Handbook on Adverbials

HANDBOOK ON ADVERBIALS Audra Phillips Payap University and SIL International January 2009 Copyright © by Audra Phillips 2009 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Audra Phillips. Printed in Chiang Mai, Thailand First printing: 50 copies CONTENTS Preface.................................................................................................ix 1 Introduction........................................................................................1 2 Identifying adverbials.........................................................................3 2.1 Characterizing eventualities........................................................3 2.1.1 Types of simple sentences...................................................4 2.1.2 Culminating or holding.......................................................4 2.1.3 Participants..........................................................................5 2.2 Eventualities and adverbial identification..................................7 2.3 Further eventuality characterization practice.............................8 3 Degree...............................................................................................12 3.1 The coding of degree modification in English.........................12 3.2 The coding of degree modification in WCT Pwo....................15 3.3 Summary...................................................................................20 4 Manner..............................................................................................21 4.1 The coding of manner in English.............................................22 4.1.1 Action manner coding.......................................................22 4.1.2 Agent manner coding........................................................24 4.2 The coding of manner in WCT Pwo........................................26 4.2.1 Action manner coding.......................................................26 4.2.2 Agent manner coding........................................................28 4.3 Summary...................................................................................30 5 Locations..........................................................................................32 5.1 Locationals in English..............................................................33 iii iv Contents 5.2 Locationals in WCT Pwo.........................................................38 5.2.1 Goal participants................................................................41 5.2.2 Existence locationals.........................................................44 5.2.3 Location adverbials...........................................................47 5.3 Summary...................................................................................48 6 Time..................................................................................................49 6.1 The coding of 'when' time adverbials.......................................49 6.1.1 'When' time adverbials in English.....................................49 6.1.2 'When' time adverbials in WCT Pwo................................51 6.2 The coding of 'after' time adverbials........................................60 6.2.1 'After' time adverbials in English......................................60 6.2.2 'After' time adverbials in WCT Pwo.................................62 6.3 The coding of 'before' adverbials.............................................66 6.3.1 'Before' time adverbials in English...................................66 6.3.2 'Before' time adverbials in WCT Pwo..............................66 6.4 The coding of 'while' time adverbials.......................................68 6.4.1 'While' time adverbials in English....................................68 6.4.2 'While' time adverbials in WCT Pwo................................69 6.5 The coding of duration time adverbials...................................71 6.5.1 Duration time adverbials in English.................................71 6.5.2 Duration time adverbials in WCT Pwo.............................71 6.6 Summary...................................................................................73 7 Aspect...............................................................................................76 7.1 The coding of aspect in English...............................................76 7.1.1 Perfective aspects..............................................................77 7.1.2 Imperfective aspects..........................................................79 7.1.3 Quantificational aspects.....................................................80 7.2 The coding of aspect in WCT Pwo..........................................81 7.2.1 Perfective aspects..............................................................81 Contents v 7.2.2 Imperfective aspects..........................................................86 7.2.3 Quantificational aspects.....................................................89 7.3 Summary...................................................................................93 8 Clause-event adverbials....................................................................95 