ARTICLE IN PRESS
Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 7 (2008) 171–182
www.elsevier.de/ufug
Contested construction of nature for city fringe outdoor recreation in
southern Sweden: The Arrie case
Ebba Lisberg Jensena,, Pernilla Ouisb,c
a
Urban Studies, Faculty of Culture and Society, Malmö University, 205 06 Malmö, Sweden
Faculty of Health and Society, Malmö University, 205 06 Malmö, Sweden
c
Human Ecology Division, Department of European Ethnology, Lund University, Finngatan 16, 223 62 Lund, Sweden
b
Abstract
This article deals with the process of change from industrial land to recreational area on a 60 ha piece of land 12 km
southeast of Malmö, southern Sweden, called Lake Arrie. The area is an abandoned gravel quarry in the midst of an
agricultural landscape. We present a short background and the current situation in Arrie, setting out to capture the
tendencies of the contemporary construction of nature for outdoor recreation. We then move on to discuss the
salutogenic aspects of outdoor recreation, and how these can be traced in the actual landscape at Arrie. Furthermore,
we open the discussion on diversity as a cherished post-modern ideal both in nature and culture. Different interests and
ideologies may cause conflicts in the planning process. To capture the multitude of voices emanating among
stakeholders, the process to extract local opinions through participatory processes is presented. The social and political
categorisation of an area reflects the needs of a changing society. In the early industrial era, the area was an enclave of
industrial ground in a completely rural setting. In the post-industrial era, it turned into a ‘wasteland’, open for nature
to recolonise. This type of landscape is difficult to categorise, being an ‘inbetween-land’, neither nature nor culture,
perceived as ephemeral and inferior. At the same time, the city sprawled closer, with the semi-urban populations’ need
for outdoor recreation. In future, the former industrial ground will be perceived as an enclave of nature in an urban
setting. When the former products of the area responded to the industrial need for gravel and limestone, the
contemporary ‘products’ respond to emotional needs.
r 2008 Elsevier GmbH. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Cultural and biological diversity; Outdoor recreation; Participatory planning; Post-industrial; Public health; Urban
fringe
Introduction
This study deals with the process of change from
industrial to recreational land use on a 60 ha piece of
land. The site called Lake Arrie is situated 12 km
southeast of Malmö in southern Sweden (see Fig. 1).
Corresponding author. Tel.: +46 40 6657091.
E-mail addresses: ebba.lisberg.jensen@mah.se (E. Lisberg Jensen),
pernilla.ouis@mah.se (P. Ouis).
1618-8667/$ - see front matter r 2008 Elsevier GmbH. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.ufug.2008.02.003
The lake, covering more than a third of the area, has
originated from an abandoned gravel quarry in the
midst of an agricultural landscape. It is argued that the
case study of Arrie illustrates several general aspects of
contemporary changes of land use in the contested city
fringe. In this paper, we will put emphasis on conflicting
interests, construction of nature and outdoor recreation,
and on pluralism as a moral imperative. However, as the
research project runs parallel in time with the planning
and development process of the site, there is yet no final
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E. Lisberg Jensen, P. Ouis / Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 7 (2008) 171–182
Fig. 1. Map shows the location of Lake Arrie in close vicinity to Malmö in southern Sweden, r Lantmäteriverket Gävle 2008/
Medgivande I 2008/0349.
design of the area to be evaluated. The objective of this
paper is to explore how complex social and political
planning processes interact with changing and ephemeral views of nature and its physical manifestations in
the landscape. Although the area itself is rather small
and still in a transitional state, it provides significant
examples of more general contemporary trends regarding landscaping in the city fringe. Results and knowledge produced in this research project are of a more
general character, and are not primarily aiming at
solving management issues in Arrie.
Our study approaches the process from a human
ecological point of view, looking at three ‘levels of
reality’: the person, the society and the biophysical
environment (Steiner, 1993, p. 56). None of those three
takes precedence over the other, but they are equally
important to the multidisciplinary understanding of the
process. Departing from this so-called ‘human ecological triangle’, we set out to identify and discuss the three
levels, looking at the re-negotiation of nature in the
post-industrial society. The three levels can also be
interpreted as constructions in three dimensions (Ouis,
2002): the mental, social and material dimension. This
differs from the social constructivist approach that tends
to ignore material reality (for a critique of such an
approach, see Hacking, 1999). In this case, nature is
constructed in the most physical of meanings: areas of
wasteland are to be re-designed into nature for outdoor
recreation. The new design, however, is ruled by
contested ideals, social tensions and power relations,
and those conflicts are in focus of our investigation.
In this paper, we present a short background to the
area and the current situation in Lake Arrie, setting out
to capture the tendencies of the contemporary construction of nature for outdoor recreation. We will then move
on to discuss the salutogenic (health promoting) aspects
of outdoor recreation, and how these can be understood
in the landscape of Lake Arrie. We will further discuss
the post-modern ideal of diversity as opposed to
modernity’s ideals of monoculture and universalism.
