Claude (1998), researcher at the European
Roma Rights Center in Budapest, CEDIMESE interview, March 1998, Budapest.
Cahn, Claude (1999). Researcher at the European
Roma Rights Center in Budapest. CEDIMESE Interview in April 1999, Budapest.
Courthiades, Marcel (1990s), “A Social and
Historical Profile of the Roma in Albania,
Part III.” Conference Papers.
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Courthiades, Marcel (2000). CEDIMESE electronic interview with Marcel
Courthiades (a linguist, specialist on the
Roma dialectecs), March-April, 2000.
Fraser, Angus (1992). The Gypsies (Blackwell,
Oxford UK, Cambridge USA) pp: 41-45.
Friedman, Victor (1998). “The Romani Language
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and Sociolinguistic Perspectives”, Acta
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Fonseca, Isabel (1995b). Bury Me Standing,
(London:Chatto &Windus).
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Roma in Albania”. Journal of Minorities and
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Lakshman-Lepain (1996). “Religions Between
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Law on Associations Recognition De Jure
and De Facto” in Human Rights Without
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Rights pp: 67-79.
Liegeois, Jean-Pierre and Nicolae Gheorghe
(1995), Roma/Gypsies: A European
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translation in Bulgarian, (Sofia:Litavra
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Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
123
CONSTRUCTS OF QUALITY OF WORK LIFE: A
PERSPECTIVE OF MENTAL HEALTH PROFESSIONALS
Lediana XHAKOLLARI - University “Luigj Gurakuqi”, Shkoder-Albania
E-mail: lxhakollari@gmail.com; lxhakollari@unishk.edu.al
ABSTRACT
Most of the adults spend a large part of their time at work. Over time, the work becomes
like a second family. On the one hand work is an earning of one’s living for the family, on the
other hand it could be a self-realization providing enjoyment and satisfaction. This article reviews
literature on quality of work life (QWL) in terms of its meaning and constructs specifically
from the perspective of mental health professionals. This research study is focused specifically
on quality of work life in psychiatric hospital employees in Albania this because productivity
and efficiency of an organization depends greatly on the quality of work life of employees.
Mental and psychological health of psychiatric hospital employees is a critical factor for their
performance at work. Any carelessness can have undesirable consequences for patients. This
can happen from lack of authority in decision-making, fatigue, fear of attack patients, social
isolation, shift work schedules, etc. Data were collected through questionnaires, interviews and
observations. First study aims at covering a wide range of aspects and features of life at work,
make a comprehensive assessment of satisfaction of mental health professionals in psychiatric
hospitals with quality of life at work. Secondly this study will determine to what extent the
facts of life work chosen as research variables assessed by staff as important. Other goals related
to respondents’ demographic characteristics such as gender, age, experience, marital status,
education level, etc. Are explored interesting issues about the level of satisfaction and relationship
between demographic characteristics and satisfaction with the specific construct of QWL.
Keywords: Quality of Work Life, Mental Health Professional, Job Security, Adequate and Fair
Compensation.
Introduction
Mental Health Services in Albania
focus on four districts of the country
where they are located psychiatric hospitals
and psychiatric wards (Tirana, Elbasan,
Vlora, Shkodra). The QWL concept was
introduced into the work place in the late
1950s. It was initially introduced as a way
of focusing on the effects of employment
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 123-130
124
Constructs of Quality of Work Life: A Perspective of Mental Health Professionals
on worker health and general well being,
and a way to enhance the quality of a
person’s on-the-job experience. (Bowditch
& Anthony 2005). Up until the mid
1970s, the focus was on work design and
improving work. Quality of work life
is a concept of behavioral scientist, and
the term was first introduced by Davis
(Mathur, 1989; Hian and Einstein, 1990).
It was first introduced in 1972 during an
international labor relations conference
(Moen, 1999). However, beginning in
the 1980s QWL has come to include
other features that affect employees’
job satisfaction and productivity for
example, reward systems, physicalwork
environment,employee involvement,
rights and esteem needs (Cummings
and Worley, 2005). The concept of
quality-of-work-life (QWL) has been
used in a variety of ways, encompassing
an approach to industrial relations, a
method of work re-design involving
team decision-making and a movement
to enhance organizational effectiveness
(Nadler & Lawler 1985). Quality of
work life (QWL) is a process by which an
organization responds to employee needs
by developing mechanisms to allow them
to share fully in making the decisions
that design their lives at work (Robbins,
1989). QWL and job-related outcomes
such as job satisfaction and organizational
commitment have been important topics in
human resource (HR) and organizational
development (OD) since the beginning
of 1960s (Cummings & Worley, 2005;
Leopold, 2005). Previous studies indicated
that employees’ perception on work life
quality significantly influenced their job
satisfaction. As early as 1960’s researchers
have begun to study and connect the dots
between work and family. Numerous
works on work life thereafter proves that
what happened in the workplace have
significant impact on individuals and their
families. (Greenhaus & Beutell,1985;
Kossek & Ozeki, 1998; Lewis & Cooper,
1987). QWL includes life satisfaction,
job satisfaction, and work-specific facet
satisfaction such as satisfaction with pay,
co-workers, supervisor, among others
(Danna & Griffin, 1999). Heskett, Sasser
and Schlesinger (1997) define QWL as the
feelings that employees have towards their
jobs, colleagues and organizations that
ignite a chain leading to the organizations’
growth and profitability. A good feeling
towards their job means the employees
feel happy doing work which will lead
to a productive work environment. This
definition provides an insight that the
satisfying work environment is considered
to provide better QWL. QWL has been
well recognized as a multi-dimensional
construct and it may not be universal
or eternal. Beauregard (2007) said that
the key concepts captured and discussed
in the existing literature include job
security, better reward systems, higher
pay, opportunity for growth, participative
groups, and increased organizational
productivity. Quality of work life is a
dynamic multidimensional construct that
currently includes such concepts as job
security, reward systems, training and
career advancement opportunities, and
participitation in decision making. In
health care organizations, such as hospitals,
specifically clinical laboratories, quality of
work life has been described as referring
to the strength and weakness in total work
environment. QWL is a process by which
an organisation responds to employee
needs by developing mechanisms to allow
members to share fully in making decisions
that design their lives at work (Robbins
1998). Subsequently, organisations
cognisant of issues surrounding the concept
of QWL appear to be more effective at
retaining their employees and achieving
their goals. QWL consists of opportunities
for active involvement in group working
arrangements or problem solving that are of
125
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
mutual benefit to employees or employers,
based on labor-management cooperation.
People also conceive of QWL as a set
of methods, such as autonomous work
groups, job enrichment, high-involvement
aimed at boosting the satisfaction and
productivity of workers (Feuer 1989). It
is noteworthy that employees perception
of Quality of Work Life varies based on
demographic and organizational variables.
Understanding this perception would
help the leaders of the industries to work
on improving the Quality of Work Life.
Rice (1985) emphasized the relationship
between work satisfaction and Quality of
people’s lives. He contended that work
experiences and outcomes can affect
person’s general Quality of life, both
directly and indirectly through their
effects on family interactions, leisure
activities and levels of health and energy.
Efraty and Sirgy (1990) conceptualized
QWL in terms of “need satisfaction.” In
their later research, Sirgy et al. (2001)
defi ne QWL as “employee satisfaction
with a variety of needs through resources,
activities, and outcomes stemming from
participation in the workplace.” They
proposed that QWL be measured in terms
of employees’ needs. Specifically, seven
dimensions of needs were suggested:
(a) health and safety needs (protection
from ill health and injury at work and
outside of work, and enhancement of good
health); (b) economic and family needs
(pay, job security, and other family needs);
(c) social needs (collegiality atwork and
leisure time off work); (d) esteem needs
(recognition and appreciation of work
within and outside the organization); (e)
actualization needs (realization of one’s
potential within the organization and
as a professional); (f) knowledge needs
(learning to enhance job and professional
skills); and (h) aesthetic needs (creativity
at work as well as personal creativity and
general aesthetics). The key elements of
QWL in the literature include job security,
job satisfaction, better reward system,
employee benefits, employee involvement
and organizational performance (Havlovic,
1991; Scobel, 1975). Thera are eight main
conceptual categories which together make
up the quality of working life. These are: 1)
Fair and appropiate compesation; 2) Work
conditions; 3) Use and development of
capacities; 4) Chance of growth and security;
5) Social integration in the organization; 6)
Constitutionalism; 7) Work and the total
space of life; 8) Social relevance of the work
in the life. (Walton, 1975).
Research Methodology
Aim of this research:This study attempt
to investigate the current state of affairs in
terms of satisfaction with quality of work
life in an organization. It will be attempted
to identify the predictors of satisfaction with
quality of work life from range of facets of
work life. It is hoped to be able to point
out specific indicators that have a significant
effect and may constitute problem areas if
dissatisfaction is experienced. Secondly,
it will be determined to what extent the
facets of work life chosen as variables for
the research are regarded as important.
Additional objectives are concerned with
the demographic characteristics of the
respondents relevant to needs and quality
of work life in order to determine what
sub-groups exists according to their
commonality of needs and perceptions of
the quality of work life. Interesting patterns
will be explored with respect to levels of
satisfaction and relationships between
demographic characteristics and satisfaction
with specific facets of work life.
The question an hypotheses of current
study are:
Q1: What is the level of satisfaction
with quality of work life among mental
health staffs?
126
Constructs of Quality of Work Life: A Perspective of Mental Health Professionals
Q2: What is the level of satisfaction with
each of constructs of quality of work life?
H 1: There is a significant relationship
between personal factors (age, status,
education level, work position, work
experience) and overall satisfaction with
quality of work life.
H 2. Satisfaction with fair payment is
positively related to overall satisfaction with
quality of work life
H 3. A safe and health working
environment is positively related to overall
satisfaction with quality of work life
H 4. Developing human capacities is
positively related to overall satisfaction with
quality of work life
H 5. Chance of growth and security
is positively related to overall satisfaction
with quality of work life
H 6. Social relationship in organization
is positively related to overall satisfaction
with quality of work life
H 7. Regualtions and rule orientation
is positively related to overall satisfaction
with quality of work life
H 8. Balanced role of work is positively
related to overall satisfaction with quality
of work life
H 9. Social coherent in the work
organization is positively related to overall
satisfaction with quality of work life.
Sampling: The purpose of this study
are mental health professionals employed
in psychiatric hospitals in Albania. In this
study, the sampling method used is simple
casual (probalibitar sampling) where each
employee based on random selection from
the list of the population had an equal
chance and independent to be elected.
In conclusion in this study took part 36
employees from a psychiatric hospital in
Vlora, and Shkodra.
Instruments: The study used
quantitative research methods as well as
qualitative ones. The necessary information
is collected through semi-structured
questionnaires, natural observation and
depth interviews. The methodology
developed in this work was initially based
on bibliographical review of research of
the main factors and criteria in QWL
considerate in literature. Quality of work
life was assessed by using Walton`s scale.
The questionnaire was completed by a
total of 36 employees in Shkodra and
Vlora Psychiatric hospitals. A five-point
Likert-type scale ranging from “Strongly
dissatisfaid” (value of 1) to “Strongly
satisfied” (value of 5) was used to measure
QWL. The questionnaire involves 33 polar
affirmations regarding QWL. Among
different methods of estimating reliability
Cronbach`s Alpha is used. It shows that for
the 33 items of Walton`s scale, =0.89. So
the questionnaire is reliable enough. The
basic descreptive statistic had been used for
analysis of the data set.
Variables: Demographic characteristics
of employees, satisfaction with various
factors of work and the facts of life at
work and individual perceptions of the
importance of the latter are considered
as independent variables, and general
satisfaction with the quality of life at work
is considered dependent variable.
Findings and Discussion
The collected data were analysed using
the SPSS 16 package. The analysis reveals
that the respondents were aged 21-30 years
(16.7%), 31-40 years (30.5%), 41-50
years (36.1%) and over 51 years (16.7%).
Marital status was singles (12.1%), married
(75.8%) and divorced/separated (12.1%).
Their education was secondary education
(48.6% ) bachelor degree (25.7%), 4 years
higher education (14.3%),masters degree
(11.4%). Their positions were physicans
(6.2%), psychologists (12.5%), social
workers (9.4%), staff nurses (40.6%),
custodians (6.3%), sanitary (25%). In this
study majority (89%) of respondents are
female and remaning 10% are male.
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Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
Level of satisfaction with QWL
The research questions is: “What is the
level of satisfaction with quality of work
life among mental health staffs?”. Based
on the five-point scale used, the minimum
QWL rating was 2 and a maximum of 4.
The median QWL rating value was 3.11
With a standard deviation of SD=.590.
The mean QWL rating was 3.13 implying
that overall the level of QWL is good or at
a moderate level.
2.
3.
Level of satisfaction with conceptual
categories of QWL
The research questions is: “What is the
level of satisfaction with each of constructs
of quality of work life?”. For initial
analysis of the 33 questions considered in
this study had been gouped in 8 criteria
idealized by Walton (1973). For each
criterion the average of the questions of
the research referring to the criterion had
been calculated and is presented in Table 1.
This table indicate the mean ratings for the
conceptual categories of QWL.
1. It was discernible from the table
that the first most satisfied factor as
perceived by mental health employees
was “Social integration in the work
force” with a mean score of 3.64.
This indicates that the coordination
and cooperation in the organization
4.
5.