8.1 Clause-event adverbials in English..........................................95 8.2 Clause-event adverbials in WCT Pwo......................................97 8.3 Summary...................................................................................98 9 Conclusion........................................................................................99 References........................................................................................101 TABLES Table 1 Eventuality types and culminating or holding.........................5 Table 2 Participants in eventualities.....................................................6 Table 3 Eventuality analysis of 2.2.......................................................8 Table 4 Eventuality analysis of the sentences in 2.3..........................10 Table 5 Degree modification in English and WCT Pwo....................20 Table 6 Manner coding strategies in English and WCT Pwo............31 Table 7 Comparison of locational functions.......................................33 Table 8 Eventuality analysis with locationals.....................................35 Table 9 WCT Pwo prepositions..........................................................40 Table 10 Time adverbials in English and WCT Pwo.........................74 Table 11 Aspect coding strategies in English and WCT Pwo...........94 vii PREFACE In a typical introductory grammar textbook, the treatment of adverbials is quite limited, generally only a few pages, and yet adverbials are ubiquitous in language, posing dilemmas for students dealing with grammatical analysis. Given this situation, the aim of this handbook is three-fold: 1) to provide a more extended introduction to adverbials, 2) to compare ways in which English and West-Central Thailand Pwo Karen (WCT Pwo), an isolating, Southeast Asian language, convey meanings often handled by adverbials in languages, and 3) to introduce students to the rich linguistic literature dealing with adverbials. As background to distinguishing adverbials from other elements in the clause, the handbook begins with a discussion of the characteristics of eventualities, including event types, participant types and whether the eventuality is holding or culminating. Then English degree, manner, location, time, aspectual and clause-event adverbials are presented followed by an account of how WCT Pwo conveys similar meanings handled by adverbials in English. Finally, the conclusion includes suggestions for further study. The English data for this handbook comes from examples in Givón (2001), the text of Kroeger (2005) and my own native speaker intuition. The WCT Pwo data primarily comes from three WCT Pwo Karen folktales collected in the course of a research project in Plainasuan village, Nasuan sub-district, Srisawat district, Kanchanaburi province, Thailand, during 2000-2001. There has been no opportunity for elicitation in addition to the folktales, which necessarily limits the scope of this handbook. However, within the limits of the available data, it is possible to see some of the WCT Pwo coding strategies. An endeavour of this type does not happen without the assistance and input of others. First, I would like to express thanks to the Pwo Karen of Plainasuan village, Srisawat District, Kanchanaburi, ix x Preface Thailand, who provided the Pwo Karen texts used for this handbook. As well, the National Research Council of Thailand, sponsored the language research, January 2000 – October 2001. In the course of writing, the input of Larin Adams, George Bedell and Tom Tehan was key, introducing me to trends in adverbial research and challenging me to greater clarity in my analysis and writing. Melinda Lyons and Tom Tehan copy-edited and Martin Hosken gave input on the final format. My collegues are a great blessing. Thank you Larin, George, Tom, Melinda and Martin. Finally, I extend my sincere thanks to Payap University, the Payap Linguistics Department and the Mainland Southeast Asia Group of SIL International for their facilitation and support of continuing Pwo Karen research. This handbook is a beginning in two senses. First, as a handbook, it is intended only as an introduction to adverbial behaviour. Readers are urged to explore beyond the material presented in this book. Second, this handbook is very much a work in progress. Any comments for improvements are gratefully received. Chiang Mai, Thailand January 2009 Audra Phillips audra_phillips@sil.org 1 Introduction In this handbook, the primary focus will be on the identification and characterization of adverbials. This will be accomplished through a comparison of the coding of adverbials in English with methods of coding similar information in West-Central Thailand Pwo Karen (WCT Pwo). WCT Pwo is a Karenic language of the Tibeto-Burman language family and is spoken in Mainland Southeast Asia. As is the case with many Mainland Southeast Asian languages, WCT Pwo is an isolating language with a limited amount of morphology. Verbs and nouns have single forms, with no morphological marking for such things as number and gender, in the case of nouns, and tense and/or