Post-modernity cherishes diversity both in nature and
culture. These ideals apply both to planning process and
to results in the landscape. To capture the multitude of
voices emanating from different stakeholders, the
process to extract local opinions through participatory
processes is presented. Finally, we will discuss how
contemporary views on post-productive nature tend to
permeate the planning process as well as the cultural and
physical construction of nature for outdoor recreation.
Method
The approach of this study is simultaneously multiand transdisciplinary. The research group consists of
researchers from the disciplines of environmental
history, paleoecology, human geography, plant ecology
and human ecology. The study includes empirical
material from field inventories, historical sources,
participant observations and interviews with key stakeholders and planners. A discourse analysis approach of
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planning documents will be utilised, in the sense that
hidden meanings and power structures are of main
concern, as are ideologies and values articulated in the
expressions of actors, in language and practice (Fairclough, 1992).
Employing a transdisciplinary approach, the present
study aims at analysing how a former wasteland in the
city fringe alters, both from an ecological and a cultural
point of view. The fact that there is yet no implementation of the development programme to evaluate poses
interesting epistemological, methodological and ethical
issues regarding the involvement of researchers and our
relationship to stakeholders. One central issue is on
whether to interfere or get involved in decisions
regarding planning of the area. The dominating stance
of the research team is to keep a distanced observer’s
perspective, rather than taking an active part in the
planning process. In spite of our participation in
meetings and discussions, it is not an aim in itself to
provide planners with results, advice and opinions.
Hence, the research team is in some sense involved, but
we prefer – as far as possible – not to influence decisions
before they are made. The County Council has not yet
decided on the final management plan in January 2008.
Case study description
The piece of land in question has undergone
substantial changes of use over the past century.
Initially, it was used as grazing lands. Due to its poor
soil condition it has not been suitable for cultivation. In
the latter part of the 19th century, a gravel quarry was
opened. The gravel exploitation expanded and continued during the 20th century, facilitated by a small
railroad leading to the quarry. Close to the road in the
northernmost part of the area, a limestone factory was
established in 1907. The factory building of about 1000
square metres still remains. The lime needed for the
industrial process was imported from Limhamn on the
Baltic shore, south of Malmö. The industrial past has
implications for the flora and fauna in the area today.
Skabersjö, a nearby estate, and its industrial company
(Skabersjö Industries Ltd.) owned the factory during the
industrial era. Later on, the construction company PNB
and the Swedish Road Administration owned and used
the quarry until 1998.
The County Council of Scania (Region Ska( ne) (2006)
purchased the larger part of the area of about 60 ha in
2004, in order to create a green space for outdoor
recreation. The County Council is a politically ruled
regional public body responsible for health, medical and
dental services in Scania. Administration of recreational
areas is included in this responsibility. Health aspects
are closely connected to planning for outdoor recrea-
173
tion, as part of a plan to prevent obesity and diseases
related to the late modern society and its lifestyles.
At the time of the purchase, the quarry was filled up
with groundwater, creating one major pond (Lake Arrie
in the local tongue) and several smaller ones (see Fig. 2).
The species mentioned below may provide a picture on
the diverse and ecologically transitional state of the
area. When the planning is to be implemented, the
ecology of the area will be changed according to
recreational interests and preferences. Today, some
species are remnants of the primary ecosystem, while
others are very recent inhabitants in Arrie. For example,
private anglers have probably ‘spontaneously’ established a stock of fresh water fish such as northern pike
(Esox lucius L.), perch (Perca fluviatilis L.), roach
(Rutilus rutilus L.), carp bream (Abramis brama L.),
rudd (Scardinius erythrophthalmus L.) and European eel
(Anguilla anguilla L.) in the lake. Birds nesting on the
islands in the lake include red-necked grebe (Podiceps
grisegena Bodd.), mute swan (Cygnus olor L.), coot
(Fulica atra L.), tufted duck (Aythya fuligula L.), great
crested grebe (Podiceps cristatus L.) and little ringed
plover (Charadrius dubius Scop.). The smaller ponds in
the surroundings provide habitats for rare or threatened
species of amphibians and reptiles such as spadefoot
toad (Pelobates fuscus Laur.), natterjack toad (Bufo
calamita Laur.), edible frog (Rana esculenta L.) and sand
lizard (Lacerta agilis L.). Some of these are sensitive to
the rapid change of the vegetative cover. On the
formerly intensely used gravel quarry, a greening
succession soon started out, and today, the site is
turning into a fallow, with silver birch (Betula pendula
Roth), goat willow (Salix caprea L.), osier (Salix
viminalis L.), silky-leaf osier (Salix x smithiana Willd.),
elm (Ulmus glabra Huds.), aspen (Populus tremula L.),
guelder-rose (Viburnum opulus L.) and Sherard’s downyrose (Rosa sherardii Davies; Gyllin, in press).
