1 Aldhelm's , and the Loathly Lady motif1 Britta Irslinger The "Loathly Lady" is a recurrent motif in medieval literatures, and one that has received much attention in scholarly research. The "Loathly Lady", an ugly hag, turns into a beautiful young woman by means of sexual intercourse with a knight, a prince or a king. The motif is attested in medieval narratives in Irish, English and Icelandic, 2 as well as in later oral tradition in English and Scottish Gaelic. In particular, the Middle English texts belong to the Arthurian literature, which,besides the transformation motif, features another similar, albeit different motif. In French, German and Welsh Arthurian romances, the ugly lady is rather young and does not transform into a beautiful woman. However, as far as her appearance, behaviour and function within the tale are concerned, she resembles the ugly hag. Within Arthurian literature, this figure is known as The Hideous Damsel, La Demoiselle Hideuse, Die Widerwärtige Dame, Y Vorwyn Ddu 'The Black Maiden' or Y Forwyn Bengrych 'The Curly Haired Maiden'.3 th During the first half of the 20 century, much research was dedicated to understanding how the different tales are interrelated and how the Loathly Lady motif developed, and especially to determining which variant of the motif came first and what its original function was. Several instances of this motif can be found in th medieval Irish literature, with the oldest attestation dating back to the 11 century, in the poem Echtra Mac Echdach Mugmedóin. However, the motif itself is believed to be 4 much older. As it is connected to the medieval sovereignty allegory and thus to the concept of the legitimation of royal power and sacral kingship, it is widely assumed that its origin lies in pre0Christian beliefs. PECK (2007, 102) refers to the latter as "earth 5 goddess mythology". Stevenson 1998 claims to have discovered the Loathly Lady motif in a very early source, namely in Aldhelm's De virginitate, which was probably written between 680 and 700 AD. Stevenson shares the widespread belief that the Loathly Lady motif originated in Ireland, and argues that the Anglo0Saxon Aldhelm, abbot of Malmesbury, became acquainted with it by contacts with Irishmen and then introduced it into his own writings. According to Stevenson, the motif dates back to about 300 years earlier than the documented Irish sources. This assumption brings the origin of the motif closer to the 1 The author would like thank the anonymous reviewer for the valuable comments that greatly contributed to improving the final version of the paper. 2 Nutt 1892, Maynadier 1901, Eisner 1957, Goetinck (1975, 131ff.), Passmore 2004. 3 Nutt (1892, 425f.), Weston II (190601909, 187ff.), Loomis (1927, 273ff.; 1952, 377ff., 416), Krappe (1947, 352ff.), Goetinck (1967, 354ff.; 1975, 97f., 149; 1993, 83ff.). Coomaraswami (1945, 391ff.) and Loomis (1951, 104ff.) connected the Loathly Lady motif to the widespread Fier Baiser motif ('The fearful or daring kiss'). Here the creature transformed by the hero's kiss is not an old hag, but a dragon or serpent. Bendinelli Predelli (1998, 472) argues against the association of the two motifs. 4 See Ó Máille (1928, 129ff.). 5 See also Loomis (1927, 260), O'Rahilly (1946, 14), Mac Cana (1955056, 88, 412f., 1958059, 59ff.). 2 pre0Christian period, and thus gives more credibility to its much0discussed interpretation as a reflex of Celtic or even pre0Celtic mythology. Although fascinating on the surface , a more thorough comparison of the motifs, as they occur in Irish tradition and in Aldhelm's work, raises serious doubts about Stevenson’s hypothesis. This paper aims to investigate whether more plausible alternatives to the Irish Loathly Lady motif can be identified as the source of Aldhelm’s inspiration. In addition, some previous interpretations of the Irish motif will be questioned. 1. The Loathly Lady motif in Irish literature 1.1. Attestations and interpretations The relevant Irish tales can be divided into two groups according to their hero, i.e. the Níall0tales and the Lugaid0tales. The former include the following three versions: 6 1) The poem Echtra Mac Echdach Mugmedóin (henceforth E1), which was written in th the early 11 cent. It is contained in LL p. 33b and Rawl. B 502, p. 138a. In LL, and it is attributed to Cúán Úa Lothcháin, who died in 1024 according to the Annals of Ulster. He was the court poet of Máel Sechnall II, who was king of Tara from 980 to 1022. 2) The anonymous prose version Echtra Mac Echach Muigmedóin7 (E2) from the early 12th cent., contained in BB p. 265a and YBL, col. 902. It is more extensive than the poem and features a partially different sequence of events. 8 3) The poem Tairnig in sel"sa ac Síl Néill 'Síl Néills era has come to an end' (E3), included in the Book of Uí Máine (RIA D ii 1, fo. 215V0216R, RIA A v 2, fo. 46V047V). It relates to Cathal Croibhdhearg Ó Conchubhair, who was king of Connacht between 1189 and 1224. Ó Cuív (1984, 159f.) believes that the poem was composed after Cathal's succession to the throne in order to demonstrate the validity of his claim with the help of traditional historical lore. If this explanation is correct, the poem should date back to around 1191. The Lugaid0tales as well appear in both a prose and a metrical version: th 1) The prose tale The sons of Dáire Doimthech (CA), dating back to around the 12 – th 9 10 13 centuries contained in both recensions of Cóir Anmann. th 2) The poem The sons of Dáire Doimthech (CM), also from the 12 11 included in Metrical Dindshenchas of Carn Máil. 6 – 13th cent., Ed. and translation Joynt (1910, 91ff.). Ed. and translation Stokes (1903, 190ff.). 8 Ed. and translation Ó Cuív (1984, 157ff.). 9 See the discussion in Arbuthnot (2005, 60ff., 65). 10 Shorter recension: ed. and translation Arbuthnot (2005, 1010104, 1390141, § 104). Longer recension: ed. and translation Arbuthnot (2007, 20023, 96099; § 72). See Arbuthnot (2005, 29ff.) on the versions as preserved in the different manuscripts. 11 Ed. and translation Gwynn IV (1924, 1340143). 7 3 The story line given here will follow the prose version (E2) of the Níall0tales, as Stevenson (1998, 192) considers them to be particularly significant and relevant when discussing Aldhelm’s use of the motif. Níall Noígíallach is a legendary Ulster king, who, as maintained by the native medieval tradition, lived in the late 4th and early 5th cent. AD. He is the ancestor of almost all high kings as well as of the dynasty of the Uí Néill. According to E2, his ascension to the throne seems at first rather unlikely. He is the illegitimate son of the high king Eochaid Muigmedón and Cairenn Casdub, daughter of the Saxon king Scál the Dumb, who lives at the court as a slave. Eochaid's wife, Queen Mongḟind, tries to kill Níall, but the poet Torna secretly fosters him in his house. Once grown up, Níall returns to the court and demands freedom for his mother. The king grants him his request and recognizes him as his own son. Níall then outperforms hisfour older half0 brothers, the sons of Queen Mongḟind, in various tests. One day, the five brothers all go hunting together. While searching for water, the brothers, one after the other, encounter a hideous hag who is guarding a well and asks for a kiss in exchange for 12 water. Terrified, they all run away. Fiachra gives her a hasty kiss on the cheek. The hag foretells that he will have a short visit in Tara. When Níall encounters her, he fearlessly declares that not only he will kiss her, but he will also lie with her. As he embraces and kisses her, she transforms into a beautiful young woman who identifies herself as flaithius 'sovereignty': Misi in Flaithius, or si "I am the Sovranty", she answered (Stokes 1903, 200f. § 15). She proclaims him the rightful king over Tara, as her ugly and repulsive appearance did not frighten him: Acus amail adcondarcais misi go granna connda aduathmar artús & alaind fadeoid, is amlaid sin in flaithius, uair is annam fogabar he cen catha & cen chongala, alaind maisech immorro ria nech e fodeoid. "And as thou hast seen me loathsome, bestial, horrible at first and beautiful at last, so is the soveranty; for seldom it is gained without battles and conflicts; but at last to anyone it is beautiful and goodly." (Stokes 1903, 200f. § 16) She then gives him advice on how to prove his seniority and superiority over his brothers. Following her guidance, Níall finally becomes king. It is generally agreed, that this tale is a political allegory aimed to legitimate the claims 13 of the Uí Néill dynasty to high kingship. The tale explains very straightforwardly what steps are necessary to rise to the throne. Already before the encounter with the hag, Níall proves superior to his brothers for his character and skills. The brothers fail the test because they are frightened and disgusted by the hag. Only Níall is able to overcome his negative feelings and seizes the opportunity offered to him. Turned into 12 According to the poetic version (E1), the hasty kiss is given by Brian, the oldest brother (Joynt 1910, 102f.). 13 Cf. Herbert (1992, 270), Murray (2004, 1), Carey (2007, 19). 4 a beautiful woman, the hag instructs him14 on how to officially gain the sovereignty which he has already acquired on a personal level. The contemporary function of the Irish tale emerges even more clearly in 15 comparison with the other Loathly Lady tales. The oldest of the Middle English tales th is John Gower's Tale of Florent, which was written in the late 14 cent. and is contained in book 1 (lines 140701861) of Gower's collection of narrative poems Confessio Amantis 'The Lover's Confession'.16 Florent, a nephew of the emperor, is in search of fame and kills a knight in a duel. The knight's family wants to revenge him and tries to find a legal way to kill Florent. The grandmother offers to spare Florent's life if, within a limited amount of time, he manages to find out what it is that women desire most. Obviously, she assumes that Florent will not be able to provide the correct answer to the riddle. Florent travels around and asks many people. He receives many different answers, but is not sure to have found the right one. Just before the time is over, he meets an old hag in the forest. She offers to give him the answer in exchange for the promise to marry her, and he agrees, hoping that she will not live long. Back with the knight's family, he declares that what women desire most is sovereignty. The answer is right and Florent is free. In secret, he marries the hag in his castle, and, in spite of his reluctance, on the wedding night she embraces him and turns into a beautiful young woman. She allows him to decide whether he wants her to be beautiful at day and ugly at night or the other way round. When he says that he wants her to be beautiful at night, she objects that she would be ashamed to be seen at the court and in public in her ugly form. Florent replies that he would then trust her judgment, and asks her to choose whatever she thinks is best. As a consequence of this reply, she becomes permanently beautiful. Daughter of