6.
is developed which justifies that the
employees are socially integrated.
The second most satisfied factor
perceived by mental health employees
was “Opportunities to use & develop
human capacity” with a mean score
of 3.26. This indicate that employee
participation is encouraged which
enhance employee-employee and
employee-employer relationships in
the organization.
The third most satisfied factor
perceived by mental health employees
was “Social relevance of work” with
a mean score of 3.21. This indicates
that being a public organization
psychiatric hospitals promotes social
responsibility within the employees as
well as among patients.
The fourth most satisfied factor
perceived by mental health employees
was “Eminence of Work Life” with a
mean score of 3.21.
The fifth most satisfied factor perceived
by mental health employees was “Fair
and appropriate compensation” with
a mean score of 3.07. This indicates
that the organization follows adequate
income and fair compensation schemes.
The sixth most satisfied factor perceived
by mental health employees was “Safe
& healthy working conditions” with a
Table 1. The mean rating for the conceptual categories of QWL
Conceptual categories of QWL
1. Fair and appropriate compensation
2. Work conditions
3. Use and development of capacities
4. Chance of growth and security
5. Social integration in the organization
6. Constitutionalism
7. Work and the total space of life
8. Social relevance of the work in the life
General Average (QWL)
Mean
SD
Level of stisfaction
3.07
3.02
3.26
2.67
3.64
2.99
3.21
3.21
3.13
.838
.735
.798
.892
.805
.908
.700
.917
.590
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
Low
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
128
Constructs of Quality of Work Life: A Perspective of Mental Health Professionals
7.
8.
mean score of 3.02. This indicates that
the working conditions are somewhat
conducive and transparent. The
employees working are satisfied with
the hygiene and tha maintenance of
the organization which automatically
proves that the employees are safe and
free from risk of illness\injury.
The seventh most satisfied factor
perceived by mental health employees
was “Constitutionalism in work
organization” with a mean score
of 2.99. This indicates that proper
hierarchy exists in the organization
where everyone is aware of his or her
responsibilities.
The eighth most satisfied factor
perceived by mental health employees
was “Chance of growth and security”
with a mean score of 2.67. This
indicates that there is not a provision
of enhancement programmes for
mental health employees. Moreover
special training programmes are not
organized for boosting employees
capabilities. Insecurity of job leads to
discouragement and anxiety.
Correlation of QWL
Based on the conceptual framework
of the present study, the QWL was
independent variables of some dependent
variables some called conceptual categories
and other demographic variables. The
findings reversed that the personal factors:
age, status, education level, work position,
work experience were not relate to the
QWL at 0.01 level. Thus, the research
hypothesis Nr 1 “There is a significant
relationship between personal factors (age,
status, education level, work position,
work experience) and overall satisfaction
with quality of work life” was rejected.
The descriptive statistics, correlations of
QWL and other predictor variables are
shown in Table 2. The findings indicate
that the QWL is positively realted to all
conceptual categories of QWL.
Correlation is significant at the 0.01
level and the results of Table 2 show that
all correlations are significant (r < 0.01).
The findings indicate that the QWL
is positively realted to all conceptual
categories of QWL. “Fair and appropriate
compensation”, “Use and development
of capacities”, “Work and the total space
of life”, relate to QWL at moderate
level, others like “Chance of growth and
security”, “Constitutionalism”, relates
to the QWL at high level, while “Work
conditions”, “Social integration in the
organization” and “Social relevance of
the work in the life” relate to QWL at
moderate to high level.
Table 2.
Correlation between QWL
dimensions
Pearson
Correlation
(r)
1. Fair and appropriate compensation
2. Work conditions
3. Use and development of capacities
4. Chance of growth and security
5. Social integration in the organization
6. Constitutionalism
7. Work and the total space of life
8. Social relevance of the work in the life
.537
.650
.554
.797
.701
.847
.522
.738
Sig
(2-tailed)
(p)
Level and its
of relation
.007
.001
.005
.000
.000
.000
.009
.000
Moderate
Moderate to high
Moderate
High
Moderate to high
High
Moderate
Moderate to high
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
Conclusion
The study found that there is a
moderate level of satisfaction among
employees regarding the Quality of Work
Life. All conceptual categories of QWL
determine the satisfaction with quality
of work life in the organization. All these
factors are positively correlated with quality
of work life. So by improving these factors
quality of work life in psychiatric hospitals
can be enhanced. QWL is the shared
responsibility not only of the management
and employees, but also by the society.
To improve quality of work life is first to
identify and then try to statisfy employee`s
important needs thorugh their experience
in their working environment. Depending
upon the situational requirements,
management may select the relevant needs
of the employee`s to improve them with
short term plan. The results of the present
study could be more effectively utilized for
the promoting QWL among mental health
professional. Mental health staffs who feel
129
supported by their administratons and
belive they had the appropriate tools and
information to do their jobs, have better
professional QWL.
Further research
Future researches should include other
salient variables and also examine more
complex interactions of quality of work
life with democraphic characteristics and
other variables among mental health staffs.
It is recommended to present a comparison
between QWL level in mental health
workforce and other professions. This study
was limited to the executives in two type of
hospitals, so it is not generalizable to other
hospitals. Replication in other setting and
comparative analysis are likely to enhance
this framework.
Acknowledgement
The author would like to thank the
mental health staffs at Vlora and Shkodra
Psychiatric Hospitals for their support in
data collection.
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131
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
HUMAN RIGHTS
AS COLLECTIVE GOODS
Jordan DACI - Wisdom University, Tirana-Albania
E-mail: jordan.daci@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
The most prevalent conception of human rights draws on a theory of natural rights: human
rights are the inalienable entitlements of individuals, based on their nature as human beings
(moral person); they protect those potentials, attributes, and holding that are essential to a life
worthy of human beings.1 Meanwhile, from the perspective of jurisprudence and legal history,
human rights may be defined also as the basic and the very first legal norms that were ever
produced by human beings. In other words, Human Rights are the very fundamental
norms of original social contract and the basic source of other legal norms. Thus, Human
Rights can be considered also as collective goods, since they make the most essential part
of society’s interests and their respect and protection is a precondition for the security and
peace of the human society.
Keywords: Human Rights, Common interest, Human Society, State legitimacy, Human
Rights as Legal Norms, Democracy, Law, Jurisprudence.
1. State, Law and Human Rights
State and Law are the two main
perquisites for the existence, for the
respect, protection and for the promotion
of Human Rights. The latter are the very
reason for the creation of State and Law
as its primary product designed to control
human beings and to protect them from
themselves. As such from a contemporary
1
2
point of view, state is perceived as the
political system of a body of people who
are politically organized; the system of
rules by which jurisdiction and authority
are exercised over a body of people,2 or as
“an institution, that is to say, it is a system of
relations which men establish among themselves
as a means of securing certain objects, of which
their activities can be carried on. From another
point of view the state can be defined also as
P.I.O.O.M., Alex P.Schmid.“Research on Gross Human Rights Violation”. P.I.O.O.M. P.Leiden 1989, pp 6.
Black’s Law Dictionary. Eight edition. Thomson West. USA 2007, pp. 1443.
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 131-137
132
an association of human beings established
for the attainment of certain ends by certain
means. It is the most important of all the
various kinds of society in which men unite,
being indeed the necessary basis and condition
of peace, order, and civilization.”3 As such,
the fundamental reason for the creation of
state is to safeguard human rights which
are inseparable, undividable and inalienable
from human beings. They are vital, necessary
and indispensable to a modern society, which
without them would be unable to function
and cannot be developed.4 Nevertheless, the
protection of human rights as the basic of
the human society unity and the essential
part of the society common interest cannot
be achieved without the help of law. The
law itself is described by Montesquieu
as the relations subsisting between it and
different beings, and the relations of these to one
another.5 At any case, we should make a clear
distinction between the law as a divine rule
and absolute true of nature or the law of nature
and the law as a positive act deriving from the
state. While natural law represented the law
“imposing” to human beings the principle of
ideal or unlimited or perfect freedom, the positive
law is imposes to human being rules which aim
to control and limited the perfect freedom, very
often understood also as the natural impulse
or desire which Hobbes attributes to mankind
of subduing one another is far from being well
founded.6 Thus, man living in under the rule
Human Rights as collective goods
of the law of nature, was permanently living
in a state of war were the perfect freedoms of
man was also its greatest enemy. Under these
circumstances, men decided to go out from
the state of war and enter into human society
under the rule of positive law enacted by state
as its own creation. This process is described
in Hobbes inquires, “For what reason go men
armed, and have locks and keys to fasten their
doors, if they be not naturally in a state of war?”
But is it not obvious that he attributes to
mankind before the establishment of society
what can happen but in consequence of this
establishment, which furnishes them with
motives for hostile attacks and self-defense?
For Montesquieu, as soon as man enters into a
state of society he loses the sense of his weakness;
equality ceases, and then commences the state
of war.7 Therefore, for Montesquieu the law
in general is human reason, inasmuch as it
governs all the inhabitants of the earth: the
political and civil laws of each nation ought to
be only the particular cases in which human
reason is applied.8 Thus, we may define law
as product of human reason, or as Thomas
Jefferson used to simply describe it as
“written reason”.9
Nevertheless, it should be emphasized
that law is not a phenomenon with a
nature wholly independent of our beliefs
about it, but one that is constituted by
our understandings and expectations.10
Although, the concept of law is a paradigm
3
John Salmons. Jurisprudence 129 (Glanville L. Williams ed., 10th ed. 1947). As cited in Black’s Law
Dictionary. Eight edition. Thomson West. USA 2007, pp. 1443.
4
Jordan Daci. “Te Drejtat e Njeriut”. Botimi III. Julvin 2, Tirana 2011, pp 35.
5
Charles de Montesquieu. “The Spirit of Laws”. Translated by Thomas Nugent, revised by J. V. Prichard,
based on an public domain edition published in 1914 by G. Bell & Sons, Ltd., London. Rendered into
HTML and text by Jon Roland of the Constitution Society, pp.19.
6
Ibib.
7
Ibid.
8
Ibid, pp.22.
9
Thomas Jefferson. The Writings. Ed.Paul Leicester Fors (New York:1898),9:480; 18:1 (“The Batture
at New Orleans”), 15:207. Cited in Donald R. Kelly, The Human Measure: Social Thought in the Westerns
Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, Pres 190), p.186. As cited in Russell Hittinger.
“Natural law in the positive laws: A Legislative or Adjudicative Issues?”. The Review of Politics. Available at
EBSCO Database, 2001, pp.7.
10
N.E. Simmonds. “Law as moral idea”. University of Toronto Law Journal 2005, pp.68.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
concept of a non-natural kind that is
intrinsically related to natural kinds,11 the
humankind perception of law and how it
should reflects peoples’ understandings and
expectation remains an ongoing discussion
among scholars. In one hand, the law
would be also as a set of norms enacted
by the legislative power with the scope to
regulate the social relationships between
individuals in one hand and between
individuals and state in another hand,
the enforcement of which is guaranteed
by the sanction imposed to people via
the force mechanism of state. Certainly,
the law as product of society made by
people through the state and for the
people must reflect people’ understandings
and expectations that are nothing more
or less than the prevailing moral values
of a particular society. Therefore, there
cannot be any division between the law
and moral, because such laws would be
considered as vain. Even Latin people
used the expression “Leges sine moribus
vanae” (laws without moral are vain).
On the other hand, the law should be
understood first as “lex” or the act of the
sovereign body that represents the People
with its primary scope to regulate the
relationships between individuals in one
hand and between individuals and state on
the other hand. Secondly, the law should
be understood as “Jus” or the whole body
of norms including norms deriving from
subordinate laws 12 that constitute the
system of domestic law in a given country.
To conclude, the notion of Human
Rights is closely and strictly related
with the notion of state and law since
Human Rights are the very reason why
133
people created the state. As such Human
Rights represent the basic moral values
and human society’s interests. The Law
which would not properly take into
account human rights would not be
considered a proper law, since will lack
the basis requirements such as morality
and legitimacy. In addition, also a state
which would not properly respect, protect
and promote human rights would not be
a legitimate state, but rather a group of
people constituting a model of state being
far away from a democracy.
2. The Social Nature of Law and its
relationship to the State
The notion of Human Rights as
collective goods cannot be explained with
explaining the social nature of law and
its relationship to the state. The notion
of law is essentially related with the
notion of society, state and in last century
also with the international community.
That’s why, Curtis F.J. Doebbler, defines
human rights as “the main requests that
individuals make to their own government,
whose legitimacy is often based on its ability to
provide a proper answer to these requests.”13
From a different perspective, the law
itself is a product of People’s interaction
in society, made by the People and for the
People. As previously explained, human
being created the law as part of the social
contract they reached to enter into human
society, in which human beings are tied to
“membership”14 of each of them into the
state and so they are interdependent. As
Kant explained, the human beings in order
to be related in a mutual relation with each
11
Robert Alexy. “On the Concept and the Nature of Law”. Ratio Juris. Blackwell Publishing Ltd.Vol.
21, No. 3., USA 2008, p.284.
12
A subordinate law is an act issued by a non sovereign body, based and with the scope to enforce a law.
13
Curtis F.J. Doebbler. “International Human Rights Law: cases and Materials”. CDP, Special printing.
United States of America 2003, pp 6.
14
Tony Honore. “Making Law Bind”. Oxford University. USA, 987, pp. 129.