Because of soil disturbance and excavation, ruderal
plants have colonised the dry parts of the area, for
example, hawthorn (Crataegus monogyna Jacq.), glaucous dog-rose (Rosa dumalis Bechst.), soft downy-rose
(Rosa villosa L.), parsnip (Pastinaca sativa L.), cowparsley (Anthriscus sylvestris (L.) Hoffm.), common
nettle (Urtica dioica L.), common couch (Elytrigia
repens (L.) Desv. ex Nevski), creeping thistle (Cirsium
arvense (L.) Scop.), yarrow (Achillea millefolium L.),
white dead-nettle (Lamium album L.), mugwort (Artemisia vulgaris L.), red bartsia (Odontites vulgaris
Moench), wood small-reed (Calamagrostis epigeios (L.)
Roth), greater knapweed (Centaurea scabiosa L.),
dewberry (Rubus caesius L.), flattened meadow-grass
(Poa compressa L.) and chicory (Cichorium intybus L.).
As a consequence, insects dependent on those species
have followed. Calcicole species, not found in the
surrounding flora, have, as a result of lime import to
the brickworks, established habitats such as small
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Fig. 2. Satellite picture over Lake Arrie. The dark water area was previously a sandy hill. The old limestone factory can be spotted
as a white roof on the northern edge. The little round area to the left is one of the smallest nature reserves in Sweden, the Gavelsbjer.
Together with the Arrie area, it forms an island of accessible green land in a densely populated and cultivated landscape, r
Lantmäteriverket Gävle 2008/Medgivande I 2008/0349.
scabious (Scabiosa columbaria L.), basil thyme (Satureja
acinos (L.) Scheele) and dwarf everlast (Helichrysum
arenarium (L.) Moench). There are butterflies such as
the moth Metzneria santolinella Ams. and six-belted
clearwing (Bembecia ichneumoniformis Denis and Schiff;
Gyllin, in press).
Users and stakeholders: a snapshot
Three municipalities converge in Lake Arrie: Malmö,
Svedala and Vellinge, of which the latter administrates
the area (see Fig. 3). Those three municipalities differ a
lot in socio-economic structure. Malmö is Sweden’s
third city. It has an industrial tradition and currently has
one of the country’s largest proportions of immigrants.
Svedala is a commuter and farmer community, with two
villages and plenty of farmland. Vellinge is also a
commuter and farmer municipality, but with an
explicitly wealthy population. Vellinge is politically
dominated by the right wing, while Malmö is a
traditional social democrat-led municipality. Obviously
planners, as well as users of the recreational area, have
markedly different goals and ideals in their approach to
the area. As a consequence, conflicts arise because of
different perspectives among the different stakeholders.
We will return to this below.
The policy of the County Council is to encourage and
facilitate access to the area for target groups of children,
disabled people and immigrants. The groups are
targeted as their need for outdoor recreation is supposed
to be enhanced. The County Council has also financially
supported an association of immigrant parents from the
closest suburb of Malmö to organise outdoor activities
and projects in Arrie. A ‘suburb’ in the Scandinavian
context usually denotes a big-scale housing project,
often inhabited by low-income groups and newly arrived
immigrants, in the outskirts of the city. The County
Council has, as well, formulated a combined set of
objectives for their recreational areas: biodiversity,
health and cultural integration (County Council of
Scania (Region Ska( ne), 2006). The objectives correspond to governmental political long-term goals for
societal development in Sweden, under the overarching
parole of sustainable development (for the national
policy regarding outdoor recreation and health, see
Statens folkhälsoinstitut, 2002).
Today, the area provides a wide range of uses as an
outdoor recreation facility. The majority of those uses
are, thus far, spontaneous or ‘non-planned’. Since Lake
Arrie is a small patch of land, where you almost have a
view from one end to the other, the risk for user conflicts
is obvious. Lake Arrie, situated in a densely populated
region, does not provide total silence or wilderness
experiences; however, Swedish law and the landowners’
policy eliminate the most common disturbances, such as
noisy motorised activities in recreational areas.
Anglers are among the most active users. A local
anglers’ club takes care not only of fishing arrangements, but has also volunteered to keep the shores clean
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175
Fig. 3. Map of the actual area, r Lantmäteriverket Gävle 2008/Medgivande I 2008/0349.
of rubbish and to empty the dustbins along the road. A
paint-ball club is the tenant in the old factory building.
The arrangements for paint-ball fights today occupy a
meadow on one of the hills in the area. This club,
though, is under notice, as the activity – seen as relating
to violence – is not in line with the County Council’s
goals for use and management of recreation areas. Bird
watchers roam the area and a newly constructed birdwatching tower can be utilised on the shore of the lake.
A cross-country runners’ club arranges regular activities
in the area. Although these activities do not formally
exclude women, they mainly engage male users.
According to our observations on the site, women in
general seem to be more interested in activities such as
walking, dog walking and horseback riding.