the king of Sicily, she was cursed by her stepmother, and only a knight who would leave the sovereignty to her could break the spell. While the political propaganda purposes of the Irish narratives were rather blatant, the English tales are more subtle. In the Tale of Florent, the hero develops the personal qualities necessary for a leader only with the help of the hag who counsels and advises him. Although Florent already possesses the outer attributes of chivalric knighthood, he lacks the corresponding inner values. It’s only by undergoing a change in character that he becomes truly noble. The tale was thus often ascribed to the "mirrors for princes" genre: its author counsels or criticizes the ruler, but does so in a veiled fashion to avoid possible negative repercussions for himself (Passmore 2007, 5ff., 13). It is commonly assumed that the Irish tales not only are attested earlier, but are also closer to the original meaning of the motif, i.e. the cultural and religious context of the legitimation of royal power and sacral kingship. Before being used as political allegories, they were thus part of a pre0Christian mythology. There is a wide consensus that the early Irish concept of kingship includes substantial features of sacral kingship. A kingdom's welfare was closely associated with the sovereign's physical, social and mental conditions. If these were good, the kingdom was bound to enjoy peace, social stability, good weather, abundance of crops and livestock etc. This was called the "sovereign's truth", fír flatha. The opposite was 14 According to Passmore (2007, 8ff.), the hag's function as the counsellor and instructor of the designated king is paralleled by the Middle English Loathly Lady tales and recalls the "mirrors for princes" genre. 15 The more widely known tale is The wife of Bath's tale by Geoffrey Chaucer, which was written in the early 1390s and was probably inspired by the Tale of Florent. 16 Ed. Peck/Galloway 2006. 5 the "sovereign's lie", gáu flatha, which lead to conflict, bad weather, pestilence and famine. It was therefore crucial that the candidates be tested, so that only the rightful one could ascend to the throne. The successful candidate then performed the ritual of hieros gamos, the sacred marriage between the king and a goddess held to embody the territorial sovereignty. As part of the ritual, the king would lie with the local territorial goddess, who thus bestowed the sovereignty onto him. The form taken by the goddess at a given moment in time depends on the presence or the absence of the king. If the rightful king is not present, she transforms into a hideous hag or some other unattractive woman, but she then turns back into a beautiful lady when he appears.17 Within Celtic Studies the transforming hags are therefore not known as "Loathly Ladies", but rather as "Sovereignty goddesses". And there is a very large number of them. In fact Mac Cana (1955056, 1957058) drew up a catalogue of motifs belonging to the "sovereignty complex" in medieval Irish literature according to which many heroines can be identified as sovereignty goddesses. Mac Cana (1982, 522) even claims that virtually all of them are variations of the archetypical goddess figure, "the Celtic goddess", the continuation of a pre0Indo0European goddess (Mac Cana 1983, 92). 1.2. Descriptions of the hag and the young woman In the Irish sources, the hag is not called a "goddess". Her non0human nature is indicated by the word úath 'horrible creature, spectre, phantom', but she is also referred to by the common terms for old women caillech or sentuinne, which literally mean 'the veiled one'18 and 'old skin' respectively. In the Echtra0poem, she is also called écess 'scholar' or 'poet', which Joynt translates as 'sibyl'. However, after her transformation, she is referred to as ingen 'maiden, young woman' in all texts. old woman young woman écess 'sage, poet, sibyl' (E1 v. 35) sentuinne 'old woman' (E2 § 10) caillech 'hag' (E2 § 11), fiadchaillech 'wild hag' (E3 v. 22) úath, fuath ''horrible creature' (E1 v. 38, 39, E3 v. 10, 23) delb dochrud 'hideous shape' (E1 v. 44) arracht gránna 'ugly apparition' (E3 v. 10) ingen 'young woman, maiden, damsel' (E1 v. 51, 52, E2 § 14, E3 v. 29, 31) The descriptions of the old and the young women are similar, but not identical. The most detailed ones are given in E2. These descriptions follow a pattern that Matasović (2009, 97f.) identifies as typical for tales of the Ulster Cycle, where parts of the face and body, as well as clothes, are described with regard to their form and colour. 17 See Ó Rahilly (1946, 17), Byrne (1973, 51), Mac Cana (1955056, 84f.), McCone (1990, 108ff.), Stevenson (1998, 192 with n. 25), Passmore (2007, 29, n. 2). See Maier (2001, 170f.) with a critical discussion of the evidence. 18 See LEIA C013f. 6 Is amlaid bui in caillech, co mba duibithir gual cech n"alt cach n"aigi di a mullach co talmain. Ba samalta fri herboll fiadeich in mong glas gaisidech bai tria cleithi cheandmullaich. Consealgad glasgeg darach fo fri brith dia corran glaisḟiacla bai 'na cind co roichead a hou. Suli duba dethaighthe le, sron cham chuasach. Medon fethech brecbaindech ingalair le, luirgni fiara fochama siad, adbronnach leathansluaistech si, glunmar glaisingnech. Ba grain tra a tuarascbail na cailligi. "Thus was the hag: every joint and limb of her, from the top of her head to the earth, was as black as coal. Like the tail of a wild horse was the gray bristly mane that came through the upper part of her head0crown. The green branch of an oak in bearing would be severed by the sickle of green teeth that lay in her head and reached to her ears. Dark smoky eyes she had: a nose crooked and hollow. She had a middle fibrous, spotted with pustules, diseased, and shins distorted and awry. Her ankles were thick, her shoulderblades were broad, her knees were big, and her nails were green. Loathsome in sooth was the hag’s appearance." (Stokes 1903, 196f., § 11) After her transformation, the lady shows the typical attributes of female beauty in the Irish sagas such as golden hair or snow0white skin. In addition, her appearance is royal and she wears precious clothes and a purple mantle. She is described as rígnaide 'queenly' in E2 and E3. ... ni raibi forsin domun ingen bid chaime tachim nó tuarascbail inda si. Ba samalta fri deread ṡnechta i claidib cach n"alt o ind co bond di. Rigthi remra rignaidhe lé. Méra seta sithlebra. Colpta dirgi dathailli le. Da maelasa findruinne iter a troighthib mine maethgela lar. Brat logmarda lancorcra impi. Bretnass gelairgit i timthach in bruit. Fiacla niamda nemannda le, rosc rignaide romor, beoil partardeirg. '... there was not in the world a damsel whose figure or appearance was more loveable than hers! Like the snow in trenches was every bit of her from head to sole. Plump and queenly forearms she had: fingers long and slender: calves straight and beautifully coloured. Two blunt shoes of white bronze between her little, soft0 white feet and the ground. A costly full0purple mantle she wore, with a brooch of bright silver in the clothing of the mantle. Shining pearly teeth she had, an eye large and queenly, and lips red as rowanberries.' (Stokes 1903, 199ff., §14) Most of the features mentioned in the prose Echtra (E2) appear also in at least two of the other texts (see table below), while the Echtra0poem (E1) diverges slightly in this regard as it compares the lady's features to the landscape. As a young lady, her complexion is the colour of the Leinster crags, her locks like Bregon's buttercups and her green mantle. Some scholars argued that, as she resembles Ireland, she is not only 19 Flaith Érenn 'the sovereignty over Ireland', but rather the goddess Ériu herself. 19 See e.g. Loomis (1927, 298f., 1951, 110f., 1949, 416), Ó Rahilly (1946, 14), Eisner (1957, 27) and Bromwich (1961, 450). On the green cloak see Ó Cuív (1978, 114). 7 52. Ropo chomderg a haiged | ocus corcair líac Laigen a muinéal glan amal glain | a barr mar buidéan mBregain. 'Blooming was her countenance in hue as the crimson lichen of Leinster crags, clear like crystal was her throat, her locks were like the Bregon's buttercups.' 53. Óenbrat úainide impe | is hé fírṡúairc fírḟillte, snáth sróil ris, ní thorchair de, | co corthair óir foreoiscthe. 'A mantle about her, matchless, green, right comely it was and folded well, a silken thread that secured it well, a border it had of refined gold.' Only in Carn Máil the hag is also associated to the landscape, with her head being described as a furzy hillside. However, this device is not exploited to its full potential. 22. Bolg"medón impe, 's eól dam, | cen asna coa cend carrach cnocc"remur cíar | fuirre mar cach n"aittenn"shlíab. 'A paunchy belly she bore, I trow, without rib to the armpits: a scabby hill0thick black head like a furzy hillside, upon her.' h"achsalaib: E1 compares her eyes not to the landscape, but rather to a weather phenomenon:20 46. Im[m]ar bad luisse do ṡléib | im"mís Martai medónréid, lastais a súili serba | bái ar dúire a drochdelba. 'As it were a flash (?) from a mountain0side in the month of March of mid0course smooth (?), even so blazed her bitter eyes, such was the direness of her foul form.' Her eyes are called 'blazing' here, while the other tales describe them as suli duba dethaighthe 'dark smoky eyes' (E2) or as súile linnacha liatha 'watery grey eyes' (E3, v. 24). However, this feature matches the description of the young lady in Carn Máil, where her eyes lighten up her surroundings: 29. Amlaid robátar a roisc, | (nírbat berta brath"tecoisc) trí gaí gréine cechtar de, | baile a silled, ba soirche. 'Such were her eyes (they were no tricks of cheating craft) – three shafts of sunlight in each of them: where her glance fell all was bright.' In Cóir Anmann, it is her radiant face which is compared to the sun: Indar lais bá grían ag turgbháil a mís Mhái soillsi a gnúisi. Fúan corcra corthorach, folt dath"alainn impi. Ba samhaltá fri lugbort cumra a boladh. (Arbuthnot 2007, 22) 'He thought that the radiance of her face was the sun rising in the month of May. Around her was a fringed, purple tunic and hair of beautiful colour. Her scent was like a fragrant herb0garden.' (Arbuthnot 2007, 98) 20 The first line of the verse remains unclear. Joynt (1910, 103 n. 9) takes luisse as a variant of loise 'flame, blaze; act of blazing; radiance', which also occurs in phrases meaning 'blushes, flushes'. She supposes an allusion to some custom. In contrast to this, e0DIL (L 243.29) lists luise with obscure meaning and distinct from loise 'flame, blaze'. 