aspect in the case of verbs. As well, WCT Pwo depends heavily on the pragmatic context to provide the information needed to understand communications, due to the lack of overt marking on nouns and verbs. Adverbs can be challenging to identify due to the variety of forms they take. Webster’s Dictionary (Guralnik 1984) defines adverbs as “…any of a class of words used generally to modify a verb, an adjective, another adverb, a phrase or a clause, by expressing time, location, manner, degree, cause, etc.” This definition is echoed, to some extent, by Schachter and Shopen (2007, 20), who simply define adverbs as “…modifiers of constituents other than nouns.” Crystal (2003, 13) provides a more specific definition of adverbs as “…a heterogeneous group of items whose most frequent function is to specify the mode of action of the verb.” Givón (2001, 87-88), similarly, describes the class of adverbs as “…the least homogenous, semantically, morphologically and syntactically…” also “…the least universal cross-linguistically.” He goes on to comment that “…the same adverbial meaning may be coded as a bound grammatical 1 2 Handbook on adverbials morpheme in one language, an independent word in another, or a whole syntactic construction—phrases or even clauses—in another.”1 A more general term that encompasses 'adverbs' regardless of their structure is adverbial. Trask (1992, 10) defines an adverbial as “Any category with a distribution and function similar to that of a lexical adverb…regardless of its surface syntactic realization…” This is the term that we will be using throughout the book. So, how does the researcher identify adverbials, since, crosslinguistically, there is no one form that they take and they serve a number of functions? One possibility is to not limit oneself to the concept of adverbs as a part-of-speech. Rather, think in terms of an overarching category that conceives of adverbs as a functional category. Then, once adverbials are identified based on their function, their forms and the positions they take can be described for the particular language under study. However, before discussing different types of adverbials, it is necessary to be able to distinguish adverbials from other elements in the clause. This is the topic of Chapter 2. Then different types of adverbials are presented in the remainder of the handbook. Chapter 3 presents degree adverbials, Chapter 4 presents manner adverbials, Chapter 5 presents location adverbials, Chapter 6 time adverbials, Chapter 7 aspectual adverbials and Chapter 8 clause-event adverbials. The conclusion, in Chapter 9, includes suggestions for further study. 1 The analysis of English adverbials is serving as the basis for the analysis of similar meanings in WCT Pwo. However, the analyst should be aware that a meaning coded by an adverbial in English is not necessarily coded by an adverbial in WCT Pwo. This is especially true of meanings that can be coded by aspectual adverbials in English. In WCT Pwo, these meanings are coded by such elements as particles and devices such as reduplication, none of which would be classified as adverbials. 2 Identifying adverbials As mentioned in Chapter 1, identifying adverbials can be challenging due to the various forms they take, which are often borrowed from other structures. For example, in English, the adjective fast, as in the car is fast or the fast car, can also function as an adverb without any change in form, as in he fell fast. Since, cross-linguistically, adverbials are coded by different structures, it is fruitful to identify adverbials semantically first, before describing the structures by which they are coded in a particular language. In order to do this, the analyst must consider the components of a simple sentence. 2.1 Characterizing eventualities Parsons' (1990) theory of underlying events provides a useful framework for characterizing the semantic components of a simple sentence. In the linguistic literature, a number of different sentence types have been identified. These sentence types are referred to as eventualities. Eventuality is a cover term, coined by Bach (1981), for the various sentence types: events, states, processes, etc. The classification of verbs into states, achievements, accomplishments and activities was first presented in Vendler (1967) and has been further expanded upon by others, including Dowty (1991) and Smith (1997).2 The distinction between states and events is especially important for the characterization of concepts such as aspect and the behaviour of adverbials. In addition to eventuality types, underlying event theory is also concerned with the concepts of culminating and holding and participant types. The discussion will begin with eventuality types. 2 Role and Reference Grammar (Van Valin 2005) also makes use of these verb class distinctions. 