134
other must get out from the State of Nature
where everyone have respect only for his or her
interests and their own fantasy.15 As such,
the social nature of law cannot be question
as soon as the law itself is as a product of
the society. In addition, while the social
contract represents the very first positive
law, the human society represents the very
first type of state. The later is nothing
more than a “Mortal GOD” who accepts
or proclaims something as just, that
thing proclaimed as law.16 For Hobbes,
human beings “did as God”17 through
the art and as result of this process they
created the State as an artificial human
beings. Consequently, the main property
of law is the principle “Iustum quria
iussum” (everyone can do everything that
don’t do harm to others). This principle
explains the difference between the human
society and the state of nature or the state
of war, A state also of equality, wherein all
the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no
one having more than another, there being
nothing more evident than that creatures
of the same species and rank, promiscuously
born to all the same advantages of Nature,
and the use of the same faculties, should
also be equal one amongst another, without
subordination or subjection, unless the
lord and master of them all should, by any
manifest declaration of his will, set one above
another, and confer on him, by an evident
Human Rights as collective goods
and clear appointment, an undoubted right
to dominion and sovereignty.18
At the end, the scope of people to
enter in human society was to better secure
their natural rights and freedoms what
was under permanent threat of the other
unlimited natural rights and freedoms.
Plato also in his book “the Republic”, inter
alia explains that human beings entered
into society and constituted the state to
secure the exchange between each-other.19
Hence, the law as social product embodied
in itself prevailing moral and customary
rules of society. From this perspective,
law is related with peoples’ manners and
costumes as forms of pure and regular
manners. The law would be very simple
and natural only when it expresses the
prevailing forms of pure and regular
manners of the People from which law is
produced.20 This important and symbiotic
relation between laws, society and state is
further explained by Solon being asked if
the laws he had given to the Athenians were
the best, he replied, “I have given them the
best they were able to bear.”21 This mean that
laws should derived from the soul of the
people, only in this way, the law would be
very simple to be understood and easily
enforcement, because such laws express the
very meaning of people on their mutual
relationships including their relationships
with the state. This symbiotic relationship
15
Il Rapporto Cittadino-Stato nel Leviathan di Hobbes, Di Michelle Averchi. www.dialettico.it.html.
Accessed on 26.11.2002.
16
Ibid.
17
Ibid.
18
John Locke. “Two treaties of government”. From the Works of John Locke. A New Edition, Corrected.
In Ten Volumes. Vol. V. Printed for Thomas Tegg; W. Sharpe and Son; G. Offor; G. and J. Robinson; J.
Evans and Co.: Also R. Griffin and Co. Glasgow; and J. Gumming, Dublin. 1823, pp 106.
19
Plato. The Republic, pp 36.
20
Ibid. As cited in Charles de Montesquieu. “The Spirit of Laws”. Translated by Thomas Nugent,
revised by J. V. Prichard, based on an public domain edition published in 1914 by G. Bell & Sons, Ltd.,
London. Rendered into HTML and text by Jon Roland of the Constitution Society, pp.163.
21
Pliny, Natural History, xxxiii, art. 13. As cited in Charles de Montesquieu. “The Spirit of Laws”.
Translated by Thomas Nugent, revised by J. V. Prichard, based on an public domain edition published in
1914 by G. Bell & Sons, Ltd., London. Rendered into HTML and text by Jon Roland of the Constitution
Society, pp.162.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
is further explained by Plato,22 “When a
people are not religious we should never have
recourse to an oath, except he who swears is
entirely disinterested, as in the case of a judge
and a witness.”23
The relation between the law and the
state is essential, since the state represents
the human society and is the sole creation
of people authorized by them to act for
them and on their behalf as tool to better
secure peoples’ rights and freedom. Thus,
when the state proclaims a law, it acts as a
mouth of people, speaking for them and
on their behalf. From this perspective, the
law is a law as long as is proclaimed by a
state, as the only authority empowered by
people to enact legislation.
3. Human Rights as Collective Goods
The notion of human rights as
collective goods is strictly related with the
notions of the social and legal relationships.
Social relationships are the result of
interactions between the subjects of laws
regulated by legal norms. The reason why
a social relationship shall be regulated by
one or several legal norms is the necessity
of society to be able to secure and maintain
the peace between its members by defining
rules of behavior through legal norms
before a dispute over a relationship between
two or more members of the society takes
place. The reason why the resolution of the
dispute will be based on rules of behavior
accepted by all members before the dispute
takes place is the related with the obligation
of all members of the society to accept the
legitimacy of the applicable legal norm
135
and to obey to what it orders, forbids or
allows to be done. From this perspective
the legal norm or the law itself in wider
sense, does nothing more than defines and
protects the common interest of society.
The importance of interest defined and
protected by the legal norm defines also the
importance of the legal norm itself, which
in consequence defines also the place of this
norm within the hierarchy of legal norms
of a given country. In fact, this is the whole
idea of the legal system that Kelsen has
argued in his Pure Theory of Law. Kelsen
had emphasized “that a norm belongs to a
certain system follows simply from the fact that
the validity of the norm can be traced back to
the basic norm constituting the system.”24 On
the other hand, according to him the basic
norm is the constitution itself. Therefore,
it is obvious that the main criteria used by
Kelsen to define the content of the basic
norm as well as to construct the idea of
the legal system is the theory of interest
according to which legal norms shall be
ranked according to the importance of
interests they define and protect. In fact,
this is also the sole parameter that we can
use even today in explaining the principle
of legality that will not make any sense if
legal system wouldn’t be understood as a
well defined hierarchical structure.
Beside defining the constitution as
the basic norm, we can also defined the
constitution as the social contract reached
between the governors and the governed,
or the social contract through which people
created the state. Hence, a contemporary
constitution would be an updated version
of the original social contract. The latter is
22
See Father Joubert, Science of Medals, p. 59, Paris, 1739. As sited in Charles de Montesquieu. “The
Spirit of Laws”. Translated by Thomas Nugent, revised by J. V. Prichard, based on an public domain edition
published in 1914 by G. Bell & Sons, Ltd., London. Rendered into HTML and text by Jon Roland of
the Constitution Society, pp.163.
23
Ibid, pp.162, 163.
24
Hans Kelsen. «Hans Kelsen’s Pure Theory of Law (1st Ed.)». 2004. (§27). As cited in Hanno Kaiser.
“Notes on Hans Kelsen’s Pure Theory of Law (1st Ed.). 2004”. (§27). Professor’s Hanno Kaiser webpage. I
disponueshëm në: www.hfkdocs.com/files/Kelsen_Pure_Theory.pdf.
136
the very first legal norm or set body of legal
norms that were ever produced by human
beings. Meanwhile, as many philosophers
such as Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu,
Rousseau etc, have pointed out the main
reason for the creation of the state was to
protect the basic interest of people, or what
we call today as Human Rights. Thus, from
the perspective of jurisprudence and legal
history, human rights could be defined
also as the basic and the very first legal
norms that constituted the social contract.
In other words Human Rights are the
very fundamental norms of original social
contract and the basic source of other legal
norms, the content and validity of which
is defined by Human Rights in the same
way as the validity of legal norms is defined
by the basic norm (the constitution). In
addition, as a consequence of the universal
value of human rights they are also universal
judgment standards used to determine the
validity of state legitimacy and of the state
law. As such, fundamental human rights
in one hand can be considered also as legal
principle or basic legal norms inter alia,
because they impose to individuals and
government general standardized behavior
manners in an identical way as the legal
principle impose general standardized
meanings and understandings to other
legal norms. On the other hand, Human
Rights as basic norms can be considered
also as collective goods, since they make
Human Rights as collective goods
the most essential part of the society
interests and their respect and protection
is a precondition for the security and peace
of the human society.
4. Conclusions
The original and the contemporary
notions of state and law are closely and
strictly related with the notion of Human
Rights, which make the most essential part
of the society interests and their respect
and protection is a precondition for the
security and peace of the human society.
From this perspective, Human Rights are
also the essential part of social contract and
represent the basic legal norms that define
the content and the validity of other legal
norms in a given legal system. As such,
Human Rights can be considered also as
collective goods of human society which
cannot exists in an environment that does
not respect, protect or promote Human
Rights. The natures of Human Rights as
collective goods make sense just if we accept
the idea that Human Rights are the essential
interest of the society and they protect those
potentials, attributes, and holding that are
essential to a life worthy of human beings.25
Therefore, no one can disagree with the idea
that considers Human Rights as collective
goods as long as they make the essential
part of the social contract which has secured
peace a development for human society.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Black’s Law Dictionary. Eight edition. Thomson
West. USA 2007.
Charles de Montesquieu. “The Spirit of Laws”.
Translated by Thomas Nugent, revised by J. V.
Prichard, based on an public domain edition
published in 1914 by G. Bell & Sons, Ltd.,
London. Rendered into HTML and text
25
by Jon Roland of the Constitution Society.
Curtis F.J. Doebbler. “International Human Rights
Law: cases and Materials”. CDP, Special
printing. United States of America 2003..
Hans Kelsen. «Hans Kelsen’s Pure Theory of Law
(1st Ed.)». 2004. (§27). As cited in Hanno
Kaiser. “Notes on Hans Kelsen’s Pure Theory
P.I.O.O.M., Alex P.Schmid.“Research on Gross Human Rights Violation”. P.I.O.O.M. P.Leiden 1989, pp 6.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
of Law (1st Ed.). 2004”. (§27). Professor’s
Hanno Kaiser webpage. I disponueshëm
në: www.hfkdocs.com/files/Kelsen_Pure_
Theory.pdf.
IL Rapporto Cittadino-Stato nel Leviathan
di Hobbes, Di Michelle Averchi. www.
dialettico.it.html, accessed on 26.11.2002.
John Locke. “Two treaties of government”. From
the Works of John Locke. A New Edition,
Corrected. In Ten Volumes. Vol. V. Printed
for Thomas Tegg; W. Sharpe and Son; G.
Offor; G. and J. Robinson; J. Evans and
Co.: Also R. Griffin and Co. Glasgow; and
J. Gumming, Dublin. 1823.
John Salmons. Jurisprudence 129 (Glanville
L. Williams ed., 10th ed. 1947). As cited
in Black’s Law Dictionary. Eight edition.
Thomson West. USA 2007.
Jordan Daci. “Te Drejtat e Njeriut”. Botimi III.
Julvin 2, Tirana 2011.
N.E. Simmonds. “Law as moral idea”. University
of Toronto Law Journal 2005.
P.I.O.O.M., Alex P. Schmid. “Research on Gross
Human Rights Violation”. P.I.O.O.M. P.
Leiden 1989.
Plato. The Republic.
Pliny, Natural History, xxxiii, art. 13. As cited
in Charles de Montesquieu. “The Spirit of
Laws”. Translated by Thomas Nugent, revised
137
by J. V. Prichard, based on an public domain
edition published in 1914 by G. Bell &
Sons, Ltd., London. Rendered into HTML
and text by Jon Roland of the Constitution
Society.
Robert Alexy. “On the Concept and the Nature
of Law”. Ratio Juris. Blackwell Publishing
Ltd.Vol. 21, No. 3., USA 2008.
Father Joubert, Science of Medals, p. 59, Paris,
1739. Ac sited in Charles de Montesquieu.
“The Spirit of Laws”. Translated by Thomas
Nugent, revised by J. V. Prichard, based on
an public domain edition published in 1914
by G. Bell & Sons, Ltd., London. Rendered
into HTML and text by Jon Roland of the
Constitution Society.
Thomas Jefferson. The Writings. Ed.Paul
Leicester Fors (New York: 1898),9:480;
18:1 (“The Batture at New Orleans”),
15:207. Cited in Donald R. Kelly, The
Human Measure: Social Thought in the
Westerns Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, Pres 190), p.186.
As cited in Russell Hittinger. “Natural law in
the positive laws: A Legislative or Adjudicative
Issues?”. The Review of Politics. Available at
EBSCO Database, 2001.
Tony Honore. “Making Law Bind”. USA-Oxford
University, 1987.
INTERRELIGIOUS COMMUNICATION,
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION AND SECURITY ISSUES
Xhavit SHALA - Albanian Center for National Security Studies
E-mail: xhavit_shala@yahoo.co.uk;
ABSTRACT
The object of study and research of this paper is interreligious communication,
religious education and the impact they have on the security issues. The purpose of this
paper is the presentation and the handling of communication and dialogue between
religions and the trends that threaten it; communication crisis between religious beliefs
and its consequences for security, communication features and interreligious dialogue
among Albanians as a contribution to European democratic values, factors that contribute
to the creation of these values and those that threaten it, and the relation of religious
education with security matters.
Study and research of interreligious communication and religious education is of
interest, because religious affairs are regarded as very important for our national security,
across the history of the Albanian state. That is because of the conditions of our country;
a geographic location that has relatively a small population of four traditional religious
beliefs, now also open to non-traditional religious missionaries.
The study and research of interreligious communication and religious education is
of interest in regional level and beyond. The lack of communication and interreligious
dialogue has often resulted in ethnic and religious hatred, in crimes against humanity,
terrorist acts and genocide, becoming thus a serious threat to regional and even global
security. The study argues and concludes that communication, dialogue and religious
tolerance represent national treasures of our culture, which have been created and survived
for centuries, should be securitized and therefore be treated as assets at risk.