8 Survey of features mentioned in the texts: hag E1 E2 big mouth with big teeth / tusks coarse hair / eyebrows limbs: thin / bony / distorted black skin huge size old, foul, faded clothing blazing eyes features similar to the landscape v. 35, 45 § 11 v. 44 § 11 v. 39, 44 § 11 § 11 young woman E1 golden hair snow0white skin rosy cheeks, red lips purple mantle precious clothes rígnaide 'queenly' radiant face/body eyes with three shafts of sunlight pleasant scent features similar to the landscape v. 52 E3 v. 10, 24 v. 22, 24 v. 46 (?) v. 52 v. 52 CM CA v. 20 v. 22 v. 21 v. 19, 22 v. 19021 + + + v. 22 E2 § 14 § 14 § 14 § 14 § 14 E3 CM v. 29 v. 29 CA + v. 28 v. 30 + + v. 30 v. 29, 30 v. 29 + + v. 52, 53 2. Aldhelm's The Anglo0Saxon Aldhelm lived in the 7th century (d. 709). In 675, he was appointed abbot of Malmesbury Abbey and around the year 705 he became Bishop of Sherborne. He was one of the most learned and influential scholars of the Anglo0Saxon period, and the first Latin author in Anglo0Saxon England whose writings have been preserved.21 His most important work is a treatise on virginity, De virginitate, commemorating the histories of many exemplary virgins, both male and female. De 22 virginitate is an opus geminum (lit. a 'twinned work'). The longer prose version De Laude virginitatis 'Praise of virginity' was probably written between 680 and 700 AD. Later, Aldhelm wrote the Carmen de virginitate 'Poem/Song on virginity', paraphrasing his own work in hexameter verses. The story of Saint Silvester includes the transformation of an old woman into a th young lady. The historical Silvester was pope in the early 4 cent. AD. According to legend, he performed many feats, such as curing the Emperor Constantine of leprosy. Aldhelm notes a further interaction between Silvester and Constantine:23 ... siquidem, imperator in civitate, quae Bizantium vocabatur, cum membra sopori dedisset et debitum naturae solveret, apparuit ei in visione nocturna quaedm anicula 21 See Lapidge/Herren (1979, 1). See Ferrari (2008, 248). 23 Edition Ehwald (1919, 258f.), translation Lapidge/Herren (1979, 83f.). The Carmen de virginitate is edited by Ehwald (1919, 378f.) and translated by Lapidge/Rosier (1985, 116f.). 22 9 satis decrepita, etiam paene mortua, quam imperante Silvestro suscitare orando iubitur. Orante autem Constantino illa anicula surrexit et facts est iuvencula pulchrrima velut rubicundo venustate pubertatis flore rubescens; quae cum casta contemplatione regalibus placuisset obtutibus, induit eam clamidem suam et diadema auro obrizo gemmisque purpureis ornatum posuit super caput eius. Helena autem mater eius dicebal ei: 'Haec tua erit et non morietur nisi in fine mundi.' Igitur expergefactus imperator futuram ignorantia rerum acriter artatur, donec per simplam ebdomadis intercapidinem corpore frugalitatis parsimonia macilento rursus in soporem solvitur. Cui vir vitae venerabilis Silvester septima die ieiunii sui adest iterum ei in visione dicens: 'Anus decrepita haec est civitas, in qua to moraris, nomine Bizantium, cuius muri iam prae venustate consumpti sunt, et paene omnia moenia eius corruerunt. Ascende itaque illum equum tuum, in quo baptizatus in albis sedisti in urbe Roma et apostolorum et martirum limina circuisti, et hunc sedens tene labarum tuum, quod signo Christi ex auro et gemmis est pictum. Hoc labarum tenens in dextera tua demitte frenum equi, ut, quo eum duxerit angelus Dei, illuc eat; tu autem fixum cuspidem labari in terra sic trahe eum, ut faciat transitus sui; per quam semitam exstrui facies muros et hanc veteranam civitatem et paene mortuam in iuvenculam suscitabis et tui nominis vocabulo nominabis, ita ut reginam facias omnium urbium (De laude virginitatis 25). 'When the emperor, (being) in the city which was called Byzantium, had given his limbs over to sleep and was paying the debt of nature, there appeared to him in a nocturnal vision a certain old woman, very decrepit – in fact near to death – whom he is ordered at Silvester's command to resuscitate by praying. (When) Constantine prayed, that old woman arose and became an extremely beautiful young lady, blushing with the glowing flower of exquisite youth. When she had pleased the royal inspection in chaste contemplation (of her), he covered her with his cloak and placed a diadem adorned with burnished gold and shining gems on her head. But Helena, his mother said to him: 'She shall be yours and shall not die except at the end of the world.' Thereupon, when he awakened, the emperor was bitterly constrained by his ignorance of future events until, after the simple space of a week – his body (having become) lean with the abstemiousness of temperance – he is again given over to sleep. Silvester, the man of venerable life, is present before him on the seventh day of his fast, saying to him once again in his vision: 'The decrepit old woman is this city in which you are staying, called Byzantium, whose walls are now wasted away because of their age, and nearly all its fortifications have collapsed. Mount, therefore, that horse of yours, on which you sat when you were baptized, in white linen, in the city of Rome, and (on which) you toured the shrines of the apostles and martyrs; and sitting on him take up your ensign, which is decorated with the sign of Christ in gold and jewels. Holding this ensign in your right hand, release the reins of your horse so that he may go where ever the angel of god shall lead him; and you drag the point of your ensign fixed in the earth in such a way that it makes a path by its passage; along this path you shall have walls constructed and (so) shall resuscitate this veteran and nearly dead city into (the likeness of) a young lady: and you shall name her with your name so that you make her the queen of all cities.' Stevenson (1998, 194ff.) interprets this passage as a variant of the Loathly Lady motif and proposes a hypothesis based on two assumptions: first of all, the motif was added 10 by Aldhelm, i.e. it was not contained in his original source, and second, the Loathly Lady motif is originally Irish and Aldhelm became acquainted with it through contact with Irishmen. It is generally agreed that Aldhelm's source was a version of the Vita or Actus 24 th Silvestri, which most probably dates back to the end of the 5 cent. AD, and was transmitted in two Latin versions, each with several variants. The shorter version B(1) circulated predominantly in the East and was printed for the first time by Boninus Mombritius in 1479.25 This was based on the longer version A(1),26 consisting of two books and more popular in the West. Only this latter version contains the episode 27 about the foundation of Byzantium as an addition. According to Stevenson (1998, 194) Aldhelm could have had access to the A0version during a stay in Rome. The vision of Constantine is also reported in the Legenda sancti Silvestri papae ab Eusebio Cesariensi Palestino greco sermone compilata, contained in a 15th cent. MS.28 To a great extent, a word0for0work correspondence between the latter and Aldhelm’s prose account can be observed. This led both Burch (1927, 124f.) and Lieu (1998, 152) to conclude that Aldhelm used it as a model. Stevenson, on the other hand, (1998, 195ff.) argues that it may well have been the other way round, i.e. that De virginitate was the model for the Legenda sancti Silvestri papae. This is not impossible, as Aldhelm's text was in existence by 690 and the Legenda is only attested much later. Some of the texts’ features have been examined to try to establish their relative chronology, in particular stylistic differences and the misinterpretation of the Greek conjunction καὶ δὲ as the noun Kaide, an alternative name for Byzantium. This name figures in the Legenda (Appellata est ciuitas Constantini, quod greco sermone Kaide, et quod interpretatur Constantinopolis usque hodiernum diem), but not in De virginitate (Appellata est ciuitas Constantini, quod greco sermone, quod interpretatur Constantinopolis. De virg. 25). However, in spite of much research, it has not been possible to reach a final conclusion about which text precedes the other. Stevenson's second hypothesis maintains that Aldhelm became acquainted with Irish traditional lore through contacts with Irishman. There is a wide consensus on the 29 occurrence of such contacts, as William of Malmesbury (c. 1090 0 1143) states in book V of the Gesta Pontificum (ca. 1125) that Aldhelm was a pupil of the Irishman Máeldub, founder of Malmesbury and Aldhelm's predecessor as an abbot. Moreover, a letter sent to Aldhelm by an anonymous student contains the following passage: "because you [scil. Aldhelm] were nourished by a certain holy man of our race". Many scholars interpret this sentence as another reference to Máeldub, assuming that the anonymous 24 See Lapidge/Herren (1979, 85), Pohlkamp (1991, 149), Lieu (1998, 139ff., 151f.). nd See the 2 ed. Mombritius (1910, 5080531). 26 The edition of A(1) prepared by Wolfgang Pohlkamp (cf. Fowden 1994, 155, n. 58) seem to not have been published yet. 27 See Pohlkamp (1991, 184, 186, n. 343). 28 British Museum Library (I B 3885), description in Burch (1927, 51). On the content shared with De virginitate see Burch (1927, 124f.). 29 See the literature discussed in Lapidge/Herren (1979, 6ff.), Lapidge/Rosier (1985, 7). Lapidge/Herren (1979, 6ff., n. 8, p. 181f.) are much more sceptical with regard to the correctness of the information given on William of Malmesbury about 400 years later. Nothing at all is known about Máeldub. Aldhelm himself is silent about his teacher. It also remains uncertain whether the author of the letter to Aldhelm was Irish. Lapidge/Herren (1979, 146f.) still consider this possible based on linguistic evidence present in the letter. In contrast to this, Ó Cróinín (1983, 244), Orchard (1994, 4f., n. 13, 18 with further literature) and Edel (2001, 114, 151) argue in favour of Aldhelm's Irish connections. 25 11 student was Irish. Stevenson speculates that Aldhelm might have even known the Irish language or that he was acquainted with Irish storytelling. 3. Comparison of the motifs Stevenson's suggestions are certainly fascinating and possible, but are they also probable? Is the motif in De virginitate the same as the one in Echtra? In both tales there is an old woman who turns into a young one, and both women are connected with the place over which the hero rules. But a closer look at the details reveals clear differences: the lady in the Constantine0tale represents, in her old and young form, the cities of Byzantium and Constantinople respectively. In contrast to this, the Flaith Érenn 'Sovereignty over Ireland' seems to be the personification of a more abstract concept, even though in the E10version she rather represents Ireland itself. In the Irish tale, the hag is not an ordinary old woman, but a spectre with long teeth, a big mouth, coarse hair, black skin etc. Despite a certain degree of variation, the descriptions contained in the different versions are similar enough to assume that the general features of this character were widely known, both to the authors and to their audiences. As a young woman, she is also described in detail. In Aldhelm's tale, the main change in the lady’s appearance is related to her age. The lady turns from being very old to 'blushing with the glowing flower of exquisite youth' (rubicundo venustate pubertatis flore rubescens). While Níall meets the lady in person, Constantine only sees her in his vision. She remains completely passive, just like Constantine, who limits his actions to displaying Christian virtues, e.g. chastity. Even Constantine's prayers, which are the element that brings about the transformation, are not his own initiative, but are ordered by Silvester. In the Níall0 tale, the lady tests the hero, explains the allegory, foretells the hero’s future and counsels him. In the Constantine0tale, these functions are taken on by both 30 Constantine's mother, Helena, and Silvester, making it easy to identify the latter as the main actor of the tale. Sexual intercourse, the central feature of the Níall0tale, is absent in the Constantine0tale. Stevenson (1998, 194) argues that this depends on its Christian context, and especially on the fact that the motif appears within a treatise on virginity. However, Constantine gives the lady a cloak and a diadem, which could be interpreted as a symbol of marriage (see below, 4.1.). Nevertheless, there seems to be a further, more essential difference. In the Níall0 tale, the hero's act immediately brings about the transformation, because he is the rightful candidate and possesses the fír flatha. His actions cause reality to magically change. In contrast to this, Constantine, who is already emperor, simply sees his future mission in a vision. 