A private entrepreneur has established a company for
outdoor events in the area. He manages a sauna raft that
can be rented by parties of bathers in the lake. The
entrepreneur has applied to expand his activities
through building a so-called adventure trail. This raises
the issue of possible conflicts between commercial and
non-commercial uses. Another opposition can be
identified between the needs to plan the area actively,
and the spontaneous use, such as bathing and barbecuing at the little beach on the shore of the lake. A third
conflict may occur between the local inhabitants who
live in the villages close to the lake, who feel that the
area is ‘theirs’. There is a risk that locals perceive visitors
from local suburbs as intruders. A cultural clash of this
kind could be when groups of ethnic minorities go
picnicking and barbecuing on the beach. There are also
private landowners on the border of the designed
recreational area, being important stakeholders. One
major landowner is Skabersjö estate, controlling a strip
of land on the eastern shore of the Lake Arrie. The
County Council has been given permission to establish a
trail on this land in order for visitors to be able to walk
around the lake.
Kraft durch freude?
Love for nature and outdoor recreation have since the
late 19th century been core factors in the construction of
a national Swedish identity. During early industrialism,
nature came to symbolise an opposition to urban,
productive and artificial environments. Romanticism
and nostalgia seem to have been reactions to the
uprooting caused by urbanisation and industrialisation
(Frykman and Löfgren, 1979). The Swedish Tourist
Association and the Swedish Society for Nature Conservation helped to form the image of Swedish nature as
a source for strong health and good morals from the
early 20th century and onwards. Basic knowledge of
wild flowers, trees and animals became a central feature
in the education of young Swedes.
In the late 19th century, the declining health status of
the working class in the deprived urban areas became an
issue for the ruling class. This concern was not only
from the social aspect but also from a moral point of
view. Outdoor recreation was initially a bourgeois
activity, but was promoted for ‘lower’ classes as part
of a social engineering project. Hygiene and exercise
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were thought to improve labourers’ health. Tuberculosis
and anaemia were illnesses to be cured by fresh air. In
the cities, ornamental parks and promenades were
created for the upper- and middle-class people. At the
same time, parks were created to provide workers with
nature-like environments for recreation (Mels, 1999).
This approach was established on a larger scale by
Germans in the 1930s, also known by its motto Kraft
durch Freude. This movement aimed at engaging workers in various edifying and recreational activities. The
idea that outdoor recreation will enhance good behaviour and strengthen group dynamics is still alive. Even
in recent times, outdoor recreation is often used in social
work, to rehabilitate drug addicts and criminal youngsters (e.g., Andmarken 1979, pp. 99–102). Later on, we
will argue that the core idea to employ outdoor
recreation for social purposes is still the same, but that
political ideologies and target groups have shifted
dramatically.
The public health (salutogenic) aspects do no longer
focus on bad lungs and low weight. Today public health
work has turned towards the risks of obesity, lack of
exercise and mental fatigue. The County Council of
Scania (Region Ska( ne) (2006) refers to research showing
clear connections between outdoor recreation, health
and well-being:
Regular stays in nature have a positive effect on both
mental and physical health and decrease the time for
rehabilitation after illness. There are large socioeconomic gains for society in enabling people to visit
nature to a larger extent and perform outdoor
physical activities. The present economic monitoring
system makes it difficult to show direct connections
between investment for an outdoor recreation area
and society’s expenses for bad health. It requires a
more long-term view by decision makers than a few
fiscal years to assert socio-economic gains of an
outdoor recreation area (County Council of Scania
(Region Ska( ne), 2006, Chapter 3, p. 5, our translation).
One interesting feature in the Arrie case is the implicit
moral and political imperative that lies in outdoor
recreation. Not only should visits to Arrie promote
public health, it is also seen as a way for extraScandinavian immigrants to become more integrated
into Swedish society. It seems obvious to us that the
tradition of outdoor recreation as a social project with
moral imperatives, expressed through the discourse of
integration, is reflected in the policy of the County
Council. Interestingly, it seems to be reproduced by
immigrant parents themselves as well, as a means to rise
and educate their children in an activity encouraged by
the establishment (field notes, March 21, 2006). Immigrants may choose outdoor recreation as one strategy
for acceptance in the Swedish society.
Public health-related characteristics and
landscape values in Arrie
The political goals of the County Council are to plan
for outdoor recreation in order to promote not only
health aspects, but also biodiversity as well as cultural
integration (County Council of Scania (Region Ska( ne),
2006). In creating outdoor recreation areas such as Lake
Arrie, all those three objectives are to be incorporated.
But what kind of nature promotes health, and how can
these benefits be combined with biodiversity and
opportunities for integration?
At the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences,
recent research has set out to identify the capacity of
green areas to promote health and well-being. Landscape architect Stigsdotter (2005) has developed a model
on eight basic characteristics of green garden rooms that
make them popular, appreciated and visited. She bases
the model on the works of Berggren-Bärring and Grahn
(1995). The eight basic characteristics are the following
(Stigsdotter, 2005, p. 17):
1. Serene: peace, silence and care. Sounds of wind,
water, birds and insects. No rubbish, no weeds, no
disturbing people;
2. Wild: fascination with wild nature. Plants seem selfsown. Lichen and moss-grown rocks, old paths;
3. Rich in species: a room offering a variety of species of
animals and plants;
4. Space: a room offering a restful feeling of ‘entering
another world’, a coherent whole, like a beech forest;
5. The common: a green, open place providing vistas and
inviting you to stay;
6. The pleasure garden: an enclosed, safe and secluded
place, where you can relax and be yourself and also
experiment and play;
7. Festive: a meeting place for festivity and pleasure;
8. Culture: a historical place offering fascination with
the course of time.