The study also concludes that religious education does not violates the secularism of
the state and of the education system, but is an investment in protecting interreligious
dialogue and communication, and the religious tolerance for our national security itself.
At the end, the paper also puts forth a number of conclusions and some recommendations
Keywords: interreligious communication, religious education, national security, religious
tolerance, passive neutrality.
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 139-146
140
Interreligious communication, religious education & security issues
1. Communication between religious
beliefs; The main trends.
The rivalry and the rejection of
dialogue between religious beliefs and
their relationship with the state, society
and individuals have had a major impact
on the development and progress of
human society. Precisely when, instead of
collision, communication and dialogue
dominated between religions, and religion
was separated from the state after the onset
of the era of secularism, when pluralism
and religious tolerance become part of
society; then the society went in the path
of development and progress.
The opinion that people of a certain
religion have about another religion
helps us identify the existence of three
worldviews: “religious exclusivism”
expressed in the lack of communication
trends and the exclusion of other religious
beliefs; “religious inclusivism” the trend
of including other religious beliefs
and “religious pluralism” the trend of
accepting the legitimacy of other religious
beliefs. People that subscribe to the view
of religious exculisivism see their faith
as the only true one. According to them
all other religions are false and are an
expression of a satanic act.
Oftentimes, intolerance and violence
are accompanying features of the behavior
of these groups. The representatives of
exculisivist group find their inspiration in
a twisted interpretation of passages from
scripture like the Bible1 and the Qur’an.2
Such a spirit of exculisivism exists even
within the same religion, allegedly claiming
authenticity for one current compared to
another variant of the same religion.3
On the other side, the groups that
embrace the philosophy of Religious
Inclusivizm also regard their religion
as the only true one but unlike the
exclusivists they do not regard all other
religions as false but they see them as
incomplete and partly developed.
Europe was able to escape religious
fanaticism and enter the path of development
only when the viewpoint of accepting the
legitimacy of other religions and religious
pluralism became a dominant pattern of
thought. According to the representatives
of this group, all religions are legitimate,
valid and true when seen from within their
particular culture. According to them, all
religious traditions are deserving of respect.
The term religious diversity can also be used
to denote religious pluralism. Religious
exclusivism and religious pluralism are two
worldviews that are completely opposed in
the way they see other religions.
2. Crisis of communication between
religious beliefs and Security.
Often, if allowed free rein, followers
of such exclusivist movements can incite
religious hatred and violence against
members of other religions undermining
the security of a state.
Religious exculisivism is often the
main cause behind civil wars, crimes against
1
The Bible, in addition to passages on love and peace contains passages that are taken to imply the
application of represive measures against those who do not embrace the faith. For example, Mateu, 12:30
states, “He who is not with me is against me, and he who does not gather with me, scatters.
2
The Koran divides the people into groups: into Muslims and Non-Muslims. The Muslims form the
Islamic community and the territory where they live is “Dar al –Islam” (abode of Islam) an area under
the operation of Islamic law.The Non-Muslims are inhabitants of “Dar –al – Harb” (place of war). They
must obey Islamic law and in order for them to preserve their religious faith and protect their properties,
they must pay taxes.
3
Although itself an Islamic State, Iran created reservists unit and followed from very close the actions
of the Taleban, because it feared the religious exclusivism of the Sunni Pashtun Taleban.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
humanity and genocide. In such cases these
teachings represent a serious threat for
the security not only of the states affected
by it but for regional and global security
also.4 This has happened in the MiddleAges as demonstrated by the crusades and
continues to our days, with the most recent
examples being Bosnia and Afghanistan,
the 9/11 terrorist act in the United States
and most recently the terrorist act of Anders
Behring Brejvik5 in Norway.
This concept of religious exculisivism
becomes even more dangerous when it
is transformed into state policy. Such
theocratic states were common in the
Middle Ages but they have surfaced
again in more recent times in the Middle
East. The transformation of religious
exclusivism into state policy is followed by
other developments in domestic politics.
Such states, because of their policy of not
accepting as legitimate any other faith,
practice systematic violations of human
rights and freedoms. They often become
a place of shelter that attracts like-minded
militants from other countries.
In the foreign policy area, these states
become a concern for the region. They
encourage and export terrorism threatening
regional security. Afghanistan is a sufficient
illustration of such a case. The coming to
power of the Taliban in Afghanistan presents
a typical case of religious exclusivism where
such a doctrine become state policy which
recognized on the Sunni but also within
141
Islam where recognitions applied only to
the Sunni branch.
The religious exclusivism of Taliban
had repercussions on the internal security
of Afghanistan. Upon coming into power
in 1996, the Taliban established the rule
of shariah and curtailed human rights
and the rights of women in particular.
In Afghanistan, Bin Laden used the
opportunity and in March 1998 unified
under his command the terrorist groups
operating at the time by establishing the
Shrines Liberation Front , which later
became known as Al Qaeda. The Taliban
rule became an issue of great concern for
Central Asian Republics.7 These countries
feared that religious extremism would
spread into their territory from Afghanistan
and would destabilize their fragile systems
of government.
The Taliban religious exclusivism
became a matter of concern for global
security also. The 9/11 terrorist attack
against the United States was prepared and
originated from Afghanistan.8
3. Communication and interreligious
dialogue: The Albanian cultural
treasures; The European democratic
values
Communication and interfaith
dialogue that exists in Albanai is a value
that the West welcomes into the European
family where we are striving to enter.
4
For more see: Xhavit Shala- Albanians at the Crossroads», page 42-56, Tirana, May 2004. A publication
of the Albanian Center for National Security Studies.
5
In his manuscript of 1518 pages titled “A Decleration of European Independence 2083”, Anders
Brejvik speaks openly of his hatred for muslims. He puts forth arguments for thier extermination and
elimination of islmic states.
6
Excerpt from the affidavit of the accused Ahmet Ibrahim Al Nagar given before the Egyptian justice.
He was arrested in 25.6.1998, in the Institution “El Hagri” and extradited to Egypt. – Albania, cited
source, date 2 December 2001, pg 5.
7
Alexander del Valle – Genesis and the actuality of pro-Islamic strategy of USA.
8
Most of the figures that were later to become heads of terrorist networks came out of the “Afghan
schools”. Figures such as Osama bin Laden, Ajman Zavahiri, the one responsible for organizing the 9/11
attacks in New York, Al Zarkavi in Iraq and others, at one time or another spent time in Afghanistan.
142
Interreligious communication, religious education & security issues
This value is one of the most precious
treasures of our culture and national
heritage, created in centuries by our
nation, through the celebration of and
development of a religious tolerance that
is communicated through generations,
worthy of an ancient and civilized European
nation. These are also the European
democratic values.
Following is a list of the factors that
have made possible this interreligious
dialogue and harmony of the Albanians:
a. the Albanian national identity was
build upon the foundation of our language,
tradition and culture and not on our
religious affiliations.9; b. the presence of
an Albanian Islam, with a folk nature and
softened by the presence of the Bektashi
faith10; c. certain aversion for intolerant
forms of Islam, such as wahabism 11 ;
d. the forced religious estrangement of
the Albanian youth brought about by
communism; e. the fact that economic and
social conflicts have never become religious
ones and the tradition of the Albanian
political forces, which, historically, have
not sought out constituencies based on
religious differentiations.12 These are some
of the factors that have cemented the
communication, our religious harmony
and tolerance and that have maintained
traditional religious beliefs of Albanians
from fanaticism, extremism or religious
fundamentalism.
But the cultural treasures of a nation
9
remain always vulnerable, if we do not
take care of them, if we do not identify the
factors that threaten and invest to neutralize
the impact of these factors. That’s why the
communication and the religious tolerance,
being the national treasures of our culture
that have been created through centuries,
should be securitized 13 and should be
treated as assets at risk.14
4. Communication and interreligious
dialogue, passive neutrality and active
secularism.
Immediately after the declaration of
independence, the Albanian state, while
initially very weak, considered interreligious
ccommunication, dialogue and religious
harmony, and religious matters in general
as very important to its security.
In 1923, Visarion Xhuvani, who was
later to become the Archbishop of the
Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Church
says: “We all know that religious issues
have always been a bit complicated here.
We all know how much they cost the state.
God forbid that they can be used as tools
[against the state] in the future.”15 Given
these circumstances, the Albanian patriots
asked, as expressed in the words of Mehdi
Frashëri, that “the Government needs to be a
bit more inside [the affairs] of religions …”16
The Albanian patriots from that time
on continued to work to establish the
principle that the religious communities
Veton Surroi - Religions and Civilizations. Newspaper “Korrieri” 14 november 2003.
Mehdi Frasheri- The ancient History of Albania and Albanians - Pg 44 -45.
11
Prof. Dr. Arbër Xhaferri «Religion, Politics and the Albanians», published in the «Religions and
civilizations in the new millennium- the Albanian case» page 68.
12
Artan Fuga, “The attitude of the Albanians of today towards religion.” 20 prill 2004 / TN / QSHDNJ.
13
The classification of certain issues into the category of security problems has been defined as
“securitization of the issues” which implies the introduction of additional measures to confront the threat.
For additional information see the Copehagen School, Buzan, Waever, de Wilde, 1998: 23.
14
See Xhavit Shala: “National Secuirty and Albanian Religious Issues”. Remarks delivered at a Conference
on Preserving National and Religious Values, held in Skopje, September 3, 2010.
15
Albanian State Archives, F. 246, D- 68, Fl. 471, 1923.
16
Albanian State Archieves F. 246, D- 68, Fl. 637, viti 1923.
10
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
in spite of their size in numbers were to
be treated and represented in an equal
manner. It was this principle that has served
as the pillar of inter-religious dialogue and
tolerance in our country ever since.
The sanctioning of principles, such as
the laicité of the state, the freedom of faith
and the right to change it, the equal treatment
of religious communities, defining in detail
the manner of appointment of religious
primates, and the detailed regulations of
their financial resources have been provisions
that have encouraged interreligious dialogue
and communication. They would have a
positive impact on the consolidation of
religious tolerance among Albanians and the
security of the new Albanian state.
Given this specific feature of religious
beliefs of the Albanians, the problems
that the religious community may have
within, can not be just their own but of all
the Albanian people. We are right when
we worry, because any of the traditional
Albanian religious communities is not
immune to the risks. The main factors that
risk communication and inter-religious
tolerance in our country are:
The arrival in an uncontrolled manner
through NGOs of religious spectrum of
various religious sects and movements17 in
Albania, which affect the right of Albanians
to exercise their traditional religious
beliefs; The crisis and the political, social,
economic, and financial instability that
17
143
our country suffered during the transition
years (1991, 1992, January-March 1997,
and September 1998); associated with
the absence of a legal state and serious
violations of law, order and security, the
lack of financial support from the state and
the hope of getting support from abroad;
delays and failure in returning the property
to religious communities; the absence
of a law on religious communities, the
favorable geographical position of Albania,
as a country situated between the East
and the West, and the absence of efficient
state structures18 that would manage legal
relations and reciprocal obligations between
the state and the religious communities.19
We must all work together to neutralize
the threat of infiltration by religious
extremism in our communities. It is
unfortunate that during the first years of
pluralism, the state dropped any material
support to religion. Unlike their ancestors
committed patriots, the Albanian legislators
did not engaged in the restoration of that
necessary legal infrastructure to protect the
Albanian religious beliefs against risks.
That’s why the Albanian legislators
should enable the Albanian state to move
away from the position of passive neutrality
employed during these years and pursue a
policy of active secularism.20 This is because
our edifice of religious harmony is as great
as it is fragile. “It takes only one serious rift,
it takes only the radicalization of only one of
Khatar Abou Diab, Patrik Karam, Riçard Labevier, Zhulien Lariezh, Olivier Roy dhe Antuan Sfeir:
Dictionnaire Mondial de l’Islamisme - A publication of the French publishing house “Plon” that devotes a
whole chapter to Albania was released in August of 2002.
18
Since 1992 the Albanian State Committee on Cults has been the only state body operating in the field
and until 1999 this body did not have a defined status. For the first time the duties of this agency were set
forth in the decision of the Council of Ministers no. 459, dated 23.9.1999, “On the Creation of the State
Committee on Cults”. This structure has been continually reduced in staff and now has ended up with a
small staff of no more than four to five employees. In many other states, of the former Communist East in
particular, such structures operate at the level of a Minister.
19
The Albanian Govenrment and the four traditional Albanian religious communities signed agreements
mandated by the Constitution in October 24, 2008, 18 since the introduction of democratic rule and ten
years since this had become a legal obligation.
20
“National Security and the Challagnes of integration”, page. 107. Tiranë, May 2003. A publication
of hte Albanian Center for National Security Studies.
144
Interreligious communication, religious education & security issues
our religions, for the edifice to come down,”
our great writer, Ismail Kadare, has said.21
The State has the duty to ensure that
freedom of religion should not remain
declarative. The State should take all
necessary measures to guarantee the effective
enjoyment of freedom of religion.
Because of this, the State must protect
the religious beliefs from interventions that
aim at promoting distortions, extremist
trends, or any other phenomena of
radicalization among religious faiths. This
is what it means to pursue active secularism.
Such a policy does not undermine the
principle of seperation of state and church
which is sacred to a democratic state.
This does not affect the right of each
citizen to believe as a private right of
people, which is recognized and protected
in all international documents dealing with
human rights. Instead, being secular but
active, the state undertakes to guarantee
and realize in practice of the right to
freedom of religion. In this context, the
question of religious education takes
particular importance.