3 4 Handbook on adverbials 2.1.1 Types of simple sentences For the purposes of underlying event theory, simple sentences can, semantically, be divided into three types: events, processes and states. Examples of these sentence types are presented in (2.1); a) provides two event examples, b) provides an example of a process sentence and c) provides an example of a state sentence. All of these sentence types are referred to as eventualities. (2.1) a) The farmer killed the chicken./The bomb exploded. b) Mary paints pictures. c) The dress is red. Events can be subdivided into accomplishments and achievements. Accomplishments may or may not take place over a period of time. However, it makes sense to ask how long an accomplishment took. One can also ask whether an accomplishment 'finished'. On the other hand, achievements are, by definition, instantaneous, so it does not make sense to ask how long an achievement took. Processes are 'happenings' like events; however, they have no inherent/natural endpoint. Finally, states hold for a period of time. It does not make sense to ask if a state 'finished' or how long the state took. However, one can ask how long the state held or whether the state is still holding. For our purposes, the distinction between accomplishments and achievements is not necessary, so both of these will often be identified simply as events in the analyses to follow. 2.1.2 Culminating or holding Eventualities can culminate (come to completion) or hold (as in a “holding pattern”). An accomplishment-event has a development portion and a culmination; during the development portion the eventuality is holding and at culmination it is culminating. Achievement-events have only a culmination since they are instantaneous. As for process-events, they are conceptualized as a series of events, so they hold. Finally, a state holds for a given amount Identifying adverbials 5 of time. The way in which culminating or holding comes into play for each eventuality type is summarized and illustrated in Table 1. Table 1 Eventuality types and culminating or holding Eventuality type Accomplishment-event Sub-parts Examples Development portion - Susie sewed curtains, holding but never finished them. Culmination (Development without culmination) The bridge was built last year. (Development and culmination) Achievement-event Culmination as it The bomb exploded. 'happens' Process-event A series of events - Joan runs on Tuesdays holding States Holds or does not hold The house is green. No culmination 2.1.3 Participants Participants, semantic roles or thematic roles are all terms referring to the parts that entities play in an eventuality. The list of participants presented here is only one possible list; linguists have worked with different participant/thematic role lists and have even used thematic role labels differently.3 Participants or thematic roles are generally coded by noun phrases, adpositional phrases, and any other expressions that refer to entities. The list of participants that we will be using includes seven participant roles: Agent, Theme, Goal, Source, Benefactive, Instrument and Experiencer.4 These participants are listed, with a definition and examples, in Table 2, with the role being 3 See Van Valin (2005) and Kroeger (2005) 6 Handbook on adverbials illustrated in each example in italics. Note that a change in participants results in a different eventuality. Table 2 Participants in eventualities Participant Definition Examples role Agent The intentional, animate John killed the chicken. doer of the action. Experiencer Theme Instrument The sentient receiver in the Mary saw the movie. eventuality. I have a dream. Entities acted upon, John killed the chicken. experienced, moved, Mary saw the movie. stationary, etc. John ran behind the house. Mother stayed behind. The thing with which an Mary broke the glass with a action is done, with or the instrument. hammer. (agent) The hammer broke the glass. (no agent) The tornado destroyed the town. (no agent) The endpoint of the event. John gave Mary the book. without an agent wielding Goal Mary drove to the store. Mary went home. Source 4 The point where an event The dog came in from the starts. backyard. George Bedell alerted me to the need for a Source participant in my list of thematic roles. The Source participant is not included in Parsons' (1990) list of thematic roles. Identifying adverbials Participant Definition 7 Examples role Benefactive The entity for whom an John baked Mary a cake. action is done. John baked a cake for Mary There is one case where an entity can have two participant roles. This is illustrated with the sentence Joey ran. The fact that Joey is moving makes him a Theme participant, however, Joey is also the intentional doer of the running, so he is also an Agent. 