30 As Pohlkamp (1991, 186 n. 343) points out, Helena has no narrative function in this section. Her mention is probably due to her literary connection with the following passage, that of the discovery of the cross in Jerusalem, where she is the main character. 12 Níall#tale Appearance old woman like a spectre: long teeth, big mouth ... young woman very beautiful / like Ireland Action Behaviour / tests the hero explains the allegory counsels the hero foretells the future Cause for hero kisses and lies with her transformation (rightful king is present) Constantine#tale very decrepit, near to death extremely beautiful, blushing with youth (is completely passive) prayers of command) the hero (at Silvester's Hero interacts with the hag fulfils her wish: sexual intercourse follows her instructions becomes king displays Christian virtues, is chaste stares at the lady in chaste contemplation gives her a cloak and a diadem (= marriage?) Further characters — Constantine's mother Helena: foretells the future in Constantine's vision Silvester: commands the hero counsels the hero explains the metaphor Allegory Flaith Érenn 'Sovereignty of Ireland' old woman frightening aspects of sovereignty young woman pleasant aspects of sovereignty Cities collapsing Byzantium the future Constantinople Such a detailed analysis clearly shows that the transformation of the old woman into a young one is all the two tales have in common. What remains unclear is why Aldhelm would use the Irish sovereignty allegory in the first place. If he were in fact familiar with Irish storytelling and traditions related to kingship, he probably would have been aware of what a fundamental role sexual intercourse plays in this allegory, and that he could have only integrated it into his treatise on virginity if he altered it beyond recognition. This is all the more remarkable as, in Stevenson’s (1998, 197) words "in general, the episodes in De virg. have a story line in common with their originals (where these are known), and may retain some vocabulary...". On the other hand, there are examples where Aldhelm altered his material to serve his purpose. Stevenson (1998, 201f.) claims that Aldhelm presented Constantine as a barbarian hero to adapt his story to the cultural background of his audience. The Uí Néill dynasty was the most powerful family in Ireland at the time when Aldhelm was writing. It had achieved its position not by mere military prowess, but also through an extensive and sophisticated use of propaganda. As reported by a number of other stories, Constantine's biography parallels that of Níall: Constantine was not brought up as his father's legitimate son and heir, but achieved recognition due to his innate nobility and royal attributes. Like Níall, Constantine became the founder of a dynasty.31 Both heroes thus conform to a widespread pattern of heroic tale telling. Stevenson (1998, 202) concludes her article with the following statement: 31 See Lieu (1998, 149f.). 13 "It is interesting that Aldhelm should have seen fit to render Constantine in the guise of a legendary hero; and doubly interesting that he should have done so through the medium of a story associated with the most carefully constructed hero0 figure in insular history." Constantine, as the first Christian emperor, as well as his mother Helena, soon became role models for later rulers (and even saints in the orthodox church) and their stories were used by missionaries to try to convert pagan and barbarian rulers (Lieu 1998, 136). However, if Aldhelm had a similar intention and wanted to associate Constantine with the local hero, he did not show it very clearly within De virginitate. Here, the featured virgin is Silvester, and it is his virginity that brings about miracles, not Constantine's. Aldhelm gives no information about the latter's ancestry or youth and it is difficult to imagine how contemporary readers could have equated Constantine with Níall only on the basis of the passage cited above. Therefore, it might be interesting to look for other motifs that show a closer parallelism to Aldhelm's passage than the motif of the Níall0tale. 4. Possible parallels for Aldhelm's motif 32 Aldhelm uses a combination of two motifs: that of the female personification of the city as the ruler's bride and that of an old woman rejuvenating. Both of them occur separately in antique and medieval sources, as will be illustrated in the following paragraphs. As the two were widely used, neither an exhaustive survey nor a complete bibliography of their scholarly interpretations are within the scope of this paper. 4.1. A city as a bride Allegorical female personifications of cities, especially of Jerusalem and Babylon, occur several times in the Bible, both in the Old and in the New Testament. Jerusalem is the bride33 of the Lord, as in: Ezekiel 16: The Lord's Faithless Bride 8. Now when I passed by thee, and looked upon thee, behold, thy time was the time of love; and I spread my skirt over thee, and covered thy nakedness: yea, I sware unto thee, and entered into a covenant with thee, saith the Lord GOD, and thou becamest mine. 9. Then I bathed you with water and washed off your blood from you and anointed you with oil. 32 I thank Prof Tatyana Mikhailova (Moscow) and Dr. Nina Zhivlova (Moscow) for a number of helpful comments and hints on the following sections. However, they are not to be held responsible for the views expressed here. 33 See Schmid (1954, 528ff.) for an account of the bride symbolism in different traditions, Bechmann (1994, 664f.) and Heimbach0Steins (1994, 665f.) for biblical and Christian contexts, Carr/Conway (2008, 275ff.) for an analysis of gender constructions in biblical texts, Scheffczyk/Dittmann/Kocks (1983, 5890 591) and Gillen (1994, 3180326) for the development of the motif through the Middle Ages. 14 10. I clothed you also with embroidered cloth and shod you with fine leather. I wrapped you in fine linen and covered you with silk. 11. And I adorned you with ornaments and put bracelets on your wrists and a chain on your neck. 12. And I put a ring on your nose and earrings in your ears and a beautiful crown on your head. Revelation 21:2 2. Then I saw New Jerusalem, that holy city, coming down from God in heaven. It was like a bride dressed in her wedding gown and ready to meet her husband. If the bride undergoes a transformation, it is not with regard to age. She passes from a state of wretchedness to beauty or from impurity to purity (see also Ephesians 5.250 27). As in the Constantine0tale, however, the bride remains passive, while the Lord clothes and adorns her. This allegory is not restricted to the Bible and, during Antiquity, was common 34 within many Mediterranean and Near0Eastern cultures. Cities like Ephesos, Athens or Rome are closely associated with their respective goddesses. These goddesses are sometimes presented as married to the ruler of the city. The Roman poet Marcus Annaeus Lucanus (39065 AD) says about Cato that 'for Rome he is father and for Rome 35 he is husband' (urbi pater est urbique maritus 0 Pharsalia II.388). Although Greek and 36 Latin literatures offer further examples, the Biblical models are the ones which influenced medieval literature the most. Their influence can be found in another work from Britain, which predates De virginitate by about 150 years: De excidio et conquestu Britanniae 'On the ruin and conquest of Britain'. Written around 540 by the British cleric Gildas (c. 5000570),37 this text is a sermon in which Gildas condemns the acts of his contemporaries, both secular and clerical. Invoking the prophets of the Old Testament, in the first section he paraphrases the Lamentations of Jeremiah 1.1. Here, Jerusalem is presented as a widow (uidua), as a former ruler (princeps) and mistress (domina). Lamentations of Jeremias 1.1 (Latin vulgate): Quomodo sedet sola civitas plena populo! Facta est quasi vidua domina gentium; princeps provinciarum facta est sub tributo. 'How doth the city sit solitary, that was full of people! How is she become as a widow! She that was great among the nations, and princess among the provinces, how is she become tributary!' Gildas compares Jerusalem, which he identifies as the Church, also to a mother (mater). Videbamque etiam nostro tempore, ut ille defleuerat, ‘solum sedisse urbem viduam, antea populis plenam, gentium dominam, principem provinciarum, sub tributo fuisse 34 See Kantorowicz (1957, 214 with n. 59) and Wilks (1961062, 489ff.). Ed. Shackleton Bailey (1988, 38), translation Braund (1992, 32). 36 See Maier (1991, 95ff.). 37 See Sims0Williams (1983, 2ff.) on the problems concerning the dating of De conquestu Britanniae and of Gildas date of birth and death. 35 15 factam’, id est ecclesiam, ‘obscuratum aurum coloremque optimum mutatum’, quod est uerbi dei splenorem, ‘filios Sion’, id est sanctae matris ecclesiae, ‘inclitos et amictos auro primo, amplexatos fuisse stercora’.38 'And I could see that in our time too, just as Jeremiah had lamented, 'the city' (that is, the church) 'sat solitary, bereaved; formerly it had been full of people, mistress of races, ruler of provinces: now it had become a tributary'. I saw that 'gold' (that is, the lustre of the word of God) 'had been dimmed and the best colour changed'. I saw that 'the sons of Sion' (that is, of the holy mother church), 'once glorious and clad in fine gold, had embraced the dung'. When Gildas describes Britain and its geographical features, he compares the 39 Britannia insula to a man's chosen bride adorned with jewels. Brittannia insula ... campis late pansis collibusque amoeno situ locatis ... electa veluti sponsa monilibus diuersis ornata, .... 'The island of Britain, ... Like a chosen bride arrayed in a variety of jewellery, ... the island is decorated with wide plains and agreeably set hills, ...' 4.2. An old woman rejuvenating 4.2.1. The goddess in The goddess Roma appears in the poem De bello Gildonico 'The War against Gildo' by Claudius Claudianus (c. 370 (?) 