In the suggested programme for development of Lake
Arrie, the County Council relates to these eight
characteristics, referring to them as ‘recreation values’
(County Council of Scania (Region Ska( ne), 2006;
Stigsdotter, 2005) points out that the focus of the
characteristics is to promote health in city green areas.
Below, we will reflect on the characteristics in relation to
the situation in Arrie and to the draft of planning as it
was presented in June 2006.
In the current situation, serenity seems to be
experienced especially by locals (see Fig. 4). Serenity
can easily be threatened if the occurrence of traffic,
noise, crowding and littering increases. In the draft, it is
emphasised that serenity should be protected as
activities inevitably will increase in the area. Original
wilderness, though, is absent, as the area is all a result of
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biophysical characteristics such as wilderness, space
and biodiversity.
The cultural aspect of a green area is not discussed in
the draft at all. One possibility would be to emphasise
the socio-economic history of the area, for instance by
providing information on the quarry and the limestone
factory. It is quite significant that the County Council
has neglected the interesting cultural and historical
aspects of the factory ground. Nature for recreation –
i.e. nature seen as devoid of humans and their activities
– is in focus rather than culture. To go outside the city
may however also be a way to go ‘back in time’.
Recreation may thus be considered an escape in both
time and space (see Svensson, 2000).
Fig. 4. View over the lake in springtime.
industrial process and intense use. The sense of wilderness might however be a real value to some people.
The County Council suggests that it is possible to
establish a forest feeling on the northwest bank. A high
forest, though, will not grow spontaneously, but will
have to be planted and waited for. On the east shore of
the lake a more wild nature is present, as bushes grow
uncontrolled close to the water, sheltering birds and
wildlife. As nature ‘recolonises’ this part of the area, it
may be perceived as the most ‘wild’. Paradoxically, this
is the less visited part of Arrie. The ‘natural’ wilderness
promoted by planners does not seem to be the most
appreciated among visitors.
Another major goal set up by the County Council is
to increase local and regional biodiversity. This is an
important aspect, as there are not many patches of
biodiverse ‘nature’ in the mono-cultural agricultural
landscape surrounding Arrie. The third characteristic,
rich in species, is mirrored in Arrie especially due to the
industrial past. The value, as such, does not have to
reflect ‘natural’ biodiversity. But the idea to increase
biodiversity through introduction of new species is still
controversial. Which exotic species can be accepted, if a
traditional park is not to be obtained?
The experience of space is naturally present because of
the elevated position of the hills surrounding the lake.
The major hill in the Lake Arrie area, Risebjär, provides
the visitor with a grand view to the south. The view may
be threatened if too much forest is introduced and if the
undergrowth is not held back. The question that should
be posed is: is it possible for such a small area to house
senses of wilderness and space at the same time?
The common, the pleasure garden and the festive are all
characteristics that can be experienced primarily on the
northwest shores of the lake, as this area is accessible by
car. This opportunity will be organised differently by the
County Council in the future, as littering and disturbances may undermine the values preferred. Visitors
with an immigrant background seem to appreciate these
social aspects of outdoor recreation rather than
The imposed diversity
A central feature of the modern society has been the
belief in universalism and uniformity, implemented in
politics both in social engineering and in management of
nature. As a reaction to the problematique associated with
these values, alternative movements during the 1960s and
1970s argued for the values inherent in diversity and
pluralism. In the late 1980s, environmentalists introduced
the concept of biodiversity as a value to be protected in
nature (Lisberg Jensen, 2002). This value was presented
as a prerequisite for both balance and dynamics in
nature. At the UNCED conference in Rio, 1992, the
concept was internationally articulated in the Convention
of Biological Diversity. The idea of biodiversity can be
interpreted as a reaction to modern agriculture and
forestry, promoting increased preservation. The idea can
also, and less explicitly, be seen to represent an essential
value of nature, that is, the ‘untouched’, ‘natural’ state of
things. Because monoculture dominates the agricultural
surroundings, species diversity is to be appraised and
encouraged in Lake Arrie.
Diversity has also become a buzzword in social
planning, opening societal acceptance for a wide variety
of ethnic origins. Swedish immigration politics in the
1960s were rather strict in terms of their assimilation
policy, i.e., immigrants were demanded to give up their
original cultural identity in order to become Swedish
(Johansson, 2005). In contemporary politics, ideals have
changed towards an integration based on diversity.