5. Religious education and Security
Fifteen years ago, after an interruption
of more than a quarter of a century, Albanians
were allowed again to worship in freedom.
The new democratic state established by law
the principle of laicité and the country broke
for good with the policy of state atheism.
But while time has passed, our country
has still to find a legal arrangement on the
issue of religious education which can not
wait any longer. Political Parties hesitate to
involve one self with the issue of religious
education from fear that the principle of
Laicité and of a secular educational system
could be undermined.22
During the communist period religion
and religious education were replaced with
the teaching of Marxist Leninist ideology.
Belief in the divine was replaced by belief in
the party. This type of teaching permeated
not only the school curricula but every
cell of the society. Marxism was gradually
transformed into a religious creed, like the
opium for the people.
Due to the demographics of religious
communities in Albania, the issue of
religious education can not be simply an
educational or pedagogical issue but also
a matter that affects our national security
as well. The introduction of children and
teenagers to twisted religious education,
aggravated by the association of such
teaching with economic aid by suspicious
organizations, can open our children up
to easy manipulation and make them tools
of illegal activities and a serious threat to
communication, dialogue and religious
tolerance in our country.
While the State has stood aside, NGOs
with missionaries from Arab countries, Italy,
Greece and other countries, that are located
in Albania are already working on providing
religious education according to their own
means and goals. Some of these associations
providing religious education have drifted
away from the traditional religious teachings
in the country and in some cases are also
making diversions against them. For many
years in our country an entire system of of
illegal or semi-legal religious education has
been in operation.23
When we talk about religious education
21
Remarks delievered at the International Conference «Religions and Civilisations in the new Millenium
– The case of Albania», held in Tirana in November 13-14, 2003.
22
See Xhavit Shala: “The Democratic State and Religious Education”. “Tirana Observer”, dt. 1.2.2006.
23
According to reliable sources from our law enforcement agencies, in the Region of Elbasan there
were about 500 children aged from nine to 15 years of age that were attending illegal or semi-illegal course
conducted by Arab NGO, with a selafi-wahabi backed funding and origin/ The Information is confirmed
by the Intelligence Service branch in Elbasan.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
we must first make clear the difference
that exists between religious teaching and
religious education. While religious teaching
aims to provide general information about
religions and their rituals, the term religious
education implies a system of teaching that
aims to instill and deepen belief in a certain
faith and also includes a system of studies
to train the clergy.
If one looks at world practices in
religious education, it would note that
while these practices may vary widely in
their application, they are always treated
with seriousness.
Western practices, which we often
refer to, vary widely. According to the
American system, religious education in
public schools is prohibited and the system
allows only the presentation of religious
information from a natural and academic
perspective. Such information is provided
through theology course or theology
departments. The U.S. has had a strong
tradition of separation between the state
and religion. State schools do not offer
religious studies for children. The religious
education of believers and ministers is
provided by the religious bodies.
In Europe there exist different systems
of education and different ways through
which the states funds religious education.
These systems vary from state to state.
In Norway there is a class that focuses on
providing information on main religions.
Greece provides classes that focus mainly on
Greek Orthodox practices while Italy and
Spain clases that focus mainly on Roman
Catholic teaching. In Germany and the
Netherlands students can choose to attend
classes on Protestant or Catholic teaching
or opt to take a class in ethics, instead.
In former communist countries religious
education has largely taken the place that
was once occupied by the old communist
system of indoctrination.
24
145
Like the United States, France
also forbids state funding for religious
education due to the traditional separation
here between the French Republic and
the Catholic Church. But France is
swiftly moving towards abandoning
this system and is seriously considering
introducing religious education into its
public system. The presence of a large
Muslim community of a mainly northern
African origin and the need to introduce
to them appropriate education on Islam
and other religions is pushing the change
forward. Many hope that these changes
will help facilitate a better integration
of the Muslim population into French
society and prevent incidents such as the
ones that took place at the end of 2005.
The religious education system
in the United Kingdom is of special
interest.24 Children there are given the
opportunity to receive religious classes on
six religions that are prevalent in the UK
and Commonwealth, namely Christianity,
Islam, Judaism, Buddhism, and the Sikh
faith, beliefs that are present and in
the territories of United Kingdom and
Commonwealth .Such a variety of teaching
comes as no surprise when one learns that
one hundred years ago there were Muslim
MPs seating in British parliament.
The English system of religious
education is based on some very important
principles.
First of all, while religious teaching
in the UK is required by law, the system
is a secular one. The teaching does not
intend to convert people or promote a
particular faith but instead aims to provide
information on the various religions
and promote respect for the values of
life. Religious indoctrination is strictly
forbidden. Both the curricula and the staff
teaching it uphold secular principles and
the religious classes are considered a regular
John M Hull, University of Birmingham England - Religious Education and the Globalised Economy.
146
Interreligious communication, religious education & security issues
professional responsibility of the teacher.
The teachers in these classes may have a
degree in theology or religious studies and
are expected to teach other regular classes
also. They are not necessarily representative
of a faith or have any special belief. Specialist
teachers, who graduate in theology or
religious studies, are trained to teach other
subjects of the curriculum.
On the other hand, religious education
in England is becoming critical and spiritual.
The British system of religious education
promotes the values of critical thinking and
is aimed at helping children and students
develop their ability to think critically
and to provide them with understanding
about religious values and a well rounded
view of the world. Its goal is to develop a
civic sense within a multicultural society.
Decentralization is another important
principle of the English system of religious
education. Despite being a legal obligation,
the application of religious education
curricula is the responsibility of local
authorities. The religious education class is
part of the curricula that is determined in
cooperation between teachers and parents
Discussion whether the religious
education is needed or not in our country
already is already exceeded. The problem is
how to put on legal tracks and to legalize
the education. What will be its relation with
public education?
6. Conclusions and recommendations
Communication and interreligious
dialogue are important for safety.
Lack of communication and the
exclusion of other religious beliefs,
otherwise known as religious exclusivism
has often resulted in ethnic and religious
hatreds, in crimes against humanity,
terrorist acts and genocide, becoming
thus a serious threat to the security of a
country, region and beyond
Communication and inter-religious
dialogue for the Albanians are treasures
of our national culture, as well as the
European democratic values. But these
values are at risk and as such they need
to be securitized.
Therefore the State should move from
a passive position of neutrality towards
a more active policy of secularism.
This does not affect the principle of
seperation between the stet and religion
which is sacred to a democratic state.
Instead, being secular but active, the
state undertakes to guarantee and
realization in practice of freedom of
religion.
Religious education does not violate
the secularism of the state and
secularism of the education system.
For the specifics of our country,
this education can not be simply a
pedagogical and educational problem,
but is an investment to maintain
communication and interreligious
dialogue, and religious tolerance for
our national security itself.
Given the circumstances that exist in
Albania, it would be appropriate to
consider including a class on religious
education into our public school
system in a way that respects fully the
laicité of the state and the secular nature
of our educational system. The class
should provide sufficient information
on the main religions in Albania with
the goal of providing the students with
a well rounded view of the world and
promote the development of a critical
thinking and of respect for the values
of the society.
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Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
GLOBALIZATION CHALLENGES AND
INTEGRATION PROCESS
Ermela HYSA - Albanian University, Tirana - Albania
E-mail: ermelahysa@yahoo.com; kontakt@albanianuniversity.edu.al
ABSTRACT
Common Challenges of globalization and diplomacy. Would be the homogenizing
communication system, the most effective way that would consolidate an important adaptation
between sovereignty system and interdependence? A Contemporary integrated, accessible
and effective political should be much more interactive and interdependent internationally.
Unquestionably, this does not mean the dissolution of national sovereignty, but an independent
alternative that a State should choose to transfer more powers from the center to the periphery,
by delegating a portion of sovereignty in international structural level. The real challenge that
is submitted at this point, is the internal reaction to the pressures of globalization, which
intensified through cultural exchanges, increasing integration of markets, goods, services,
capital, free movement, increasing, factors which influence the contraction of national
sovereignty , as a consequence of the comprehensive homogeneity and pluralism.
I
n conditions when the globalization is
increasingly intensified, the importance
of the regional cooperation also
increases to the lower levels, reflecting
the common interests and challenges of
regional actors. Basically, this involves
the necessity of efforts and common
resources to cope with global challenges,
existing conditions and similar conditions,
almost identical to the development or
implementation of national aims, but this
is not sufficient for a successful cooperation
if there isn’t a political commitment for
the cooperation. The integration can’t
be fully understood without regional
integration processes. Western civilization
should be viewed as a challenge that
requires a comprehensive commitment to
achieve the standards, which would enable
balanced development and a more efficient
application of experiences, opportunities
and practices, as well as a more efficient use
of resources. This requires not only political
commitment but also institutional and
structural steps. The interconnection that the
globalization has led is multidimensional.
The globalization is a process which aims
at establishing a unique global system that
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 147-150
148
Globalization challenges and integration process
has got a worldwide impact. According
to this view, the globalization is associated
with the homogenization that is due to the
destruction of cultural, social, economic and
political diversity and as a single process
combined with a complex of processes that
often complete each-other, but collide as
well. The globalization is primarily expressed
at the global economic interdependence or
at the global economic interdependence or
at the dependence from each-other of the
countries. The multinational corporations
influence on macroeconomic policies owing
to their power. They are able to respond
every fluctuation of financial market. So,
they also exert a big influence over national
governments, exerting on them pressure
through threats to make investments in other
countries where the labor is cheaper and
the markets are more profitable. The global
competition has moved inside the local
economies, where inside special economies
there are combinations between what is
domestic and foreign. The Government’s
intervention in the management of their
economy becomes more difficult, as it is
difficult to proceed without global standards,
following a completely independent monetary
policy. The difficulties arise in realizing
components of social welfare state. The
measures at the view of such state are national
basis. The global economic interdependence
get off the need of economic sustainable
development. They can be reached on the
basis of further perfection of production
under the conditions of each country where
there are the biggest opportunities and
facilities. They also require a fair competition
for mutual benefits for all. The Globalization
is certainly a controversial process that not
only promotes new forms of interaction, but
also potentiates the traditional methods. It
should be noted that it also challenges the
sustainability of old methods of diplomacy,
making them insecure and insignificant.
With the emphasis on technology, the
globalization seems to be also extending
the scope of diplomacy so much that makes
a substantial part of the population not
only informed, but also actively involved in
diplomatic practice.
The fall of political effectiveness
One of the most important dimensions
of globalization is the political one, where
the state is increasingly linked to a policy
of forced interaction. Political globalization
must fight the massive problems. Maelstrom
of globalization and local competition
restrict the action space in national policy,
making possible that many be handled
effectively only on global level or in other
words, internationally. Globalization
challenges unquestionably require new
form and arenas of politics, towards a
successful and promising integrating. The
means that traditional policies mainly
organized in territorial and national level
are not adoptable to economic policies
increasingly internationally organized,
free of boundaries and matter. These
issues and many other problems such as:
increased government control in people
lives, the increase of regional and national
conflicts for reasons of religious, ethnic,
ideology, racial etc.., must be solved not
only in national or local level but also by
consentaneity by thought and action of all
citizens in the regions where they live.
Common challenges of globalization
and diplomacy
Globalization has not only brought
new actors but it has also presented
new issues of interstate relations. This
brings difficulty in the modern diplomacy
development. At first, it increases the
complexity of relationships and a conflict
possibility. Forcing the actors into ever
smaller spaces, the globalization increases
the tension and makes diplomacy more
complex, at the same time it amplifies the
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Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
diplomacy field, since the recent spectrum is
always difficult to identify clearly the turbid
line that links local issues to those which are
international. The globalization impact has
also increased the cross-border connection
of many areas related to international
politics. The increased complexities of
international system have noted the accent
of this issue regarding to international
relations1. This is a clear indication for
the necessity of extending the diplomacy
concept to take over the responsibility the
complex nature of international modern
system and the adaptation of diplomatic
practice to accommodate the new reality.
Globalization is also reducing the
importance of traditional actors as: state,
to that scale that the high one undermines
the spatial sovereignty and tends to boost
the pressure from both sides, both above
and below that threat the dominance
of state to diplomacy direction. It’s
important to note the rising profile of
new actors in diplomacy implementation,
it’s a phenomenon that reflects lightly the
dominance of neo-liberal industrial values
of capitalism in the past cold war.
Transnational agencies and multinational
corporations have now become the main
center of power so much, that they always
choose at the agenda the global interactions.
The globalization of the contemporary
form of diplomacy in so many ways reflects
the nature of relations between different
actors in the international system evolution.
While the interstate system itself is mainly
an European word universalism, it can be
expected that diplomatic practices will be
affected significantly by this European value
system. As long as the globalization period
is going to continue to be unexpanded,
tensions will continue to grow along wrong
lines defined by cultural civilizations a result
of the globalization tendency to deny the
1
specifics of relatively poor regions. In this
context, diplomacy will increasingly need to
focus more on proactive measures to prevent
the degeneration in armed conflict, reflecting
the increased accent of non-state actors.