0 after 404 AD). Claudius Claudianus was born in Alexandria and wrote his first poems in Greek. As a wandering poet, he earned his living by writing and reciting works for different patrons. Around 395, he became the court poet of the Western Roman Emperor Honorius and wrote poems in praise of the emperor and the high0ranking general (magister militum) Flavius Stilicho. Claudius 40 Claudianus was honoured with a statue on the Trajan's forum in 400. De bello Gildonico recounts a rebellion that took place in the year 398, led by the comes Gildo, the ruler of the province of Africa who decided to hold back the corn needed in Rome. According to the story, the goddess Roma goes to Jupiter to beg for his help. She is in a miserable state, starving and weak, her cheeks are sunken and her hair is grey. Her shield is unpolished and her spear rusty (v. 17025). She is thus described as the opposite of her traditional image of an aggressive, victorious and 41 dominant figure. As soon as Jupiter promises to help her, her youth comes back, her strength returns and her armour becomes shiny again (v. 2080212).42 Exitii iam Roma timens et fessa negatis frugibus ad rapidi limen tendebat Olympi 38 Ed. Winterbottom (1978, 87, section 5), translation (ibid., 13f.). Ed. Winterbottom (1978, 89f.), translation (ibid., 16f.). According to Plassmann (2006, 41), another possibly influential motif is that of the church as Christ's bride, based among others on Ephesians 5:31032, which started developing in Late Antiquity (see Schmid 1954, 547ff.). 40 See Hofmann (1997, 3ff.), Charlet I (1991, IXff.). 41 See Charlet II.2 (2000, 196). 42 Ed. Hall 1985 (1985, 1070127), translation Platnauer I (1922, 101, 1130115). 39 16 non solito uultu nec qualis iura Britannis diuidit aut trepidos summittit fascibus Indos. uox tenuis tardique gradus oculique iacentes; interius fugere genae; ieiuna lacertos exedit macies. umeris uix sustinet aegris squalentem clipeum; laxata casside prodit canitiem plenamque trahit rubiginis hastam. 'Rome, the goddess, fearing for her city's destruction and weak with corn withheld, hastened to the threshold of revolving Olympus with looks unlike her own; not with such countenance does she assign laws to the Britons, or subject the frightened Indians to her rule. Feeble her voice, slow her step, her eyes deep buried. Her cheeks were sunken and hunger had wasted her limbs. Scarcely can her weak shoulders support her unpolished shield. Her ill0fitting helmet shows her grey hairs and the spear she carries is a mass of rust.' Dixit et adflauit Romam meliore iuventa. continuo redit ille uigor seniique colorem mutauere comae. solidatam crista resurgens erexit galeam clipeique recanduit orbis et leuis excussa micuit rubigine cornus. 'He spake and breathed into Rome a youth renewed. Straightway her former strength returned, and her hair put off its grey of eld; her helmet grew solid, upright stood the plumes, the round shield shone once more, and gone was every trace of rust from her wingèd, gleaming spear.' 4.2.2. The Church in Ποι0ήν του Ερ0ά 'The Shepherd of Hermas' Similarly to the city of Rome, the Church has also been personified and represented in changing forms. The Ποιhήν του Ερhά 'The Shepherd of Hermas' is an early Christian 43 text, written between the first and second century AD. Originally in Greek, it was translated into Latin and a number of other languages. For four centuries, it was the most popular non0canonical scripture in the early Christian Church. Although by the end of the 4th century it was not read during mass any longer, it continued to have 44 considerable influence on medieval vision literature. The main character and narrator, Hermas, is a freedman living in Rome. He has a series of visions, in which he sees an elderly woman (πρεσβῦτις) in a white gown holding a book in her hand. She instructs him on how to live without sin, calls him to penance and orders him to spread her teachings within his parish and other towns. He first mistakes her for a sibyl, i.e. a pagan priestess, but eventually recognizes her as the Church, who is older than anything else (vision II 4,1). In another vision she reveals to Hermas the destiny of Christianity. The virtues of faith, chastity, wisdom, innocence, 43 Edition and French translation of the Greek version Joly 1986. Edition, Germ. translation and com0 mentary Leutzsch 1998. See Leutzsch (1998, 135f.) on the dating of the text. See further Curtius (1948, 113) with older Lit. 44 See Staats (1986, 100ff.) with further literature and Leutzsch (1998, 123). 17 holiness and love are also personified as women. Sometimes the old woman appears younger, more beautiful and happier, representing the new mankind, ready to do penance (vision III). In vision IV, she appears as a fire0breathing sea dragon. Afterwards, Hermas meets her as a virgin, dressed in white and adorned as if coming out of her bridal chamber (vision IV 2, 1). The character of the πρεσβῦτις has received different interpretations. According to Staats (1986, 106), the elderly woman is not modelled on pagan female deities, but is rather inspired by the Holy Ghost (of feminine gender in the Jewish religion). Brox (1991, 49ff.) argues that Hermas wrongly identifies the old woman as a sibyl because of the way she looks and her behaviour. As the text was written in Rome, the sibyl in question is probably the famous Sibylla Cumana45 from Cumae, near Naples. The fact that the old woman appears twice before Hermas while he is on the way to Cumae 46 (vis. I 1,3, II 1,1) further corroborates this assumption (Brox 1991, 104f.). Both, Staats and Brox associate the elderly woman with different traditions. The underlying allegory thus proves very widespread and allows more than one meaningful interpretation, which might be the very reason why the author chose the character in the first place. 4.3 The lady's dress is part of the allegory In the poem by Cúán Úa Lothcháin, the appearance and mantle of the Flaith Érenn are compared to the features of Ireland. This is an important part of the allegory. The description of allegorical personifications with the help of their clothing and other attributes (per vestimentum) is a common device and examples of it can be found in a number of sources, from Late Antiquity to the Middle Ages. 4.3.1 Βασιλεία 'Royalty' and Τυραννίς 'Tyranny' in Περί βασιλείας I An example of this technique can be found in the work of the orator and philosopher Dio Cocceianus, also known as Dio Chrysostomos. He was born around 40 AD in Prusa (Bithynia, modern Bursa in Turkey) and probably died after 112. His writings th are considered classics and were studied and commented at least until the 10 century. Domitian unjustly exiled him for 14 years, and only after the despotic ruler’s death, could he return home. Later he became a friend of the emperor Trajan, whom he held in high esteem, and to whom he dedicated four orations titled περί βασιλείας 'On Kingship'.47 45 The sibyl was associated with a range of material, in particular with political prophecy (Haycock 2005, 116ff.). On the development of the sibylline tradition from Antiquity onwards see Holdenried (2006, 53ff.). 46 This is controversial, as there is textual variation in the manuscripts. Joly (1986, 76f. with n. 7) has εἰς Kούhας 'to Cumae' on the basis of the Latin manuscripts. Leutzsch (1998, 1460147 with n. 13, p. 377) edits εἰς κώhας '(on the way) to villages'. According to him, the conjecture εἰς Kούhας 'to Cumae' is not possible in view of the attestations found in the Greek manuscripts. Nevertheless, Leutzsch (1998, 134 with n. 123; 401f. n. 210) also assumes that the aged woman was identified as the sibyl of the Classical tradition. 47 See Elliger (1967, VIIf., XIff., XXXIIff.). 18 In the first oration,48 Dio uses a well0known motif taken from Heracles’ myth, namely “The Choice of Heracles”, where the latter is faced with the difficult choice 49 between the path of virtue and the path of pleasure. Dio composes his own version as a tale told to him by an old woman from Elis, whom he encountered when he lost his way on the Peloponnesus. Guarding the sanctuary of Heracles, this sibyl0like figure introduces herself as a prophetess and foretells that the narrator will pass her tale on to a mighty ruler (orat. I, 49059).50 The tale recounts the following story: when Zeus realizes that his son Heracles wishes to become a ruler, he decides to educate and to test him. He orders Hermes to lead Heracles to a mountain, which from below appears to have a single peak. In reality the mountain consists of two separate peaks. The first one is called Peak Royal and can be reached safely by anyone who has the permission of Zeus. The other is called Peak Tyrannous and can be reached only through a narrow and difficult path, which led to the death of most of those who dared taking it. Peak Royal is much higher and stands above the clouds in pure ether, whereas the other is surrounded by thick clouds, darkness and fog (orat. I, 64068). Hermes and Heracles visit both peaks, and on each of them they find a woman sitting on a throne. ἐπεδείκνυεν οὖν αὐτῷ πρῶτον ἐπὶ τῆς hείζονος κορυφῆς καθηhένην ἐν θρόνῳ λαhπρῷ γυναῖκα εὐειδῆ καὶ hεγάλην, ἐσθῆτι λευκῇ κεκοσhηhένην, σκῆπτρον ἔχουσαν οὐ χρυσοῦν οὐδὲ ἀργυροῦν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑτέρας φύσεως καθαρὰς καὶ πολὺ λαhπροτέρας, ὁποῖαν hάλιστα τὴν Ἥραν γράφουσι™ τὸ δὲ πρόσωπον φαιδρὸν ὁhοῦ καὶ σεhνόν, ὡς τοὺς hὲν ἀγαθοὺς ἅπαντας θαρρεῖν ὁρῶντας, κακὸν δὲ hηδένα δύνασθαι προσιδεῖν, hὴ hᾶλλον ἢ τὸν ἀσθενῆ τὴν ὄψιν ἀναβλέψαι πρὸς τὸν τοῦ ἡλίου κύκλον™καθεστηκὸς δὲ καὶ ἀεὶ ὅhοιον αὐτῆς τὸ εἶδος ὁρᾶσθαι καὶ τὸ βλέhhα οὐ hετατρεπόhενον™πολλὴν δ᾽ εὐφηhίαν τε καὶ ἡσυχίαν ἀθόρυβον κατέχειν τὸν τόπον™ἦν δὲ ἅπαντα hεστὰ καρπῶν τε καὶ ζῴων εὐθηνούντων ἀπὸ παντὸς γένους. παρῆν δὲ καὶ χρυσὸς αὐτόθι ἄπλετος σεσωρευhένος καὶ ἄργυρος καὶ χαλκὸς καὶ σίδηρος οὐ hὴν ἐκείνη γε οὐδὲν τῷ χρυσῷ προσεῖχεν οὐδὲ ἐτέρπετο, ἀλλὰ hᾶλλον τοῖς καρποῖς τε καὶ ζῴοις. (orat. I 70072) 'He therefore took him first to the loftier peak and showed him a woman seated upon a resplendent throne. She was beautiful and stately, clothed in white raiment, and held in her hand a sceptre, not of gold or silver, but of a different substance, pure and much brighter — a figure for all the world like the pictures of Hera. Her countenance was at once radiant and full of dignity, so that all the good could behold it without fear, but no evil person could gaze upon it any more than a man with weak eyes can look up at the orb of the sun; composed and steadfast was her mien, and her glance did not waver. A profound stillness and unbroken quiet pervaded the place; everywhere were fruits in abundance and thriving animals of every species. And immense heaps of gold and silver were there, and of bronze and iron; yet she heeded not at all the gold, nor did she take delight in it, but rather in the fruits and living creatures.' 48 Ed. and translation by Cohoon (2002, 1047). Other accounts of this motif are found in Xenophon, Memorabilia 2.1.21 and in Cicero, De officiis 1.32. 