Diversity, it seems, both among species and humans, has
become an often cited, but somehow unspecific parole,
denoting ‘all things good’. The County Council of
Scania (Region Ska( ne) (2006), as a political body,
reproduces this approach. In Lake Arrie, not only
biodiversity should be promoted, but also values of
cultural diversity:
There is a big potential in the area for increased
understanding and integration. Through outdoor
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recreation [y] and different types of cultural
activities, citizens with different cultural and ethnic
background and preconditions get to know and
appreciate one another (County Council of Scania
(Region Ska( ne), 2006, Chapter 3, p. 4, our translation).
Politically correct, as this may be, there is a naive
belief that cultural and biological diversity automatically and peacefully will appear.
The idea of diversity raises questions regarding
essentialism contra constructivism. Cultural identities
are always considered volatile, constructed and in
process of change. For example, ‘Swedishness’ and
integration are thought to be achieved through outdoor
recreation. The notion that ethnicity is an essential
quality is considered racist in contemporary discourse.
However, in nature conservation policy, framing the
development of Lake Arrie, the opposite holds true.
Species are seen as essential, not constructed, but also
ecosystems and nature itself are more or less thought of
as ‘natural’. In Lake Arrie, the problem is rather to
define ‘original’ nature. We will return to this below.
Public fora: a participatory process
In contemporary planning and management, authorities try to promote public participation through
techniques of elicitation (Lezaun and Soneryd, 2006).
A technique that is often employed to capture the
(
opinion of the ‘silent majority’ is samradsmöten,
public
fora. This is to ensure local support for political
decisions, and to avoid top-down planning that may
cause mistrust and conflict. In order to do this, the
choice of stakeholders – to ‘extract’ local opinion – is of
great importance. Obviously, the agenda and organisation of such gatherings are of importance to how the
process proceeds. There is always a delicate balance
between chaos of voices and an overtly strict or limited
possibility to speak up. While spontaneous expressions
are and should be welcomed in the process, headstrong
stakeholders may cause too much uproar for the process
to continue. Therefore a focus on opinions of the silent
majority is preferred and promoted, rather than those of
activists, educated upper middle class or stakeholders
promoting interests too private to count in public
planning (see Lezaun and Soneryd, 2006).
The stakeholders and current users presented above
have all been invited to take part in the participation
process in Lake Arrie. Presently, the County Council is
in the middle of the consultation process, and the
development programme for Arrie is still to be decided
on by regional politicians. On the first public forum on
Arrie, 21st of March 2005, 80 stakeholders met to
discuss the establishment of the recreation area. Some
groups of stakeholders were given the opportunity to
present their activities and ideas from the stage.
Representatives of regional politicians and officials from
the County Council and the municipalities presented
thoughts and ideas about the future of the area. The
following goals were explicitly emphasised by the
officials (field notes):
‘‘To reach school children’’
‘‘To increase access for disabled’’
‘‘To give immigrants without that background’’,
‘‘with no habit of the right of public access’’, ‘‘a
possibility to roam the Scandinavian nature’’, (a
nature characterised as) ‘‘free from wild animals’’
‘‘To increase biological and social values’’
‘‘To increase information’’
‘‘To decrease the risk of conflicts’’
Among the public, a number of groups took the
opportunity to present their ideas. A private entrepreneur was the first to present his ideas about the
adventure trail. He also expressed a wish to rent a part
of the factory building for setting up a restaurant and a
climbing wall. A representative from the anglers’ club
told about their management of the lake and their
efforts to keep the area free of litter. A group of crosscountry runners wished to map the area thoroughly, and
emphasised the need not to ‘wear it out’. A parental
organisation from the nearby suburb was represented by
a Swedish consultant, flanked by one mother of Arab
origin and another of Somali origin. They presented a
variety of plans for the area. Primarily, the factory
building attracted the organisation, functioning as a
facility for cross-cultural encounters, café and restaurant, a kindergarten, a multicultural workshop and
activities for suburban youth. The immigrant ladies
pointed out that ‘‘nature and environment are pathways
into the Swedish society’’. One of the few concrete ideas
presented by the consultant was to arrange a ‘zoological
safari’ in Arrie. Another idea was to use the area as an
educational ground to inform and introduce immigrants
about the Swedish Right of Common Access (allemansrätten). Despite what could be feared due to the number
of divergent aspirations at the gathering, no xenophobic
stances were expressed during the meeting. The public
emphasises however that visitors must be provided with
‘proper knowledge’ on how to behave in nature.
One decision that was proclaimed beyond discussion
was the building of a bird-watching tower on the
western shore of the lake. This had to be constructed
before the 1st of July, because of the funding already
given by the European Union in the context of Nortrail
(a network linking footpaths and sites in recreational
areas of the coastal counties encompassing the North
Sea). It can be interpreted that decisions taken on a
super-national level are not to be negotiated in local
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participatory processes. Another interpretation is that
external resources, in scarce situations, tend to exclude
local debate.