2.2 Eventualities and adverbial identification So, why is it necessary to consider the semantic structure of eventualities in relation to adverbial identification? As mentioned before, adverbials “borrow” structures, such as adpositional phrases, noun phrases and clauses, so they cannot be identified by their structural behaviour, alone. In other words, noun phrases, adpositional phrases or clauses are not always what they seem. Because of this, all the elements in a clause must be identified according to the way in which they are functioning. For example, compare the two sentences in (2.2). (2.2) a) Mary ran in the park. b) Mary ran to the store. Both sentences in (2.2) contain prepositional phrases which provide information about location. However, only one of the prepositional phrases is a location adverbial while the other is a goal participant. Analyzing these two clauses, the first step is to determine the type of eventuality that each clause is describing. Both clauses have the predicate ran which is a process eventuality. The next question is whether the eventuality is culminating or holding. Looking at a) the eventuality of running in the park has no required sense of culmination, which is typical of a process eventuality. However, in b), the running came to an end (culminated) when Mary reached the store. The prepositional phrase to the store is coding the culmination of the 8 Handbook on adverbials event, whereas the prepositional phrase, in the park, tells where the running took place. The next step is to identify the participants in each eventuality. In both eventualities, Mary has the participant roles of Theme and Agent. Looking at the two prepositional phrases, in the park does not have a participant role; it is providing information on the location of the eventuality, thus it is a location adverbial. However, to the park has the participant role of Goal, so it is not a location adverbial. A summary of the analysis of the sentences in (2.2) is presented in Table 3. Table 3 Eventuality analysis of 2.2 Mary ran in the Mary ran to the park. store. Eventuality type Process Process Culmination/Holding Holding Culmination Agent-Theme Agent, Goal Participants 2.3 Further eventuality characterization practice Some additional sentences for practice in applying the concepts presented in this chapter are provided in (2.3). The sentences are followed by a discussion of each sentence and a summary of my analysis of the sentences in Table 4. (2.3) a) The man killed the mosquito with a newspaper. b) The window shattered loudly. c) The child angrily threw the ball into the river. d) John gave flowers to his wife for her birthday. e) The rock dented the car fender. f) The girl left her doll underneath the bench in the garden. Identifying adverbials 9 g) Tomorrow, I have a dental appointment at Dentaland. h) I still sing in the choir at church. i) Please say that again. j) The teacher made cookies for her students yesterday. k) The flowers arrived from the florist. The sentence in a) is an event eventuality which culminates, with three participants: an Agent (man), a Theme (mosquito) and an Instrument (newspaper). No adverbials occur. As for b), this event eventuality also culminates and has a Theme participant ( window). In addition, loudly is an adverbial. The culminating event eventuality in c) has three participants: an Agent (child), a Theme (ball) and a Goal (into the river). Angrily is an adverbial. Sentence d) is similar to sentence c) in being an event eventuality with three participants: Agent, Theme and Goal. However, it also has a reason adverbial for her birthday. Note that both the goal participant to his wife and the adverbial are prepositional phrases. Then, in e), the culminating event eventuality has two participants: Instrument and Theme, with no adverbials. The culminating event eventuality in f) has two participants, an Agent and a Theme, with one adverbial underneath the bench in the garden.5 The state eventuality in g) has two participants: an Experiencer and a Theme. It also has one adverbial, tomorrow.6 The process eventuality in h) has an agent participant along with two adverbials: still and in the choir at church.7 The achievement-event eventuality in i) has eventual culmination with a single participant, the Agent, which is unexpressed. It also includes the adverbial again and the request marker please. In j), the culminated event eventuality has three participants: Agent, Theme and Benefactive, with the adverbial yesterday. Finally, in k), the culminated event eventuality has two participants: a Theme, the flowers, and a Source, from the florist. 5 In the garden is modifying the noun head bench, so it is not an adverbial. At Dentaland is modifying the noun head appointment, so it is not an adverbial. 7 At church is modifying the noun head choir, so it is not an adverbial. 6 10 Handbook on adverbials Table 4 Eventuality analysis of the sentences in 2.3 Clause Eventuality a) Culmination or type Holding Event Culmination Participants Other elements Agent, None Theme, Instrument b) Event Culmination Theme loudly c) Event Culmination Agent, angrily Theme, Goal d) e) Event Event Culmination Culmination Agent, for her Theme, Goal birthday Instrument, None Theme f) Event Culmination Agent, underneath Theme the bench in the garden g) State Holding Experiencer, tomorrow Theme h) Process Holding Agent still, in the choir at church i) Event Culmination Agent (not please, again expressed) j) Event Culmination Agent, Theme, Benefactive yesterday Identifying adverbials Clause Eventuality k) Culmination or type Holding Event Culmination Participants 11 Other elements Theme, None Source As covered in this chapter, the analyst begins by identifying the sentence types and the participants, as well as determining whether the eventuality