50 See Blomqvist (1989, 72ff.) with a detailed discussion of this character. 49 19 Hermes identifies the woman on Peak Royal as hακαρία δαίhων Βασιλεία, ∆ιὸς βασιλέως ἔκγονος 'the blessed Lady Royalty, child of King Zeus' (orat. I 73). Then they move on to the second woman, called Τυραννίς 'Tyranny': Ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰσῆλθον, καταλαhβάνουσι τὴν Τυραννίδα καθηhένην ὑψηλήν, ἐξεπίτηδες προσποιουhένην καὶ ἀφοhοιοῦσαν αὑτὴν τῇ Βασιλείᾳ, πολὺ δέ, ὡς ἐνόhιζεν, ἐν ὑψηλοτέρῳ καὶ κρείττονι τῷ θρόνῳ, hυρίας ἄλλας τινὰς ἔχοντι γλυφὰς καὶ διαθέσει χρυσοῦ καὶ ἐλέφαντος καὶ ἠλέκτρου καὶ ἐβένου καὶ παντοδαπῶν χρωhάτων πεποικιλhένῳ. τὴν δὲ βάσιν οὐκ ἐν ἀσφαλὴς ὁ θρόνος οὐδὲ ἡδρασhένος, ἀλλὰ κινούhενός τε καὶ ὀκλάζων. ἦν δὲ οὐδ᾽ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἐν κόσhῳ διακείhενον, ἀλλὰ πρὸς δόξαν ἅπαντα καὶ ἀλαζονείαν καὶ τρυφήν, πολλὰ hὲν σκῆπτρα, πολλαὶ δὲ τιᾶραι καὶ διαδήhατα ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς. καὶ δὴ hιhουhένη τὸ ἐκείνης ἦθος ἀντὶ hὲν τοῦ προσφιλοῦς hειδιάhατος ταπεινὸν ἐσεσήρει καὶ ὕπουλον, ἀντὶ δὲ τοῦ σεhνοῦ βλέhhατος σκυθρωπὸν ὑφεωρᾶτο καὶ ἄγριον. ἵνα δὲ φαίνοιτο hεγαλόφρων, οὐ προσέβλεπε τοὺς προσιόντας, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπερεώρα καὶ ἠτίhαζεν, ἐκ δὲ τούτου πᾶσιν ἀπηχθάνετο, πάντας δὲ ἠγνόει. καθηhένη δὲ ἀτρεhίζειν οὐκ ἐδύνατο, θαhινὰ δὲ κύκλῳ περιέβλεπε καὶ ἀνεπήδα πολλάκις ἐκ τοῦ θρόνου. τὸ δὲ χρυσίον αἴσχιστα ἐφύλαττεν ἐν τοῖς κόλποις, πάλιν δὲ ἐρρίπτει φοβηθεῖσα ἀθρόον, εἶτ᾽ εὐθὺς ἥρπαζεν ὅ τι ἔχοι τις τῶν παριόντων καὶ τὸ βραχύτατον. ἡ δὲ ἐσθὴς παντοδαπή, τοῦτο hὲν ἁλουργίδων, τοῦτο δὲ φοινίκων, τοῦτο δὲ κροκωτῶν ἦσαν δὲ καὶ λευκοί τινες φαινόhενοι τῶν πέπλων™ πολλὰ δὲ καὶ κατέρρηκτο τῆς στολῆς. χρώhατα δὲ παντοδαπὰ ἠφίει, φοβουhένη καὶ ἀγωνιῶσα καὶ ἀπιστοῦσα καὶ ὀργιζοhένη, καὶ ποτὲ hὲν ὑπὸ λύπης ταπεινή, ποτὲ δὲ ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς hετέωρος ἑωρᾶτο, καὶ νῦν hὲν ἐγέλα τῷ προσώπῳ πάνυ ἀσελγῶς, πάλιν δὲ εὐθὺς ἐθρήνει. (orat. I 78081) 'When they entered, they discovered Tyranny seated aloft, of set purpose counterfeiting and making herself like to Royalty, but, as she imagined, on a far loftier and more splendid throne, since it was not only adorned with innumerable carvings, but embellished besides with inlaid patterns of gold, ivory, amber, ebony, and substances of every colour. Her throne, however, was not secure upon its foundation nor firmly settled, but shook and slouched upon its legs. And in general things were in disorder, everything suggesting vainglory, ostentation, and luxury — many sceptres, many tiaras and diadems for the head. Furthermore, in her zeal to imitate the character of the other woman, instead of the friendly smile Tyranny wore a leer of false humility, and instead of a glance of dignity she had an ugly and forbidding scowl. But in order to assume the appearance of pride, she would not glance at those whom came into her presence but looked over their heads disdainfully. And so everybody hated her, and she herself ignored everybody. She was unable to sit with composure, but would cast her eyes incessantly in every direction, frequently springing up from her throne. She hugged her gold to her bosom in a disgusting manner and then in terror would fling it from her in a heap, then she would forthwith snatch at whatever any passer0by might have, were it never so little. Her raiment was of many colours, purple, scarlet and saffron, with patches of white, too, showing here and there from her skirts, since her cloak was torn in many places. From her countenance glowed all manners of colours according to whether she felt terror or anguish or suspicion or anger; while at one moment she seemed prostrate with grief, at another she appeared to be in an 20 exaltation of joy. At one time a quite wanton smile would come over her face, but at the next moment she would be in tears.' Dio compares not only the dresses, but also the behaviour and the preferences of the two women. The text contains further allegorical figures. Βασιλεία is surrounded by ∆ίκη 'justice', Εὐνοhία 'civic order', Εἰρήνη 'peace' and Νόhος 'law' (orat. I 73075), Τυραννίς by Ὠhότης 'cruelty', Ὕβρις 'insolence', Ἀνοhία 'lawlessness', Στάσις 'faction' and Κολακεία 'flattery' (orat. I 82). The personifications of these abstract concepts are clearly influenced by the grammatical gender of the associated nouns. As most abstract nouns are feminine, they are personified as women, with the exception of the masculine νόhος 'law', which is personified as a man.51 As Blomqvist (1989, 41, 210, n. 17) points out, the text contains messages on different levels, addressing either to the whole audience, the imperial court or Trajan himself. As the text contains warnings and recommendations directed to the ruler, it can be ascribed to the "mirror for princes" genre. 4.3.2. The provinces in 52 De consulatu Stilicho, book II is another political poem by Claudius Claudianus. He composed it between 395 and 404 in praise of the magister militum Flavius Stilicho. In the poem, the provinces appear at the temple of the goddess Roma praising Stilicho and asking her to urge him to become consul. Each of them is personified as a woman wearing a typical dress and accessory: glaucis tum prima Mineruae | nexa comam foliis fuluaque intexta micantem | veste Tagum tales profert Hispania uoces ... (2280230) tum flaua repexo | Gallia crine ferox euinctaque torque decoro | binaque gaesa tenens animoso pectore fatur ... (2400242) inde Caledonio uelata Britannia monstro,| ferro picta genas, cuius uestigia uerrit | caerulus Oceanique aestum mentitur amictus ... (2470249) tum spicis et dente comas inlustris eburno | et calido rubicunda die sic Africa fatur ... (2560257) post has Oenotria lentis | uitibus intorquens hederas et palmite largo | uina fluens ... (2620264) 'First to speak was Spain, her head crowned with a grey0leaved garland from Minerva's olive and golden Tagus woven into her shining robe ... Then warlike Gaul, her hair combed back, a rich necklace about her neck, and javelins twain in her hands, thus spake with kindling heart ... Next spake Britain clothed in the skin of some Caledonian beast, her cheeks tattooed, and an azure cloak, rivalling the swell of ocean, sweeping to her feet ... Then up spake Africa, her hair gay with wheat ears and an ivory comb and her face all sun0burned ... After these came Italy, 51 This example is especially telling with regard to the creation of personifications. As in IE languages abstract nouns as well as names of cities, countries and regions are predominantly feminine, their personifications are female. These personifications can be created spontaneously and do not always imply the existence of a "goddess" (see below fn. 67). 52 Ed. Hall (1985, 2050223), translation Platnauer II (1922, 19021). 21 pliant vine and ivy interlacing on her head, pressing the wine from plentiful ripe grapes ...' 4.3.3 Philosophy in The Consolatio philosophiae (also De consolatione philosophiae) 'The Consolation of Philosophy' is a work written in 523 or 524 AD by the Roman philosopher Anicius Manlius Torquatus Severinus Boethius (ca. 4800524/525 AD). In 522, Boethius became magister officiorum, the highest administrative officer in the Western Roman Empire. Under Theoderic the Great, he was accused of conspiracy, imprisoned and finally executed. He wrote the Consolatio philosophiae while he was in prison. This philosophical treatise containing prose and verse passages (prosimetrum) became extremely influential in the Middle Ages and was translated into many languages. King Alfred the Great (848/8480899) translated it into English himself.53 In the essay, the female personification of philosophy appears before the narrator, who describes himself as wrongly accused, miserable and bereft of wealth and honour. She consoles him by contrasting the transitory nature of wealth and fame with permanent values like virtue, justice and integrity. When philosophy appears for the first time, she is described as very old and at the same time full of youth. At times she seems of normal height and at times she looks extremely tall. Her beautiful, but somewhat worn garments are embellished with 54 Greek letters and symbols, but are torn at one place by the hands of violent people. ... uisa est mulier reuerendi admodum uultus, oculis ardentibus et ultra communem hominum ualentiam perspicacibus, colore uiuido atque inexhausti uigoris, quamuis ita aeui plena foret ut nullo modo nostrae crederetur aetatis, statura discretionis ambiguae. Nam nunc quidem ad communem sese hominum mensuram cohibebat, nunc uero pulsare caelum summi uerticis cacumine uidebatur; quae cum altius caput extulisset ipsum etiam caelum penetrabat respicientiumque hominum frustrabatur intuitum. Vestes erant tenuissimis filis subtili artificio indissolubili materia perfectae, quas, uti post eadem prodente cognoui, suis manibus ipsa texuerat; quarum speciem, ueluti fumosas imagines solet, caligo quaedam neglectae uetustatis obduxerat. ... Eandem tamen uestem uiolentorum quorundam sciderant manus et particulas quas quisque potuit abstulerant. Et dextra quidem eius libellos, sceptrum uero sinistra 55 gestabat. (I.1,106.) ' ... there was a presence of which I gradually became aware looming over my head, the figure of a woman whose look filled me with awe. Her burning gaze was indescribably penetrating, unlike that of anyone I have ever met, and while her complexion was fresh and glowing as that of a girl, I realized that she was ancient and that nobody would mistake her for a creature of our time. It was impossible to estimate her height, for she seemed at first to be of ordinary measure, but then, without seeming to change, she appeared to be extraordinarily tall, so that her head all but touched the heavens. I was certain that if she had a mind to stretch her neck 53 See Gruber (2006, 1ff.). See also Curtius (1948, 113), Economou (1972, 51). 55 Ed. Bieler 1957, translation Slavitt (2008, 2f.). 54 22 just a little, her face would penetrate the skies, where it would be utterly lost to human view. Her dress was a miracle of fine cloth and meticulous workmanship, and, as I later learned, she had woven it herself. But it had darkened like a smoke0 blackened family statue in the atrium as if through neglect and was dingy and worn. I could see worked into the bottom border the Greek letters П (pi – for practice) and slightly higher Θ (theta – for theory) with steps that were marked between them to form a ladder by which one might climb from the lower to the upper. Some ruffians had done violence to her elegant dress, and clearly bits of the fabric had been torn away. In her right hand she held a few books, in her left she carried a scepter.' This character inspired countless medieval personifications. The most important one 56 is the "Goddess Natura", featured, among others, in De planctu naturae 'The Plaint of 57 Nature' (around 1170) by Alain de Lille (also Alanus ab Insulis) (c. 112001202). His work proved very influential from the 13th to the 15th century (Modersohn 1997, 29f.). In the poem, the "Goddess Natura" appears to the poet, complaining that, with its sins and vices, mankind violates the order established by nature and god. The technical device which consists in describing the character per vestimentum, which was already used in De consolatio, is employed here by Alain de Lille. Her garment and jewellery represent the whole universe, so that over one third of the work is dedicated to their 58 description. 