Multilateral diplomacy will become
even more important during the future
period to accommodate the increased
character of international political system
cosmopolitan, where in the context of the
globalization age will inevitably reflect
the contradictions of the period. It will
create new areas of conflict and at the same
time will improve the cooperation. The
globalization hasn’t change only the context
where the diplomacy is conducted, but
has also had significant impact in the way
diplomacy is conducted. Diplomacy, on the
other hand, can not be separated from its
social and industrial base. For this reason the
context of international political economy
plays an important role in constructing the
nature of diplomatic relations. Economic
issues are looked forward to grow even more
by the importance. In the current context of
globalization, the economic diplomacy also
represents an effective instrument for national
external activity, not just as a simple set of
the practice associated with the foreign trade
support. At the moment of “Globalization”,
the economic relations become even more
complex and international relations remain
at last for now, based on political and military
traditional power.
Conclusions
At nowadays intensive processes of
globalization and regional integration,
diplomacy can’t be just a foreign policy
activity, but should also conceived as a
public environment accorded to the favor
of regional common interests.
This means that if a state of the region,
RP Barston (1996), Modern Diplomacy, London: Longman, p.1
150
Globalization challenges and integration process
gradually meets the criteria of European
Union Integration, it should be on behalf
of all countries of the region.
At this point, diplomacy must play the
most important role in creating a dialogue
of mutual interest, through encouragement
of public opinion, which in this case is
the main motivator of regional expansion
of integrating achievements. Diplomacy
must integrate and strengthen, not only
the positive image of the origin country
but also at the neighboring states. This
policy will initiate a coordinated diplomatic
activity of regions states, addressed to the
collective contribution.
In the globalization process, new
democracies have also managed to
remove the role of previous political
ideologies. Despite the contradictions,
it must be admitted that the trend
towards globalization remains a necessity
to development. Therefore, the most
effective way would consist in adopting
the significant report between sovereignty
and interdependence. In other words,
the preservation of national cultural
characteristics and the enrichment of the
culture through global harmonization of
life, towards a homogenizing and open
communicative system.
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Axford, B. 1995. The Global System: Economics,
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Barston, R. P. 1988. Modern Diplomacy, London:
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Bauman, Z. 1998. Globalization: The Human
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Clifton, Morgan. 1990. “Issue Linkages in
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Friedman, J. 2003. Globalization: the State and
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Constitutive Theory, Cambridge: Cambridge
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Gelinas, Jacques. 2003. Juggernaut Politics:
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London: Zed Books.
Germain, R. 1999. Globalization and its critics.
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Goldstain, J.S. 1994. International Relation. New
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Germain, R. 1999. Globalization and its Critics,
Basingstoke: Macmillan
Groom,A.J.R, & Tayler, P. 1990. Frameorks for
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Hoogvelt, A.. 2001. Globalization and the PostColonial world, Basingstoke: Palgrave
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London: Norton.
Mengisteab, Kidane. 2004. “Africa’s Intrastate
Conflicts: The Relevance and Limitations of
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Sciences, Vol.2, No. 1, pp 23-42.
151
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
PSYCHOSOCIAL EFFECTS OF
A LIFE – THREATENING DISEASE
Veronika DUCI - University of Tirana, Faculty of Social Sciences
E-mail: veronicaduci@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
The diagnosis of cancer can be the starting point of putting into question previous
beliefs. Individuals who are able to answer to these questions and to find meaning tend to
adapt better. In this study nine semi - structured interviews were conducted with people
diagnosed with cancer. The purpose of this study is to explore the process of dealing
with a life threatening diagnosis and the impact that has on the lives of cancer patients.
It is focused on the lives of individuals before getting the diagnosis, during and after the
diagnosis. Using the notion of meaning in life, a number of other changes take place, such
as social and emotional support, motivation, acceptance or denial of death, the lowest point,
emotional coping techniques and anxiety management. The questions are comprehensive,
in order to emphasize the important interaction of medical and psychosocial factors in
coping with cancer.
Keywords: health, psychosocial effects, cancer survivors, death anxiety
Introduction
According to statistics (INSTAT,
2004), it is estimated that every year almost
3500 to 4000 individuals will be given the
diagnosis of cancer, ranking as the second
cause of mortality in Albania. Tumorial
diseases come after cardiovascular diseases
as a major cause of death, which resulted
in 93.1 deaths per 100,000 thousand
inhabitants in 2004.
Based on mortality data of the last
decade, it is noted clearly that cardiovascular
and tumorial diseases have undergone a
steady growth. Today, one in two Albanians
dies as a result of a cardiovascular disease.
Although Albania has a much higher
mortality than Western countries, again this
is lower than many countries in transition.
It remains to be discovered if this is a longterm trend and what are the real reasons.
Studies in the field of chronic diseases
have had a spontaneous character. As a
result of demographic and epidemiological
transition, cardiovascular tumorial and
some other diseases is likely to become
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 151-157
more frequent, whereas in industrialized
countries are declining for two decades.
These statistics are merely indicative of a
living reality, which means (in the depth
of it) much more than some figures in a
chart or graph.
Operationalization of terms
In this study cancer survivors will
be considered all individuals who are
diagnosed with cancer and those that
their lives are affected by this diagnosis,
including family members, friends and
caregivers (Lance Armstrong Foundation).
Theorists have conceptualized meaning
in life as a perception for the coherence of
the world and for the purpose of human
existence. Searching for meaning in life
is regarded as a fundamental element of
human beings, a unique process to each
individual. The successful development
of meaning in life may contribute to
feelings of wonder and bliss in life. Also,
it is associated with feelings of fulfillment,
satisfaction and wellbeing.
Purpose of the study
The purpose of this study is to explore
the impact of cancer diagnosis in the lives
of the participants of this study. Specifically,
this study has studied the psychosocial
changes in the life of the individuals by
taking into account the significant role of
emotional support, the main motivation,
acceptance/denial of death, the lowest
point, emotional coping and anxiety
management techniques
Research questions
This research is based in three main
research questions. These are
:
1. Which are the coping strategies
that the survivors used during the process
of dealing with the disease?
2. Which were the psychosocial effects
of the diagnosis?
3. What changes have made in their
lives, in a holistic perspective, regarding
cognitive processes, health care, emotions,
and changes in their family and social life?
Literature review
The number of people affected by
cancer, including not only individuals
diagnosed with the disease but also
their families and friends, is shocking.
Although all people are at risk there has
been a significant reduction in cancerrelated deaths worldwide. These reduction
in the number of deaths is due to the
implementation of prevention and early
screening efforts for some specific forms of
cancer, increasing the examinations for the
general population and those at greatest risk
for developing the disease, and advances
in research and in clinical care. Albania, as
a transition country does not follow these
trends. In Albania from 1993 to 2004,
there has been an increase in the number
of patients diagnosed with cancer.
Levels of cancer survival depend to a
large extent on where the tumor is initially
displayed (eg. breast, colon etc.). Progress
and stage of cancer when diagnosed
(e.g. if the tumor has made metastasis),
implementation of prevention (tobacco
control, skin-protective behavior etc.) as
well as efforts for early detection of four
forms of cancer (breast, cervical, colon and
prostate) have stepped up examinations of
the general population and in people at a
high risk for developing these diseases.
Despite the optimistic prospects for
a considerable number of individuals
diagnosed with cancer today, a more
detailed examination of the literature and
statistical trends shows that not all the
members of the society enjoy the benefits
of current knowledge about cancer. Survival
rates lag in social layers - economic, racial
minorities and ethnic populations and not
receiving proper medical services in relation
to risk of developing cancer and dying.
Physiological and psychosocial issues for
cancer survivors
Physiological symptoms of cancer may
be acute and chronic and may occur during
therapy as well as after it. These symptoms
may include pain, malaise, nausea, fatigue,
hair loss etc., depending on the forms
of cancer and the type of therapy that
the patient is subjected to. These effects
can be devastating, resulting in loss of
mobility and changes in bodily functions
and appearance.
Psychosocial issues related to cancer
diagnosis include fear, stress, depression,
anger and anxiety. However, the effects
of cancer in an individual are not always
negative. Cancer can give to the individuals
the opportunity to discover another
meaning in their lives, build stronger
ties with family and friends, to adopt a
commitment of “giving back” to those
who have similar experiences. After the
diagnosis and/or therapy, survivors may
still have an active, vital life, but they can
also live in fear or uncertainty that the
cancer may return. Individuals with cancer
may experience difficulty in managing pain
and disability caused either by the disease
or by the undergoing therapy. Emotional
impact on survivors may include feelings of
helplesness, lack of self - control, changes
in self - evaluation and self image for
survivors and increased stress and anxiety in
people who care for them (National Cancer
Institute, 2004).
Social wellbeing may be affected
by the diagnosis and therapy of cancer.
Physiological difficulties like pain and
disability may result in a perception of a
reduced social wellbeing, because the time
spent with dear people may be shorter.
Also, survivors experience difficulties in
school or work related to their ability to
interact with friends and colleagues.
Thompson and Janigian (1988) have
suggested that a “scheme of life,” or a
cognitive representation of the life of an
individual, form the basis of a rule that
gives meaning, coherence and purpose in
life. They speculate that a scheme of life
incorporates the image of yourself, a system
of assumptions about the world, a series
of goals to reach and events related to the
achievement of them. According to this
view, physiological and social dysfunction
that continues long after treatment can
challenge previous beliefs regarding the
order, coherence and purpose.
Impairments in social functioning
seem to reduce interactions with the
world. This can affect the meaning, since
it is found that low levels of social activity
correlate with low life satisfaction and self
fulfillment, in patients with cancer (Bloom
& Spiegel, 1984). Social interaction is
associated with a greater understanding.
The quality of family relationships is
associated with higher levels of purpose in
life and religious and existentialist wellbeing
(Folkman, & Moskowitz, 2000)
Methodology
The purpose of this study is to explore
the psychosocial impact of cancer disease
in the lives of the participants in this
study, in relation to emotional support,
coping strategies and changes in their lives
after diagnosis. To achieve this purpose a
semi-structured interview has been used
for data collection.The unit of analysis for
this research is the psychosocial process
that comes after the cancer disease and its
effect on meaning in life. Participants in
this study were nine individuals affected by
cancer in various stages of healing. Some
of them did finish therapy before many
years, while others were still being treated.
The first participant was selected directly
from the research questions. The following
participants were selected based on their
suitability to the theoretical basis of this
study. So, four individuals were initially
identified, who were long term survivors,
154
Psychosocial effects of a life – threatening disease
and the researcher subsequently selected the
other five who had completed treatment or
were in its end.
Data analysis
Data analysis was based on open coding
process, in which concepts are selected and
described according to their dimensions
and characteristics. Initial categories were
developed further in relation to causal
circumstances, consequences, context,
action and interaction and intervening
factors. Finally, selective coding was used
in order to consolidate and integrate the
main research issues.
There are different ways to perform
encoding. For example, coding by row
row can be used, or sentences or paragraphs
or compare documents. In this study, the
coding used sentences and paragraphs.
Some of the categories that were
initially identified were the changes in the
meaning in life, the expression of emotions,
emotional coping, etc. Some other categories
are managing emotions, acceptance of death
(an important element of this category
is the lowest point, which was common
in all participants), the mourning for the
loss of several major functions, reaction to
diagnosis, new life, etc.
Results and discussion
A. Life before diagnosis
i. Physiological and psychological concerns
For the participants of this study
their life before the diagnosis ranged
from satisfaction and relative happiness to
disappointment and sadness.
In terms of physiological concerns all
participants reported that they had good
health before the diagnosis. They obviously
have been sick before, but the diseases that
had were the easiest ones, such as tonsils,
influenza, appendicitis, etc. Furthermore,
some participants said they had never been
hospitalized in their lives.
On the other hand family problems
had an impact on mood and psychological
distress for some of the participants. A
participant has had problems in his family,
but he coped better with them comparing
to his wife (both were participants in the
study). One reason for this may be the
fact that he was always at work, while the
spouse was a housewife throughout her
married life. He says: “I could not believe
it that I had cancer, I never considered the
symptoms as serious. And still I don’t have any
“heavy” symptoms, that’s not the way I know
and heard of cancer”.
However, other participants of this
study report that their family life before
cancer has been normal, quiet and they
had an active social life.
ii. Family and social support
Each of the participants in this study
had support systems ranging from good
to very good but also some experienced
isolation. For some people the lack of social
support was a problem in their lives.
One married woman, who also could
not have a child, said “No one considered me
in his life... Neither husband nor... none, unless
you have your one child... My life was a zero, so
I lived, in the air. In the air... But what I really
want to explain is that I wasn’t as I would like
to be. I was always rigid, lonely, sad and I never
had courage for anything”.
Other participants in this study have
said that they had an active social life and
a supportive family and social group. That
it is also observed later, when they were
diagnosed with cancer.
iii. Motivation
The topic of motivation is important
in order to describe the person’s changes
during these stages. It is very important to
understand who was the major motivation
in a person’s life and how it has changed
after the cancer experience.
One participant said that her two
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
grandchildren have been the most important
thing in her life, before she got sick. She
did not care much for herself, but more for
others: “I didn’t think much of it. I said to
myself that I would care for the children..if it
weren’t for them I would be worse. But I had
my mind on them: now I should take them to
their courses, now they will eat, I must cook,
do the ironing, laundry, so I had something
to occupy myself. Otherwise I would be lost”.
The majority of participants felt that
family was the most important thing for
them and then came work and friends, and
believing in God. Another participant said
“The most important persons for me were my
daughters, my family and perhaps even work, as
these were the things for which I have worked,
fought and contributed. Perhaps it is my nature
as a mother and wife”.
