Julia Leyda
ASA Oakland
October 15, 2006
juleyda@gmail.com
America Happens
This paper is not the one I proposed to the Program Committee nor is it the
one listed in the program. I had planned to write about one of the disturbing
events immediately following Katrina in New Orleans, in which a group of evacuees
were prevented at gunpoint by law enforcement officers from walking across the
river bridge, the Crescent City Connection. But as I began to try to write the paper,
I was also trying to understand more academic political events that were just
beginning to unfold. At the 2005 ASA, there had been a couple of hastily
improvised sessions addressing issues around Katrina—this was only weeks after the
flood. Emotions were still raw, particularly for those coming from the affected
areas, and the speakers had had very little time to prepare; nevertheless the
sessions were successful in that they made the first step in a process of public
academic grappling with the events that destroyed 80% of the city of New Orleans.
I spoke with several attendees and learned that many were planning to propose
Katrina panels for the next conference in Oakland, which seemed perfectly logical.
After all, that would give people more time to gather ideas, do research, and calm
down a bit, maybe. I assumed that there would be several sessions peopled by
history, media studies, environmental studies, and ethnic studies scholars already
forming, so my idea was to introduce some disciplines relatively under-represented
at most ASAs, and to try and get as many as possible from the New Orleans area.
With that in mind, I decided to recruit some anthropologists and cultural
geographers to bring their expertise to Oakland.
But there was an obvious problem. Many academics in New Orleans had lost
their homes and offices, their libraries and computers, and even their jobs or their
usual funding sources. How to get commitments from scholars who didn’t know if
their contracts would be renewed or where or how they would even be living by
the time October 2006 rolled around? Some I approached regretfully declined, for
those very reasons. I decided to ask the ASA if it would become proactive: I
emailed the Program Committee and the president to ask what they were going to
do about the incoming flood of Katrina proposals that would be “off-topic.” I asked
them if there were some way to set up and contribute to funding to help
academics whose travel budget was disrupted or destroyed by Katrina. I received
polite replies saying that these were good questions. Then nothing. So this paper is
my effort to figure out why this happened and what Americanists can do to
interrogate both the events of Katrina and the silence of the ASA about Katrina.
I. Something for Everyone
In their interim report in 2006, the ASA Oakland Program Committee
announced that for the conference, they “scheduled panels on the future of
American Studies, cinema studies, material culture, dance, music, human
trafficking; the aftermath of 9/11; Hurricane Katrina; the Black Atlantic and
beyond -- basically something for everyone.” Never mind the somewhat off-putting
juxtapositions and offhand tone; let’s look more closely at the crowd-pleasing
smorgasbord that is the conference program. Two out of 268 session titles
(including ours) contain the word Katrina; outside of those two, only three
individual paper titles do. Of course, not all sessions or papers about Katrina will
have “Katrina” in the title, but this gives a general sense of the representation of
Katrina within the 2006 “transnational” conference program.
At least based on the program and the ASA’s official website, the ASA as an
institution and as an aggregation of individual scholars has nothing much to say
about Katrina, other than to include it as a topic in the “something for everyone”
buffet that includes the Black Atlantic and human trafficking and dance and music.
Although members continue to get e-mails about the much-heralded (and funded)
“International Initiative,” there has been no official communication from the ASA
leadership about any kind of Katrina-related initiatives. What could the ASA and its
membership do about, for example, conference funding or fee waivers for Katrinaaffected academics? Why not provide a way for members to contribute to such
funding—as the Modern Language Association did? Why not encourage members by
announcing that there would definitely be special sessions outside of the official
conference theme of transnational American studies? Why not solicit proposals for
partnerships with affected universities and schools that lost libraries, computers,
equipment? Nothing.
How many of the 81 proposed sessions rejected by the Program Committee
were about Katrina? How many of the 201 rejected individual papers? We don’t
know. What we do know is that the ASA officers have sole control over the theme
of the annual meeting as well as the selection of sessions and papers that fit (or
don’t fit) that theme. But why does the ASA even need a theme and why is the
choice of the theme in so few hands? Imagine what the annual meeting would look
like if it were more like the American Association of Geographers conference, in
which any member of the association can present a paper, with no overarching
“theme” to dictate what the newest trends will be. The AAG meeting is huge, over
3000 presentations, and chaotic, covering many subdisciplines. But it’s democratic.
Attending the conference is more random but also more interesting, because
presenters are actually doing the work they want to do without having to tweak it
to fit the flavor of the month “theme” decided upon by a small group.
It seems possible that because the conference theme is “transnational,” ASA
members feared that a Katrina-related paper or session might not be accepted and
therefore they didn’t submit proposals, or they obediently tailored their work to
be “transnational” according to the dictates of the program committee. It’s not
easy to get a paper accepted, and if one’s career may depend on getting the right
lines on a CV, it stands to reason some members couldn’t risk it. So, what is the
real purpose of the ASA—sharing and debating current research, or professional
positioning within the latest trendy topics and methods? Certainly both: job
interviews are going on throughout the conference, and younger scholars lucky
enough to get on the program are understandably trying to create a positive, upto-date professional image. But what of the rest of us, who aren’t on the job
market, who are willing to digress from the most recent scholarly fashions to do
timely and relevant research?