5. Distribution and function of the motifs As becomes clear from the examples above, the motifs of the city or territory as the ruler's bride and as an old woman rejuvenating were widespread and used over a long period of time. The works employing these motifs share a common feature, despite the considerable differences with regard to the place and time of their creation: they belong to the – sometimes overlapping – genres of political and religious propaganda. In some of the texts cited, the authors try to influence the opinion of their contemporaries and to manipulate their behaviour towards the political or religious community they live in. Said community, be it a city, a territory or the church, lies in a bad state. A change in its situation can be brought about by collective efforts, i.e. a change of behaviour of all its members, like in the Biblical texts, The Shepherd, De excidio Britanniae and De planctu naturae. Alternatively, the change is initiated by a single person, who is as a ruler or king and represents the community. In this latter case, the author aims at convincing the audience of the legitimacy of this person's claim to his position. Examples are On Kingship, De consulatu Stilicho, De bello Gildonico, as well as the Irish Níall0 and Lugaid0tales. The Consolatio philosophiae differs from the other texts, as the personified entity is philosophy, a scientific discipline. This reminds of the equally widespread female personifications of abstract concepts, such as the virtues in The Shepherd, as well as of a further motive from Antiquity, i.e. the depiction of a god or goddess as a teacher, 56 Curtius (1948, 116ff.), Economou 1972, Modersohn 1997. Ed. Wright (1964, 441), translation Moffat (1908, 15); see also Economou (1972, 76). 58 See Economou (1972, 75ff.), Modersohn (1997, 30ff.). 57 23 healer or redeemer. Like the other texts, the Consolatio belongs to the genre of vision literature (Gruber 2006, 33f.), yet it also has a political dimension, as Boethius wrote it during his politically motivated imprisonment. He hints at the events that caused his present situation and complains about false accusations (I.4.13019). According to 59 Gruber (2006, 13), he might still have hoped for amnesty while writing. Presenting complex political situations in the shape of allegorical personifications was thus a common device during Antiquity and the Middle Ages. The conditions connected with aging or with social status, such as poverty and wealth, as well as the roles of a widow or a bride were known by the audience from their own experience and could be easily transferred to the situation described by the author.60 Their success is based on the fact that the allegory is immediately accessible also to those who are not familiar with its tradition. 5.1 The motif in The motif of the city as a bride, clothed and adorned by Constantine, has its closest parallels in the Biblical passages cited above and in the Christian traditions that developed from there. Her rejuvenation, symbol of regeneration and renovation, reminds of The Shepherd and De bello Gildonico. It is not impossible that Aldhelm, who 61 visited Rome at least once (Stevenson 1998, 194), was familiar with both works. This is however not essential, if one adheres to the traditional hypothesis that Aldhelm copied the visio Constantini from a fifth century (or later) Latin source, but the author of this source would of course have to have been familiar with the concepts in question. This explanation has the advantage of doing without the assumption that Aldhelm substantially reshaped an Irish traditional motif. This is all the more important, given that the De virginitate focuses on Silvester and is not concerned with political or religious propaganda related to Constantine in the first place.62 The question of whether any motif which includes the rejuvenation of a female allegorical figure should be considered as an instance of the Loathly Lady motif has to be answered in the negative. The term was originally used in connection with the Middle English and Middle Irish tales (see Nutt 1892, 425), where the transforming woman is not only old, but also loathly and repugnant. The transformation is brought about by the hero's ability to overcome his negative feelings towards her. Thompson II (1956, 84) refers to the motif as "man disenchants loathsome woman by embracing her" (D 732). However, the feature of loathsomeness is absent in De viginitate as well as in all the other texts that have been discussed here as possibly influential. 59 Glei (1998, 210ff.) assumes that Boethius had hoped to impress Theoderic with the help of the Consolatio. 60 Of course, the author's intentions could be more specific and subtle. Sims0Williams (1983, 30) argues convincingly that Gildas' personification of Britain conveys essential unity and thus anticipates the later political concept of Ynys Prydein ('the Island of Britain'). 61 In England however, the De consolatione was not known until the late ninth century (Lapidge 1985, 47). 62 Such propaganda may of course have been the purpose of the unknown source, which was subsequently incorporated into the Actus Silvestri. 24 5.2. The Irish "sovereignty goddesses" – methodological considerations Stevenson considered the Irish sovereignty motif as a probable source for Aldhelm despite the fact that it is attested much later than De viginitate. This decision is understandable in light of the research history of the Irish Loathly Lady motif, which is mainly concerned with its meaning as an element of pre0Christian mythology.63 As laid out above, for many scholars, the motif illustrates the change brought about in the territory by the presence or absence of the rightful king. The allegorical personifications thus represent the broad contrasting notions of barrenness and decay versus fruitfulness and renewal, through the metaphors of old age and ugliness as 64 opposed to beauty and youth. Its status as a mythological motif seems to imply that it is highly archaic. Some scholars see a similar archaism in the inauguration ritual described by Giraldus Cambrensis in 1185 (Topographia Hibernica III, 25), where the claimant to the throne of the Cénel Conaill (Ulster) publicly mimics or performs sexual intercourse with a white mare. The mare is then killed and cooked in water, which in turn is used to prepare a bath for the future king, who, sitting in the broth and drinking it, also eats the mare's flesh. Schröder (1927, 311) compared this ritual to the Vedic aśvamedha 'horse sacrifice'65 and to a number of other IE rituals involving horses, deducing that the Irish ritual was inherited from Proto0Indo0European culture. This hypothesis is still controversial, see the critical discussions in Hutton (1991, 172), Zimmer 1994, Polomé 1994 and Maier (2001, 172f.).66 As the alleged Ulster ritual seems to describe a hieros gamos, some scholars (e.g. McCone 1990, 117f., Mallory & McNeill 1991, 170, West 2007, 414ff.) adduce it as evidence in the present context. However, they fail to explain why the territorial goddess appears in the shape of a mare, thus making the assumption of a "horse goddess mythology" more likely than that of a "earth goddess mythology". The simple reference to the "marked equine connotations" (McCone 1990, 112) of Rhiannon in the Mabinogi, another presumable sovereignty goddess, does not seem sufficient to motivate this feature. This is especially true considering that "equine connotations" are completely irrelevant to the rest of the evidence adduced to 67 reconstruct the sovereignty myth. 63 See partly diverging hypotheses e.g. in Kern (1909, 346ff.), Vendryes (1931, 415), Krappe (1942, 444ff., 451), Breatnach (1953, 328), Mac Cana (1955056, 84), de Vries (1961, 242f.), Stevenson (1998, 192). 64 See Krappe (1942, 444ff., 451), de Vries (1961, 242f.), similarly Radner (1974, 76), McKenna (1982, 47), Clark (1991, 125), McCone (1990, 120, 132), Ó Crualaoich (2003, 81ff.). 65 For a detailed description see Jamison (1996, 65ff.). 66 The aśvamedha could only be conducted by a ruling king, i.e. it is not an inauguration ritual. The sacrified horse is a stallion, with which the chief queen ritually mimics copulation. As Schröder only intended to disprove the hypothesis of the non0Indo0European origin of the Irish ritual, he considered the gender differences as irrelevant, arguing that IE peoples possessed both horse0shaped fertility gods and goddesses. However, within the more refined concept of the Insular Celtic sovereignty myth, only the combination of king and goddess or mare makes sense. West (2007, 417) notes the absence of a role for the queen in the Irish ritual, but maintains that "the combination of royal horse sacrifice and royal copulation with the victim makes a striking parallel with the ancient Indian rite." 67 Another sovereignty goddess with "equine connotations" has been seen in Macha in the tale Noínden Ulad (Gricourt 1954). According to Toner (2010, 106), however, "Macha, the wife of Crunnchu, appears to be a scholastic invention conjured up by grafting an etymology of Emain Macha onto the story of the debility of the Ulsterman." According to Egeler (2011, 138ff.), Macha is rather a battlefield demon related to Bodb and the Morrígain. 