B. During diagnosis
The stage of diagnosis begins when
individuals confront cancer diagnosis given
by a physician and communicated by him
or by relatives. This is a moment that can
change a person’s life and it is impossible
to ignore.
i. Awareness/acceptance of death
The challenge of diagnosis consists
in finding meaning from the new and
negative information that their has taken
life and, simultaneously, to calm the
emotions of anger that accompany a cancer
diagnosis. Individuals of this study have
been diagnosed with terminal disease of
different duration. Some of them have
faced death and survived longer than
doctors had predicted. They should make
the choice that every patient with cancer
makes: is it a death sentence or is simply
another disease to be cured and which will
gradually recover?
When diagnosed, any person processes
his awareness of death to a level that can
vary from total denial to total acceptance
(Kübler – Ross, 1969). In this study, each
155
participant saw the confrontation with
death as an essential element of finding
meaning. Also, denial is defined as a defense
mechanism that protects the individual
from stressful awareness, which can vary
from an awareness until the other end of
the continuum, in total denial of reality
imposed by an unconscious impulse.
Data from this study suggest that
the denial should not be seen only in its
traditional psychoanalytic sense, but more
as Elizabeth Kubler-Ross (1969) pointed:
that people can use denial in a positive way
at various stages. They may think little
about death, but, later, they have to put
aside this thought, in order to continue
their lives. Life requires attention to to meet
the obligations, to care for the loved ones
and to support yourself and others.
Acceptance of death may also be seen
from a positive and negative dimension:
(a) negative acceptance of death - because
the individuals thinks that he will die, he
does not receive any medical treatment
and expects the inevitable death and (b)
positive acceptance death - the person
perceives the possibility of death, so he tries
to understand what death is, who is he/she
and what is its place in this world and what
death actually is, under this prism?
ii. Important steps and acceptance of
death: the lowest point and emotional calming
All participants of this study have
achieved a deeper level of acceptance of
death, which was not a fully deliberate
pursuit of this goal, but more as a result of
events that resulted in a very low point of
despair or near death, which has made them
seek for answers. Some have coped with
death by accepting it or denying completely
the possibility of it happening. The period
of acceptance of death came after a time or a
moment of deep despair, which is described
as the lowest point of their experience. The
low points are characterized by periods
of very great emotional pain (McCann &
156
Psychosocial effects of a life – threatening disease
Pearlman, 1990). The descriptions of the
participants about their lowest points are
very interesting, as well as the moment
of making the first step forward, of not
giving up.
One participant indicated that: “For
a moment i felt despair. I was doing the
chemotherapy back then, it was really bad.
But there was one time that I was really bad...
and I said what will I do now, how will I live...
nothing, I will go in vain, I will not exist. I
kept it for me, this feeling of sadness” Then:
“...But then I didn’t think of it anymore, I
did it myself, I said that I will care for the
children, I will fix one thing, than another
and the time passed... I got out of it”.
Most participants of this study, having
conducted the necessary therapy, they have
reached a certain level of acceptance of
death. Despite the fact that they did not
want to think they will die, they regarded
the event as inevitable.
A change that all participants reported
was the appreciation of life, which now
it was greater. After the period of the
most difficult moment and then coping
/ acceptance of death, they have come to
cherish and appreciate life more.
In this traumatic experience they did
not change their motivation and direction
in life. For the majority of participants both
before and after the disease the family and
relatives have been the most important
thing.
On the other hand they changed their
way of thinking and perceiving situations
and their disease.
For example, one participant says that
she now has no fear of the future, preferring
to live more the present. Another says that
the disease of cancer besides experiencing
the trauma has given him a very strong
belief in himself. A third has reflected much
on this period, which has made him relax
and cope better with the situation “crying
would not solve anything.”
iii. Relief of symptoms
The relief of the symptoms of cancer
has not been a climactic moment in the
history of the disease. This is because the
participants were prepared for everything,
including death.
Specifically, a participant after 11
years continues to be concerned for her
health, she says: “This is a disease that can
come back at any moment”. For another
participant the fight with cancer is ongoing,
but every time he gets positive results
from his medical tests, he is even more
optimistic: a restrained optimism. The
same applies to other participants.
C. New Life
Gradually, there comes a moment
in life where life stabilizes, the person
understands what he/she can expect from
the relief of symptoms and reconceptualizes
the impact of cancer in his life. He/she may
be feeling stronger after this experience.
People are transformed by this experience
and know that there is no old life to get
back to. Their lives have changed forever. It
is difficult to determine where each person
has passed the line and has reached a point
where he feels at ease in his new life.
The new life in this study, the life in
which cancer is no longer a major part of
their lives, has not come for all. Four of the
participants continue to do chemotherapy
while another is continuing therapy, but
remains at a critical stage yet. However,
for four other participants the new life
after the cancer has come. How have they
experienced this turning point in their lives?
What has changed as a result of the disease?
What has remained the same?
In only one participant life had no
substantial changes, while for many others
this is not the case. Many of them have
undergone structural changes in their
personality and in life satisfaction.
Some of them say they are already
living a “second life”.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
Conclusions
A dominant factor that has emerged
as a central structure in this study has been
awareness and acceptance of death. The
ways they used to cope with this issue was
important for the progress of the disease,
major motivation, their priorities, the ways
they used for problem managing etc.
Although there are a variety of methods
that an individual can use to cope with
cancer, and, consequently, the possibility of
a death, this study identified some common
elements in how individuals faced cancer.
A significant role has been the effect
of denial. Denial was used by participants
in this study in a positive as well as in a
negative way. Most of them, after they had
passed the lowest point of this experience,
managed to recover their morale, their
patience and optimism.
The more they approached the
157
acceptance of death, the more they changed.
The extreme use of denial or avoidance can
sometimes result in the deterioration of the
disease and the wider pathology.
But in this study individuals had more
severe diagnosis than the first stage: from
the second stage to third. Indeed, to some
of them it had been communicated that
they have only a short period of time to live.
Confrontation with death has the power to
destroy all life assumptions.
The challenge that the participants
faced would be rebuilding their lives,
including in it their disease. In this change
they included also their beliefs and support
systems (family, work and friends).
Another change in the lives of the
participants related to the way of perceiving
life and the world. Most of them claim that
life has already received more value for
them, consider it as more precious, more
expensive.
REFERENCES
Bloom, J.R., & Spiegel, D. (1984). The relationship
of two dimensions of social support to
the psychological well-being and social
functioning of women with breast cancer.
Social Science and Medicine, 19, 831-7.
Folkman, S., & Moskowitz, J.T. (2000). Positive
affect and the other side of coping. American
Psychologist, 55, 647-654.
Institute of Statistics (2004). Annual report:
Albania in numbers. Tirana
Kübler – Ross, E. (1969). On death and dying.
NewYork: Macmillan.
Lance Armstrong Foundation website www.
livestrong.org
McCann, I. L., & Pearlman, L. A. (1990).
Psychological trauma and the adult survivor:
Theory, therapy and transformation. New
York: Brunner/Mazel.
National Cancer Institute (2004). Plans and
priorities for cancer research. taken from
thewebsite of National Cancer Institute:
http://plan2004.cancer.gov/
Thompson, S.C. & Janigian, A. (1988). Life
schemes: A framework for understanding
the search for meaning. Journal of Social and
Clinical Psychology, 7, 260-80.
158
Psychosocial effects of a life – threatening disease
159
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
HIGHER EDUCATION
VOUCHERS IN ALBANIA
Elona MEHMETI - Albanian University, Tirana-Albania
Email: mehmetielona@gmail.com; mehmetielona@albanianuniversity.edu.al;
ABSTRACT
After being supported for so many years by the state, “used”, reformed, changed, and
politicized it seems that higher education in Albania now is changing face again. From a
public good, higher education is being transformed into a private good, for the sake of being
more manageable, with the aim of offering a better quality and a more egalitarian higher
education. As a consequence “quality” and “equity” have become the main points of the
Albanian government’s reform which is trying to implement its program, among others,
through a voucher system. The paper, discuses the “pros” and “cons” of using a voucher
system in higher education in Albania. This analysis is important policy wise and culturally
interesting since vouchers in higher education are a controversial concept and absolutely
new to Albania’s cultural, economic and social background. The aim of this analysis will
be to offer a perspective to the “working group of voucher system” offering a comparative
study of voucher systems implemented abroad especially in ex communist countries. The
paper will conclude with a general analyses referring to the changing role of the higher
education system in the 21st century.
1. An overview of the Higher
Education System in Albania
The beginning of the 1990s followed
a relatively peaceful change in the Albanian
economic and political system. Albania
started a process of reform from one of the
most Stalinist and totalitarian communist
regimes towards a more democratic form of
government. The road towards the type of
society that Albanians would like to have,
with material goods, human rights and
development possibilities for the individual,
has not been easy. Economic development
started out with impressive results, but
unfortunately it later emerged that these
good results were not really based on any
thorough reform of the economic system
(Hagelund 2001, 4).
Higher education, as one of the main
institutions which experienced important
transformations during the beginning of
Social Studies 2011, 2 (5): 159-166
160
90s, is one of the examples of an institution
that is still in the middle of important
changes. However, we have to admit that
higher education in Albania is quite new.
The first institutions were opened after the
Second World War. The pioneer of higher
education was the pedagogical institute
which was a two year institution and its
aim was to prepare high school teachers.
Later, more higher education institutions
were opened; however, it was only in
September 1957 that the first University
was established. As the University was
established during the period when
the socialist party was ruling, the main
stakeholder of this institution was the state,
and higher education in general was an
invention of the socialist party. There was
not a higher education system before the
Second World War. In the past students
studied at foreign universities, mainly
in Eastern Europe. Higher education in
Albania was established not only to prepare
future students in different disciplines, but
also to spread the philosophy of the ruling
party, and in some way to serve as a tool,
by preparing the coming generation with
socialist philosophy.
1.2 Important Changes in Higher
Education System
The change of the political system
in 1992 after the students strike in 1990
was followed by radical changes in all
institutions in Albania. Higher educations
institutions, as one of the important sources
for the diffusion of the socialist philosophy
to the new generation, was undergoing
important transformations. According to
Hagelund, the government and the donor
community place a very high priority
on education. However, many problems
remain to be solved. The major problem
concerns traditional teaching methods with
rote learning and rigid state curricula which
stand in the way of innovation and initiative.
The lack of modern teaching materials and
Higher education vouchers in Albania
acceptable physical framework also plague
educational institutions (ibid, 8).
1.2.1 University Management
The first University Act entered into
force in 1994 and in 1999 was replaced by
a new Act which, was developed following
the recommendations of foreign experts.
The Act defines the institutional
landscape with the Ministry of Education,
state and private educational institutions,
the Rectors’ Conference and the National
Accreditation and Quality Assurance
Institute. There are rules concerning the
election of leaders (Rector, Deputy Rector,
Deans, Heads of Department), about
governing bodies, budgets, personnel,
students and studies and the division
of competence between the Ministry of
Education and the local leaders and bodies.
Academic freedom and the autonomy of the
institutions in certain areas receive explicit
mention.
In 2007, after signing the Bologna
Agreement (the Bologna Agreement was
signed in 2003 in Berlin meeting) the Act
of Higher Education was replaced with a
more advanced one, which was debated
for many months with different actors.
The new things about the new act were the
improvement of the university autonomy
and the financial autonomy of universities.
In the same act it was stated for the
first time the financing of higher education
institution will allocated in a form of a
“grant” as other European universities do.
In the act it is affirmed that universities
can use the money they gain from the
student’s fees, and the unused money can
be used in the next academic year. However,
the state takes in consideration the money
the universities has gained from students
fees when it is time to allocate the budget
to universities, moreover the Council of the
Prime Minister as well as the public opinion
has the right to ask for transparency of
university fiancées.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
What was the “hot” topic for the
public opinion and the academics at that
time was that the election for university
rectors was decided by the President;
consequently the rector was a president
competency (Valmora, 2007).
One of the other concerns regarding
the act was the short time the act would
be in practice, it was only for 3 years, and
after three years it was a another act that
will substitute the last one (ibid)
Besides the pro and cons of the act,
the act in itself for the first time included
the private higher education institutions
(especially in the subsequent articles that
enriched the new act) that were emerging
in the last 4 years in Albania.
1.2.2 Latest developments in Albanian
Higher Education
The landscape of higher education has
completely changed in Albanian due to the
incensement in numbers of private higher
education institutions. In this academic
year in all the country there are fifteen
public universities, and twenty nine private
universities, in which are enrolled 80.696
students in public universities, and 22.238
students in private universities (Instant,
2009).
The system of education, and higher
education
Private versus public universities
Cons and pros
1.2.3 Quality assurance and Evaluation
2. Vouchers System in Higher Education
The idea of vouchers according to
McEwan, Patrick J were proposed by
Thomas Paine in The Rights of Man west
1967 (McEwan, 2000) and previously in
France towards the end of the ninetieth
century.
However the first voucher model was
161
released by Milton Friedman (1955: 1962)
and again during the War and Poverty, there
were other authors that gave “voice” to
the policy debate like Chubb& Moe 1990,
Cookson, 1994 up to Peterson & Hassel in
1998, beside the developments in the late
nineteen’s there were other personalities
who concentrated on vouchers like Vicky
Lee & Elyssa Wang, Bahram Bekhradnia &
William Massy, meanwhile concrete policies
of vouchers, specially in higher education,
have started to practice in Europe.