In organizing this panel, I was concerned that we might be rejected not on
the basis of quality or originality but because there isn’t anything really
“transnational” about our session (other than my institutional affiliation, that is). I
have always felt that the conference theme serves to limit the range and number
of interesting presentations; after all, the current trends and fashions in American
studies cannot possibly represent the whole spectrum of good work in the field—I
often wondered what kinds of research and analysis was being ignored because it
wasn’t that year’s flavor? But Katrina for me is the crowning example of the
uselessness and indeed the danger of proclaiming a single overarching theme for an
entire national association’s annual meeting. The theme was decided before
Katrina, but there was no attempt to inform ASA members about the committee’s
stance on Katrina sessions or papers, which obviously would not for the most part
fit the “transnational” theme. With the top-down choice of a single conference
theme such as transnationality, does the ASA really foster the best possible
atmosphere for scholarly engagement and debate? Or does it impose a false sense
of cohesion when a less ordered chaos might be more true to the actual state of
the field (and maybe have even more of “something for everyone”)?
II. Transnational American Studies vs. Non-US-Based American Studies?
On the other hand, perhaps because non-US-based American studies is
always already international (see Hones and Leyda) and thus needn’t exclude
domestic US issues from their programs to prove it, American studies associations
in other countries have emphasized Katrina-related topics in a much more visible
and focused way. In South Korea, the ASAK’s call for papers for its two-day 2006
conference “Crossing America’s Borders” features Katrina as its prime example of
the domestic issues it wants to focus on: “rather than viewing the U.S. as a
monolithic superpower, locating the real or imagined ‘third worlds’ within the U.S.
may transform the way we imagine the future world.” In Japan, the JAAS’s annual
two-day conference featured a workshop entitled “New Orleans,” in which invited
participants included an environmental studies scholar, a specialist on Cajun
culture, a political scientist, an Americanist researching IT, and myself as a
reluctant native informant taking advantage of the bully pulpit. To give one
example: Yayoi Haraguchi’s paper focused on the environmental justice campaigns
in the Vietnamese American community and the urgent need to rebuild Louisiana’s
wetlands, drawing on her pre-Katrina research in New Orleans and outlining
important research questions for post-Katrina work.
These two conferences are much smaller than the Oakland meeting, yet
their organizers made a significant effort to address what they judged to be a
major event in recent US history, culture, politics, and society. ASAK’s call for
papers and JAAS’s workshop planners tried to encourage members and attendees
to engage with Katrina. What did the ASA do to address this event in the lead-up to
the conference? How is Katrina represented in the program? As I attempt to answer
these questions, I start to wonder whether maybe the “transnational turn” in
American studies actually means that the most relevant work on the US is not
being done (or not being fostered) in the US.
III. What Could Americanists Do?
What can we do as Americanists in response to Katrina, as professionals
trained to study and theorize about the United States and its people, its history,
its archive? Americanists should respond when “America happens,” never mind our
everyday specializations and research topics. So, faced with a disaster of this scale
and severity, what will be our response? What is our subject matter, if not this? So
many of us already specialize in areas related to race and class, perhaps the most
obvious angle of approach. So many of us study movements for social change and
resistance to inequality; still others, the troubled relationship between the people
and the state. More than a year after the flood, activists and community
organizations are doing great work that could serve as case studies in urban
planning. But whatever one’s specialty, what if we used this traumatic moment in
US history to examine our own profession and how it can (or cannot) foster a
critical engagement with America as it happens?
What if we all tried to create a response to Katrina, based on our own
academic experience and expertise? Whether you are an American citizen whose
academic practice is personally connected to your own national identity, or an
Americanist carrying another passport committed to studying the US, I would like
to suggest that you—and we all—have an urgent responsibility to at least consider
and discuss how we can answer the challenge of Katrina as Americanists. One way
to do that is to use our analytical skills to address the strange absence of Katrina in
this year’s conference.
IV. The Third World? Why Rebuild?: Implications in the Study of “America”
In darker moments, I wonder if this neglect of Katrina at ASA this year might
be a cognitive extension of the repeated disavowals from media commentators and
eyewitnesses during the fiasco: “this can’t be happening in America” and “this
looks like a third world refugee camp.” As Americanists, we are used to
questioning discourses like this. What do people think America does look like? What
distinguishes the US from a third world country? Why was CNN’s Africa
correspondent sent in? What idealized images of “America” were exploded by the
media images of elderly, poor, disabled, and abandoned New Orleanians in the
days after the flood? Americanists trained in close reading could surely have
something to say about the representations in the media that equated poor and
black Americans with the third world (see Brooks; Dominguez).