The open discussion that followed included detailed
issues regarding, for example, the paint-ball club, beach
and swimming facilities, the access for horses and dogs,
traffic, service and street lights. In addition, some locals
expressed an anxiety that tranquillity would be threatened due to development of the area. ‘‘I have grown up
here and chose to live here, and this has to do with the
peace and quiet – what will happen in the future? Not
that we do not want to share, but one might feel
worriedy’’ one woman said, and others hummed in
consent. The County Council representatives answered
that silence is a very important quality in recreation
areas, and reassured that order will improve under their
future management, instead of the previous ‘Wild West’
circumstances (field notes). An official from the neighbouring municipality added that parts of the surroundings will be exploited for housing, and that locals might
have to get used to the idea of more people visiting the
area. City sprawl will inevitably have impact on the use
and categorisation of the area.
The public meeting revealed no dramatic controversies. Nevertheless, some latent conflicts can be spotted,
like in many outdoor recreation areas. One of the most
common, according to Jacob and Schreyer (1980), on
their model on outdoor conflict, is on type of activity and
the meaning assigned to it. Conflicting interests and
differing activities, as well as the meaning given to those,
are obvious in Lake Arrie. Another factor recognised in
the model is sense of possession, connected resource
specificity, where intimate knowledge of the area is
crucial. Local identity and embeddedness are crucial for
users’ emotional attachment to Lake Arrie. However,
this attachment can be attained by anybody through
time, but there is no doubt that the local population
connects more directly to the area (see Borgström
Hansson, 2003). A third factor is expectations on the
experience of the environment. Such expectations can be
divided into the list of characteristics previously
discussed. The final factor, that may also be contested,
is on tolerance towards other lifestyles and activities
(Jacob and Schreyer, 1980). In Lake Arrie, there are
potential conflicts of this kind, though not so harsh,
related to local and/or ethnocentric perspectives towards
outsiders (Rojek, 2005). Conflicts may occur openly if
pressure on the facilities as well as expectations on
experience increases.
Conflicting ideologies
Lake Arrie has been purchased to serve all county
citizens, creating opportunities for outdoor recreation.
179
This, of course, can cause conflicts between groups of
users. The Right of Common Access allows everybody
in Sweden to roam lands that are not cultivated fields or
private housing grounds. The locals, living close to the
quarry, have since long used the area as a common,
using it for dog walking, fishing and horse-back riding.
They have expressed anxiety about competition from
outsiders visiting the area, and might not approve of the
policy of increased access for the public and explicit
efforts to encourage immigrants to use the area. On the
other hand, immigrants of various origins are not easily
incorporated in the very culture-specific style of outdoor
recreation of Scandinavia. Traditionally, this style has
focused on values such as silence, solitude, hardiness
and amateur scientific interest in flora and fauna. These
ideals may not apply to all Swedes and may be contested
today. In many non-Scandinavian cultures, such as in
the Middle East (Ouis, 2002), visits into the wilderness
alone and without practical reason are considered as
strange behaviour. In Blomqvist’s study on immigrants’
outdoor recreation in urban settings, non-Scandinavian
informants expressed unease to roam alone in nature
(Blomqvist, 2003). Instead, going out to picnic on a nice
setting is primarily a social activity to these users. In this
context, nature provides the visitor with pleasant
scenery for social gatherings, rather than a being a
source of challenge and self-improvement. The current
attempts to reach integration through outdoor recreation, motivated by the health perspective, tend to
reproduce the Scandinavian model for outdoor recreation. From now on, it is obvious that outdoor habits
other than the Scandinavian have to be taken into
consideration in planning for a range of users from
different cultures and nationalities.
Planning has to reflect the current ideologies and
aesthetics regarding the environment, as well as the
potential of the area in question. A virginity of nature,
traditionally cherished by early outdoor recreationists,
cannot be found at all in Lake Arrie. Emmelin (1997)
has coined the term ‘purist’ to denote those who prefer
nature untouched by human hand for recreational
purposes. In contrast, a stance that accepts or even
prefers human intervention in outdoor recreation, such
as prepared trails, bridges, information signs and
facilities, is called ‘urbanist’ (Emmelin, 1997). In Lake
Arrie, the plan is to adapt the area to a wide range of
target groups, as previously mentioned. The ideology of
the County Council must be seen as ‘urbanist’ in terms
of planning for access, while maintaining or enhancing
the feeling of ‘natural’ nature. This raises the question:
to what extent can nature be developed or altered in
order to meet the needs of humans without losing its
recreative qualities?
One of the most common land use conflicts is the one
between production and preservation, for instance when
it comes to protecting biodiversity in old growth forests.
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This conflict is a non-issue in this case. There is no
interest in preserving Lake Arrie in the state it is today.
However, there is no interest either in any production in
the area, as it is a ‘leftover’ from the industrial era. It has
never been suitable as arable land, and certainly not for
modern farming techniques. However, the patch of land
will be used for another kind of production, but rather a
production of experience and recreation in the field of
consumption. In other words, this can be seen as
transition from a landscape of production to a landscape
of consumption, or a change from concrete production to
abstract production. This is a fundamental aspect of the
post-industrial construction of nature.