From literature review there is a
common point regarding vouchers, that
there is not a single voucher policy, but
many, referring to Bekhradnia and Massy
there are 4000 scenarios of vouchers in
education.
But what is a voucher in higher education?
According to the report of University
State of New York “The Vouchers System
and Higher Education in New York State”
(New York, 1970) a voucher system in
higher education would provide education
grants (vouchers) directly to student
rather that grants to public institution of
higher education. On the other hand it
is supposed that the institutions would
then retain their present level of income
by raising tuition to approximate the full
cost of the instruction. Subsequently, it is
never stated in the literature that the state
by introducing vouchers would cover the
full cost of higher education in private and
public institutions.
Nevertheless, the reasons for proposing
vouchers in higher education are not
entirely ideological (Bekhradnia & Massy,
2009), it is assumed that the support for
vouchers goes hand –in –hand with the
free market economic models, and the
arguments proposed in their favor are
common to other such liberal positions.
According to Bekhradnia & Massy it
is argued from the proponents of vouchers
that:
162
-
-
-
-
-
Increasing the power of the
consumer and reducing that of the
supplier will increase the competition
and consequently will improve the
quality and efficiency;
Putting vouchers in the had of the
students candidates will empower
them by increasing their choice;
Providing vouchers to students
candidates as a “privilege” will have a
psychological effect by making them
aware of the value of education,
consequently the vouchers will widen
participation and increase demand;
If the vouchers are introduced will
increase the amount of private
funding in higher education, as
individuals are required to top up
the voucher to mach the fees that
universities charge;
Because the government no longer
need to fund universities directly the
amount of bureaucratic controls will
be reduced.
2.1 Vouchers in ex dictatorial countries
Although the literature on the vouchers
in education is quite vast, full of examples
and literature review, in the case of higher
education there are only some examples
that refer to vouchers in American higher
education1, Australia2 in Chile, Georgia
and Hungary.
However, the examples of Chile,
Georgia and Hungary are only introduced
for those students with the highest entry
scores (Bekhradnia & Massy, 2009).
Nevertheless, there is an interesting
experiment in Russia which started in
2002 “About Experiment on the Transition
of Several Higher Education Institutions
to Financing by using State Personified
Higher education vouchers in Albania
Financial Certificates” which regulates
the course of the vouchers experiment
(Kleshchukova, 2005).
The main principles of the experiment
(referred as GIFO) mean an obligation
of the state to finance the course of the
study of the school-leaver in university. As
mentioned by the author every academic
year the value of the financial obligations
is determined for every category of
students by the Ministry of Education
of the Russian Federation, divided by 5
categories where each category had its
price (ibid, 33).
Higher education institutions in this
case are allowed to set their own prices
for each educational program, each higher
education institution that takes part in the
experiment is obligated to determine and
declares prices for each specialty, education
program and form of education.
Students, who have received GIFO
of the first category study for free, no
matter what price is determined by the
institution.
It is important to mention that
GIFO depends only on the results of
Standardized State Examination and does
not depend on the students’ achievements
during their study at the higher education
institution.
The reason why I choose Russian
voucher experimental model in higher
education to take as an example for
comparing the future model of vouchers
in Albanian higher education, derives from
some reasons listed below:
1. Although the great difference in
the population and culture, the
two countries were under the same
political system for nearly 50 years,
consequently the same political
1
In Colorado, where vouchers have been applied in the earnest and comprehensively as the Government’s
mechanism for channeling public funds to higher education institutions.
2
In Australia there were two committees gathered in 10 years (in 1987, 1997) and the review of the
two committees did not recommend the introduction of an education voucher system in higher education.
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
system influenced very much higher
education institutions, politic and
educational culture;
2. Higher education institutions
charged no fees, and higher
education was expected to be a
public good;
3. The transition period, after the
dictatorial system ended, was
very common in reference to
higher education institutions,
like masification, the emerging of
private higher education system,
etc;
4. The rationale in building the
voucher scheme, based on the
results of the Standardized State
Examination.
The vouchers schemes as was pointed
out in the paragraphs above are different,
but one of the points that is common in
the philosophy of vouchers is the aim the
voucher system has.
From the beginning vouchers aimed
in bringing equity, improving quality and
efficiency in higher education, however the
hidden objective of the vouchers especially
in the countries that it is introduce; is to
optimize state budget expenditures for
education; to distinguish the “good” higher
education institutions from the “bad” ones,
so prestigious universities will flourish and
unpopular would disappear (ibid, 36).
Beginning from the main and obvious
objectives of the voucher system equity,
improving quality and efficiency in the
Russian experiment. The author concluded
that although there was an improvement
regarding equity in reducing the number
of wasted years of study, because of GIFO
there is a trend that students will attend
most popular programs of study, and in 10
-15 years those who will take pure science
education will to a large extend come from
rural background, and as professionals
3
163
receive limited pay for their skills.
This effect happens mainly because
pure science programs are not very popular
among students. This means that students
with the GIFO of third category and lower
are admitted to free of charge places, in
this case higher education institutions
will survive by expanding admission to
popular programs, while pure science will
suffer a decline.
In regard to the quality and efficiency,
the evaluation is more difficult because
the quality the efficiency of teaching
and research can not be easy measured,
however the example Kleshchukova
brought in referring to an interview
made with the Rector of Mari State
Technical University G. Oshchepkov was
very interesting. The rector pointed out
that a higher education institution can
not function without constant minimal
financial guarantees. In his opinion GIFO
creates a situation of instability. If such
a voucher model will be implemented
the participating institution will have
changing faculty staff and unstable salary
level3. In other words, a voucher system
can negatively affect the possibility of
long term strategic planning, which is
needed for improving performance in the
institution (ibid, 65).
2.1.1 Pro and con of voucher system in
Albanian Higher Education
In 2005 the Albanian government
gave to education and especially to higher
education a higher priority, placing
education in the top of the government
agenda for the coming 4 years.
One of the most important reforms
that occurred in higher education in the
years that followed was the increase of
student’s number in higher education
system in general. Compared with the
number of students in 2005, the increase
Mari State Technical University was one of the universities in which the experiment of vouchers began.
164
is nearly three times (Musai, 2010).
As a consequence of the “mass higher
education” the government and the
society in general has to face, beside the
inappropriate university infrastructure,
lack of university personal (especially
high qualified academics) also a great
difficulty in financing and supporting
higher education.
Having a different structure of higher
education, which is no more considered to
be a public good, but also a private one,
having a great emerge of private higher
education, it is necessary to think of a new
models of financing higher education.
Besides different ways of financing
higher education, one of the most
“attractive” is the voucher model,
which according to the specialists has
5 objectives 1. The contribution in the
financial growth 2. Efficiency 3. Equity
4. Better governance and 5. Financial
stability (ibid)
Thinking of Jongbloed scheme “pro
and cons of vouchers” (Jongbloed, 2004)
and bringing his analyses of vouchers in
the Albanian reality we will have:
Pros
1.
2.
3.
Introducing the vouchers in
higher education will strength the
student choice, and consequently
will strength the responsibility of
such students in choosing a more
“realistic” and profitable education
(study program)4;
Increase the efficacy of provision,
in a way that higher education
institutions will respond better to
the society and the markets needs;
Increase the quality of provision,
Higher education vouchers in Albania
4.
will force higher education
institutions (private and public,
without neglecting public higher
education institutions ) to work
harder on quality issues, and as a
consequence offer a better quality
in education;
Increase the private contribution
to cost of education (topping up
the vouchers). Coming from a
“socialist” philosophy, although
the last trends with private higher
education institutions, most of
the parents and student candidates
still think that higher education
is a still a public good, and the
state has to take care of their
education. Nevertheless, with
the mass philosophy in higher
education the state can not support
higher education, therefore other
stakeholders (like student fees, in
topping up the vouchers) will be a
great support for the system.
Although the advantages of vouchers
in Albanian higher education there is the
other face of vouchers that specialist has to
consider before implementing the system.
Referring again to Jongbloed scheme and
to the experience of the Russian voucher
model, in regards to equity, improving
quality and efficiency the prospective
disadvantages might be.
Cons
1.
Need for government regulations
to protect subjects, individuals,
quality and equity. Referring also
to the Russian model of vouchers,
there is always a threat in regards
4
It is a tread in the last ten years in Albania that students prefer to attend programs in social sciences,
especially in law, political science, international relations, and economics with the aim to have high paid
jobs. Nevertheless, there is a great number of unemployed people in the market that finish the “fancy” study
programs without any prospective in finding a qualified job.
165
Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
2.
3.
4.
to pure science study programs, in
the experiment mentioned above
in Russian universities there was
a trend where higher education
institutions were planning to
expand admission to popular
programs, because in this way
they will get more students and
consequently more money.
Considering quality and equity,
the Albanian government before
implementing any voucher model,
has to offer a clear perspective to
students and parents of higher
education quality in regards to
programs and institutions.
Only after making a transparent
evaluation of each program and
institution, the government has to
take in consideration also how to
secure equity, where each student
has the possibility (although the
geographic position) to study in the
program he/she chooses, having a
voucher support.
Large variations in enrolment
and funding may lead to under –
utilization of capital and insecure
jobs for teachers. In reference
again to the experiment in Mari
State Technical University, and
to his rector G. Oshchepkov
who pointed out that a higher
education institution can not
function without constant minimal
financial guarantees. Policy makers
in designing the voucher scheme
have to take in consideration that
higher education institutions need
a minimum budget, to guarantee
their every day activity.
According to Bekhradnia & Massy
there is also a risk with the present
arrangements in funding higher
education, that universities may
feel to admit more students and
have lower standards, and there
is concern too that universities
and their staff may feel increasing
pressure to award more favorable
degree results in order to remain
attractive to students.
5. Bekhradnia & Massy also pointed
out a very interesting disadvantage
that refers to a wide voucher
implementation scheme, which
according to the authors the
Government loses its most powerful
tool for steering the higher
education system in the national
interest.
In the case of the Albanian “fragile”5
higher education system, the immediate
shift of steering from the government
to the student (from public to private
stakeholder) will bring a great confusion
in regards to the future of the system.
Conclusions
Although vouches remain a serious
alternative approach for funding higher
education, before implementing a
large scheme of vouchers the Albanian
Government in my opinion has to first 1.
Evaluate the quality of higher education
programs and institutions; 2. Increase
the quality of secondary education in
order to build a solid ground in respect
to equity; 3. Secure information to
students for higher education institutions,
in regards to quality and programs they
offer; 4. Secure a financial guarantee for
teaching and research to higher education
institutions in order to support their
existence; 5. Guarantee equity in the
system for students coming from more
disadvantage social classes;
5
Fragile it is used in the context that Albanian higher education, as analyzed in this paper also, is quite
young and has been for these 20 years in the middle of strong and difficult political and economical changes.
166
Beside the need for initiating a
different scheme of financing higher
education (like vouchers) the policy
makers have to consider that a full
implementation of vouchers will differ the
landscape of Albanian higher education,
where the state is not any more a
stakeholder but a spectator.
Before implementing a large scale of
Higher education vouchers in Albania
vouchers the policy makers have to consider
( like Jongbloed & Koelman pointed out )
that the choice of intervention mechanisms
will not be a matter of economic theory,
but also a matter of social and political
arguments. Consequently any change in
funding higher education mechanism will
influence in political and social clime of
the country.
REFERENCES
Barr, N. (2002) Funding Higher education
Policies for Access and Quality, House of
Commons Education and Skills Committee.
Sixth Report of Session 2001-2002 ss. 1-31;
Bekhradnia & Massy (2009), Vouchers as a
mechanism for funding higher education,
Higher Education Policy Institute.
Bureau of Research in Higher Education and
Professional Education Albany (1970)
Voucher System and Higher Education in
New York State, The University of the State
of New York
Carnoy, M (1998), National Voucher Plan
in Chile and Sweden: Did privatization
reforms Make for Better Education?,
Comparative Education Review, Vol . 42,
nr 3.
Clark, B ( 1998), Entrepreneurial Pathways of
University Transformation & Ch. 7: The
Problem of University Transformation,
Pergamon Press pp 127-148 .
Gogo, V ( 2007), “Ballë për Ballë për arsimine
lartë” “Face to Face for higher education”,
“Koha Jone”, available at http://www.
kohajone.com/html/artikull_4930.html
Hagelund, B (2001), Higher Education in
Albania, University of Copenhagen. Faculty
of Social Sciences. p. 1-24.
Instant (2009), “Instituti i Statistikes në Shqipëri”
“Statistic Institute in Albania”
Jongbloed, B (2004), Funding higher education:
options, trade-offs and dilemmas, CHEPS
Jongbloed, B & Koelman, J (2000), Vouchers for
higher education?, CHEPS
Kleshchukova, M (2005), Merit Based vouchers for
higher education in Russia, Hedda Program
McEwan, Patric J (2000), The Potential Impact
of Large-Scale Voucher programs, Teachers
College, Columbia University
Musai, B (2010), “Arsimi i lartë përballë sfidës
së financimit” “Higher Education facing
financial challenge”
Teixeira, P.N & Johnstone, D.B. & Rosa, M.J
& Vossensteyn, H, Cost – sharing and
accessibility in Higher Education: A Fairer
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Social Studies Vol. 5 No. 2
167