It would even have been possible to fit Katrina into the ASA program with a
“transnational” angle: incorporate the recent work on Caribbean studies and the
US South: politically, economically, socially, how does post-K (and pre-K for that
matter) New Orleans compare to Port-au-Prince? Kingston? Bahia? In addition to
the Caribbean-Southern angle, I can imagine several ways to read Katrina as a
transnational event, for example, the obvious parallels with the occupation of Iraq
(KBR, Blackwater, National Guard deployments), the Department of Homeland
Security, the Asian tsunami, non-US-based offers of aid, and the post-K influx of
Latino workers to New Orleans.
But I would really like to see Americanists theorize about what could be
behind the chilling rhetoric that has echoed through the halls of government and
across internet commentaries, arguing that the city doesn’t deserve to be rebuilt.
Is this also part of the disavowal of New Orleans, because it’s just too _____ (fill in
adjective here: poor, black, gay, decadent, Catholic, racist, Democratic, different,
low-lying)? Why have editorials and political speeches over the past year had to
constantly, including on the one-year anniversary, repeat economic facts and
figures as well as emotional appeals trying to convince the American public that a
major American city is worth saving (see Amoss; Barry; “Death of an American
City”; Gross; “It’s Time for a Nation to Return the Favor”)? How is that even in
question? And how can we as specialists in US culture, history, and national
identity imagine the motivations for such rhetoric?
Many commentators agree that the fiasco surrounding Katrina are a
horrifying but logical end result of years of right-wing boot-straps individualism
and “small government” ideology paired with corporate welfare and privatization
of government services. Mayor Nagin admitted that he delayed ordering the
mandatory evacuation because he feared legal repercussions from businesses over
lost revenues (Horne). The editors of the Nation point out: “what the Gulf Coast
disaster has laid bare is not just the shame of racial and economic inequities in the
world's richest nation but a wider breach of the social contract that once bound us
to one another, however loosely and imperfectly.” In a similar vein, British
journalist Gary Younge writes:
To truly grasp how events in New Orleans unraveled, America would have to
grapple with its ahistorical understanding of race, ambivalence toward class
and antagonism toward government. But those rabbit holes proved too deep
and too ugly, and in the end it was a journey the country had neither the
will, curiosity nor leadership to make.
Americanists by definition study America: its history, society, politics, culture,
literature, media. Why aren’t Americanists leaping down those rabbit holes eagerly,
armed with a formidable scholarly archive on precisely these: race, class, antigovernment antagonism, the social contract itself? And what do we, as
Americanists, think about this silence at our own conference?
V. The “Hole in the Ground” vs. the Drowned City
Responding to criticism of the pace of recovery, New Orleans Mayor Ray
Nagin infamously quipped, “You guys in New York can’t get a hole in the ground
fixed and it’s five years later. So let’s be fair” (“New Orleans Mayor”). That was
just the most recent in a number of comparisons between 9/11 and Katrina in
terms of national trauma, lives lost, economic impact, media frenzy, government
incompetence, and more. I’m drawn to 9/11 as a parallel example within academic
circles as well: almost immediately there were online discussions about how to
teach it, how to respond to it as individual academics and as groups and
institutions, what each person in American studies could do to contribute to
understanding, recovering from, and preventing another 9/11. At the H-AMSTDY
listserv archives, a search for keywords “September 11” yields 395 messages.
Granted some of the hits might not be related to the terror attacks on the US of
2001, but a keyword search on “Katrina” gets on 44 hits (3 of them apparently
because Katrina van den Heuvel’s name appears in them), and true that 9/11 was
five years ago while Katrina was more recent. Nevertheless, it seems to me an odd
lack of discussion of Katrina on the biggest Americanist listserv: the most popular
threads among the 44 “Katrina” posts are about Oprah Winfrey (each with 7 posts,
some including multiple replies) and about the mass media’s coverage of Katrina.
The enthusiastic discussion of the influence and conservatism of Oprah as an
African American woman media mogul shows some of the ASA’s strengths: the
insights and analytical skills of its members. Likewise the posts about the media
representations of Katrina showed the agility of the Americanist intellectual
enterprise, to question and critique the status quo and to document moments of
rupture in the mainstream media’s discourses of race, class, and power that
pervade US culture, particularly the cable news networks. Yet these were only two
somewhat active threads; they trickled out and there are now only occasional
mentions of Katrina in a CFP. On the other hand, questions of accountability and
complicity in both the events of 9/11 and in the US responses to it are still
reverberating around mailing lists and in academic journals and conferences. What
about Americans’ accountability and complicity in the “failure of initiative” in
preparing for and coping with Katrina, as the Congressional report is titled? What
can Americanists say about the “breach of faith” evident in the post-Katrina
aftermath, to echo the title of Jed Horne’s book. Does the ASA as an institution—
and don’t the members who make up the ASA—have a scholarly interest in this?
What does the American Studies Association—officers and regular members—do
when “America” happens? What can we do? What aren’t we doing? And why not?
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