25 Others, assuming that this myth was preserved more or less unchanged, try to glean more detailed information from the descriptions given by the medieval authors. Thus Ó Rahilly (1946, 17), who identifies Ériu as a sun0goddess, reports the description of the young lady in Carn Máil, where her eyes are flashing like sunbeams and the 68 radiance of her body lightens the house. Loomis (1949, 378) argues that "the Soveranty in her hideous form was the bleak wintry land of Ireland, which was transformed by the sun into flowry loveliness." He supports this claim by contrasting the descriptions of the hag and of the young woman in the poem of Cúán Úa Lothcháin (E1). Goetinck (1993, 83ff.) suggests an even more sophisticated interpretation of the features of the Morwyn Ddu 'Black Maiden' in the Middle Welsh romance Peredur. The maiden, whose description resembles that of the Irish hag, has black skin, long teeth, and big knees and feet. The adjective describing her nose, ffroenuoll 'wide0nostrilled', is normally used for horses (Goetinck 1993, 87). ... morwyn bengrych du ar gefyn mul melyn, a charreieu anuanawl yn y llaw yn gyrru y mul, a phryt anuanawl agharueid arnei. Duach oed y hwyneb a'e dwylaw no'r hayarn duhaf a darffei y bygu, ac nyt y llyw hacraf namyn y llun. Grudyeu aruchel, ac wyneb kyccir y waeret, a thrwyn byr froenuoll, a'r neill lygat yn vrithlas tratheryll, a'r llall yn du val y muchyd ygheuhynt y phen. Danhed hiryon melynon, melynach no blodeu y banadyl, a'e chroth yn kychoed yn llydan yscyrnic, ac yn vein oll hynny y 69 waeret, eithyr y traet a'r glinyeu oed vras. '... a black, curly0haired maiden riding a yellow mule, and rough thongs in her hand urging the mule forward, and a coarse, unpleasant look about her. Blacker were her face and her hands than the blackest iron, which had been steeped in pitch, and it was not her colour that was ugliest, but her shape. High cheeks and a drooping, baggy face, and a short, wide0nostrilled nose and one eye multicoloured and extremely piercing, and the other as black as jet, sunk far back into her head. Long yellow teeth, yellower than the flowers of the broom, and her belly rose from her breastbone higher than her jaw. Her backbone was shaped like a crook. Her two hips were broad and bony, but everything from there down was narrow except that her feet and her knees were broad.' Goetinck thus assumes that the Morwyn Ddu corresponds to the hag of the Irish tales and represents the frightening aspect of sovereignty. As she does not transform, the friendly aspect of sovereignty is embodied by another character of the tale, the beautiful Empress. For Goetinck, the personification of sovereignty evolved from a complex territorial goddess, whereby the Black Maiden corresponds to her dark, chthonic side. She compares the Black Maiden's features to features that can be found in antique iconographic representations of gods and goddesses in Gaul and Britain. Her curly hair could be understood in the sense of 'fuzzy, standing out from the head, radiate' and thus as related to the so called 'Gorgon's head' of a Roman antefix found in Caerleon. Goetinck assumes that this head represents a native deity, whose round face with puffed cheeks and open mouth are also brought to mind by the Black Maiden's description (Goetinck 1993, 86). Since snakes often accompany chthonic 68 69 With regard to this feature, O'Rahilly's citation of the text is incorrect. Historia Peredur 56057 (ed. Goetinck 1976), text and translation from Goetinck (1993, 84). 26 territorial goddesses, the Black Maiden's crooked backbone could hint at that. In addition, her broad feet and knees remind of legs in the form of serpents, with snakes' heads in place of her feet. Anguiped gods, i.e. gods having serpents for legs, are well known from Celtic iconography, but instances of female deities with snake0legs are also attested (Goetinck 1993, 91f.). According to Goetinck's hypotheses, the medieval description would thus preserve the authentic image of a Celtic goddess, which otherwise does not seem to be attested by iconographic evidence. However, the obstinate search for preserved pre0Christian elements has often before precluded the recognition of contemporary influences on the texts. However, these influences become evident when examining the differing descriptions of the respective versions. Cúán Úa Lothcháin's comparison of the beautiful lady's features to the landscape seems to be influenced by the Classical and medieval descriptions of territorial goddesses and goddess0like personifications of territories.70 Both Ériu herself and other alleged original territorial goddesses, like Macha or Medb, are not described in landscape terms if they appear in non0allegorical narratives.71 The mention of the Lady's pleasant scent in Cóir Anmann is probably a relatively recent descriptive element, and it can also be found in De planctu naturae: Oris nardus naribus delicatas odoris epulas offerebat. (Wright 1964, 432.809) 'The nard of her breath gave the nose banquets of delicate perfumes.' (Moffat 1908, 6, l.28029) Eichhorn0Mulligan 2006 convincingly interprets the description of the hag in the prose0Echtra (E2) as depicting a leper. Several features, such as her scanty hair, black and pustuled skin, crooked limbs and green fingernails can be understood as signs of leprosy, which were well known to medieval audiences (ibid., 1036ff.). This reading links the sovereignty theme to hagiographic tales of lepers healed by Christ and of Christ who disguised himself as a leper to test a saint (ibid., 1051ff.). Some features, e.g. black skin, also appear in the other descriptions, which do not contain any further hints at leprosy, as they belong to the more general inventory of female ugliness and monstrosity. This inventory largely conforms to the topoi that were in use during Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Descriptions usually mention the same body parts, proceeding from top to bottom. Since ugliness was understood as the exact opposite of beauty, the point of reference is the ideal human body. This point of reference is also responsible for the frequent association of ugliness with 70 An interesting case is the cult of the goddess Noreia (also Noreia Isis), who is attested in the Roman province Noricum. Earlier scholars interpreted Noreia as a prehistoric mother and vegetation goddess with chthonic connotations, who, in Roman times, became the tutelary goddess of the town and province bearing her name. Scherrer (2007, 223ff., 228) argues that there is no evidence for the pre0Roman veneration of the goddess by the indigenous population. All dedications found at her temple in Hohenstein (Kärnten, Austria) and in other places were made by administration and military officials of the Roman Empire. Scherrer thus concludes, that the Romans established the cult of Noreia as a provincial goddess, when the regnum Noricum was integrated into the Roman Empire. Within newly conquered territories, they would normally set up the cult of the dea Roma and/or the Augustus, i.e. the governing emperor. In the case of Noricum, however, they honoured the previous, long lasting friendly relationship between the res publica Romana and the regnum Noricum. 71 Cf. e.g. the description of Ériu as a shape0shifter in Tochomlad Mac Miledh a hEspain i nErind 'The progress of the son of Mil from Spain to Ireland' (ed. and translation Dobbs 1937, 64f., 83f.). 27 animal0like features, which are, by definition, non0human. A dog's nose, a boar's tusks or a bear's ears are not ugly per se, but become such, if they are integrated into a human form (Gerok0Reiter 2006, 105ff.).72 For other features it is harder to determine whether they belong to a specifically native inventory or not. As Carter (2007, 84) suggests, the hag's huge size in Cóir Anmann and Carn Máil is paralleled by that of Boethius' Philosophy. On the other hand, pre0Christian gods are sometimes described as huge, too, e.g. the Morrígan in 73 Cath Maige Tuired (GRAY 1982083, 240). 74 The lady's eyes in Carn Máil contain three shafts of sunlight, so that she enlightens her surroundings by looking around. In E1, the hag's eyes are blazing. Boethius describes philosophy as having oculos ardentes, which has been rendered as 'burning gaze' or 'her eyes were bright as fire'. According to Gruber (2006, 63f.), this is a distinguishing feature of Greek and Roman gods, which appears e.g. in Homer and Vergil. This paper does not mean to suggest that the Irish descriptions are directly based on the works of Boethius75 or Alain de Lille, although this would not be impossible, since both works were widely known and influential. However, it has to be stressed, that the highly learned medieval literati would usually employ common contemporary topoi and narrative devices. The examined variants of the Loathly Lady motif confirm Eichhorn0Mulligan's (2006, 1015) statement: "While routinely drawing from an ancient Irish past, the Irish literati recast the kingship stories for a thoroughly Christian 76 present." It is thus evident that the medieval description of a pre0Christian goddess sheds light on the m e d ie v a l notion of said goddess, rather than conveying first0hand information on inherited pre0Christian beliefs. This is especially true concerning the use of such figures in political and religious allegories. Because the author wished to influence his contemporaries through his writing, he would only use concepts accessible to them. The preoccupation with Classical mythology and its creative reshaping became increasingly intense during the later Middle Ages (Modersohn 1997, 13), and the Irish literati clearly played their part in this process. 6. Conclusions The examination of the transformation motif in Constantine's vision in Aldhelm's De virginitate has shown that it would be wrong to consider it as an instance of the Loathly Lady motif. Allegorical female personifications representing cities, regions or abstract notions are so widely used from Antiquity onwards, that it is crucial to pay attention to the details. The differing details account for the different situations that the allegories are meant to represent, so that the Lady's appearance is adapted to each specific case. The contrasting concepts of beauty vs ugliness, old age vs youth and 72 See also Wisbey (1975, 9ff.). Ed. and translation Gray (1982, 44f., section 84). 74 The three shafts bring to mind the triple pupils, which occur as a sign of both beauty and foresight and evil and destruction (Borsje 2003, 15). 75 The works of Boethius were well known in medieval Ireland, although only a few manuscripts th survived. See Ó Néill (2005, 1ff.) on a copy of De consolatione glossed in Irish, dating from the 11 or th 12 century. 76 See McCone 1990 and Nagy 1997 for examples. 73 28 bride vs widow are the most commonly used, as they are easily accessible also to readers or listeners who are not familiar with literary techniques or with the texts that the author used as a model. In addition, the authors usually provide an explicit explanation of their allegories as well. The analysis of the Loathly Lady motif within five different Irish versions has shown that several details display close contemporary parallels, such as the hag's animal0like looks or the young lady's pleasant scent. This is also true of those features that have traditionally been used for the reconstruction of pre0Christian mythology and deities. The lady was at times interpreted as an original sun0goddess because of the sunbeams shining from her eyes, or as an original territorial goddess because of the comparison of her appearance to the landscape. However, it has been shown these interpretations are misleading and biased, as they fail to take into account the contemporary use and significance of these features. At the same time, the description of the hag as a leper (proposed by Eichhorn0Mulligan 2006) which links her to medieval hagiography, has been overlooked so far and deserves more credit. In conclusion, it is clear that the topic needs to be researched further, and that scholars should be cautious when interpreting medieval female personifications. References ARBUTHNOT, S. (ed.) 2005: Cóir Anmann. A Late Middle Irish treatise on personal names. Vol. 1. Irish Texts Society 59. London. — (ed.) 2007: Cóir Anmann. A Late Middle Irish treatise on personal names. Vol. 2. Irish Texts Society 60. London. 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