All these conflicts seem to exemplify the four factors
in the model of conflict mentioned above (Jacob and
Schreyer, 1980). But users of an outdoor recreation area
cannot easily be defined in terms of culture and habits.
Even gender aspects matter, since men and women tend
to differ in their outdoor practices and needs. Women,
for instance, do emphasise the need to feel secure and
not to be offended or approached by strangers.
American outdoor research has shown, for example,
that women of a variety of cultural origin use a number
of strategies to avoid the sense of intrusion of their
outdoor recreation experience (Wesely and Gaarder,
2004). This should also be taken into account when
planning for recreation. But there is also fear and
mistrust between other groups of users, between
immigrants and Swedes, as well as between immigrant
groups of different ethnic origin. One such example
came to the fore during a meeting with the planning
group of Arrie, when an official from Vellinge expressed
the risk for citizens in their municipality to feel scared if
they ‘‘have to meet veiled Muslim women in the forest’’
(field notes). The city fringe is an area of encounters, not
only between the urban and the rural, but also between
urbanists and purists, classes, ethnic groups, and men
and women.
often constructed and designed. Green spaces for
outdoor recreation have since the late 19th century been
designed and constructed in connection with big
American cities, and are today considered remainders
of wilderness in the urban landscape (Whiston Spirne,
1995, p. 104). This is however an illusion, due to skilful
planning and design by human hand (Whiston Spirne,
1995, p. 112) – a deliberate reconstruction of landscape.
As an example, to illustrate the possibility of
designing nature, students of landscape architecture
have in an adjacent project suggested the introduction of
several exotic species in Lake Arrie. To increase the
interests and recognition of immigrants in Lake Arrie, it
has been suggested to plant orchard trees of foreign
provenience, such as cedar, mulberry and walnut trees.
Essential or original nature is long by gone in this case,
but how far can we accept constructivism in physical
reality? This is an established practice in urban parks,
but is rather a new and controversial idea in nature
outside cities.
From a human ecological point of view, society,
human ideas and nature are all to be seen as actors in
the process of creating and recreating nature. In the case
of Lake Arrie, the present ecosystem has appeared
without planning and management. From this perspective, nature is an agent in the process, and the County
Council cannot bypass the biological or historical
agency in the area. Human intervention in nature is
not a new phenomenon, but in the case of Lake Arrie,
the County Council still seems uncertain whether to
radically alter the biophysical state of the area or just to
let the ecological processes proceed. Some years have
already passed since the time of purchase, without
decisions being made and without any management so
far. This time span allows the ecological succession to
continue. This may be a sign of the post-modern
condition, where a multilayered history and diversity
in goals of users are expressed and should be taken into
account. This often results in a state of uncertainty and
indecisiveness.
Constructing natural nature for outdoor
recreation
Conclusion
Above, we have shown that though nature in Lake
Arrie is of a diverse origin and type, there is no original,
untouched ecosystem to be restored. Nevertheless, the
species and ecosystem present are an unplanned
consequence of the anthropogenic and historical past
of the area. We have raised the question to what extent
nature can be designed and constructed without losing
the sense of essential nature, unlike an urban park. It is a
tradition in growing cities to plan for green areas for the
well-being of citizens on former wastelands such as
dumps (Qviström, 2005). This tradition is not entirely
new or Swedish. Even the most ‘wild’ landscapes are
The social and political categorisation of an area
reflects the needs of a changing society (see Fig. 5). In
the case of Lake Arrie, we can identify several phases of
transition between rural, urban, productive and recreational landscapes, not only in terms of actual use, but
also in terms of categorisation. In the early industrial
era, the area was an enclave of industrial ground in a
completely rural setting. In the post-industrial era, it
turned into a ‘wasteland’, open for nature to recolonise.
This type of landscape is difficult to categorise, being a
space ‘in between’, neither nature nor culture, perceived
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181
Fig. 5. Perception, categorisation and design of Arrie in relation to surroundings.
as ephemeral and inferior. At the same time, the city
sprawl has come closer, with the semi-urban populations’ need for outdoor recreation. In future, the former
industrial ground will be perceived as an enclave of
nature in an urban setting. While the former products of
the area responded to the industrial need for gravel and
limestone, the contemporary ‘products’ respond to
emotional needs. The investments made are rather of
moral, aesthetic and political character. Is it not ironic,
that what is most needed in a totally urbanised and
modernised landscape is a room where people can
perform activities like fishing, swimming and socialising
in ‘nature’? Constructed, culture specific and planned as
those activities may be, they also form an organised
escape in time and space from a society that is organised
to provide health, safety and happiness for everybody.
Acknowledgements
We take the opportunity to express our gratitude
towards Sparbanksstiftelsen Ska( ne, whose generous
grant has made this research possible. We also want to
thank our project colleagues Anna Broström, Per
Eliasson, Per Hillbur and Mats Gyllin for assistance
and constructive comments, and Patrick K. Deans and
James Potter for extra English-eyed readings.
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