is holding or culminating. After that, it is likely that most of the other elements are adverbials. For example, looking at Table 4, with the exception of the request marker please, all of the other elements in the sentences are adverbials. So, how does the analyst distinguish adverbials from nonadverbials? And once adverbials have been identified, how should they be characterized? As with the participants of eventualities, adverbials are characterized by their function, including the constituent they are modifying and the scope of their modification. This, in turn, will likely be related to the position the adverbial occupies in the clause, of which four have been identified for English (Jackendoff 1972). However, the analyst should be aware that these positions and the types of adverbials that occur in them do not always show the same effects. Adverbials and their interaction with elements in the clause can be subtle and complex. Nevertheless, for our purposes, we will look at different types of adverbials in English and how WCT Pwo Karen codes similar meanings. From there the analyst can explore the complexities further. The adverbial “types” to be covered in the remainder of this handbook are as follows: Chapter 3 presents degree adverbials, Chapter 4 presents manner adverbials, Chapter 5 presents location adverbials, Chapter 6 presents time adverbials, Chapter 7 aspectual adverbials and Chapter 8 clause-event adverbials. 3 Degree Degree adverbials or degree modifiers are defined by Trask (1992, 74) as elements that “…typically function as modifiers of an adjective or adverb and express the degree to which the quality expressed by that item is present.” However, in both the English and WCT Pwo data, degree modifiers also modify other syntactic categories such as verbs and prepositions. This necessitates a change in the definition of degree modifiers to, simply, modifiers that “express the degree to which the quality expressed by that item is present.” We will begin with degree modifier coding in English. 3.1 The coding of degree modification in English English codes degree or extent in the form of degree adverbials modifying a variety of syntactic categories, including adverbials, adjectives, verbs and prepositions. English examples of degree adverbials modifying adverbials of various types are presented in (3.1). a) is an example of the manner adverbial fast modified by the degree adverbial really. The manner adverbial slowly is modified by the degree adverbial extremely in b). The speaker-attitude adverbial likely is modified by the degree adverbial very in c). The same degree adverbial, very, modifies the manner adverbial lightly in d). (3.1) a) He runs really fast. b) The highway was built extremely slowly. c) A native speaker of English will very likely feel differently. d) Your hypothesis must be held very lightly, at first. Examples of degree adverbials with adjectives are presented in (3.2), some of which are from Givón (2001, 94). Note that a), b), and 12 Degree 13 c) are predicate adjective constructions, with b) and c) indicating a low degree of illness and craziness, respectively, and a) indicating a high degree of stupidity. These three examples show that degree modifiers, while they often intensify, do not always do so. Noun phrases containing modifying adjectives are presented in d) and e). Finally, f) is an example of a noun phrase object of a preposition in a prepositional phrase. (3.2) a) It was quite stupid. b) Jean was marginally ill. c) She was slightly crazy. d) an incredibly naive suggestion e) a rather unfortunate accident f) in a very preliminary way More than one degree adverbial can modify an item, as in (3.3). Note, however, that there are some restrictions on the occurrence of some degree adverbials with certain items, as shown by c). Finally, d) illustrates multiplication of the degree adverbial much which increases the intensity beyond a single occurrence of much. (3.3) a) This map is more interesting. b) This map is much more interesting. c) *This map is much interesting. d) Amanda is much happier. Amanda is much much much happier. In order to accurately identify degree adverbials, one must first identify the function of other elements in the clause, especially the item that the possible degree adverbial appears to be modifying. Consider the sentences in (3.4), taken from Kroeger (2005). (3.4) a) Jack is pretty reliable, but Bill I don’t trust. b) Because it is so very recent… Because it is so recent… Because it is very recent… 14 Handbook on adverbials c) The linking verb contributes very little to the meaning… The linking verb contributes very little information to the meaning… d) The meaning of the equative clause is very much like that of an attributive clause. The meaning of the equative clause is much like that of an attributive clause. ?The meaning of the equative clause is very like that of an attributive clause. In a), the degree adverbial, pretty is modifying the adjective reliable which is part of the adjectival predicate is pretty reliable. The degree adverbial pair, so very in b) are also part of the adjectival predicate is so very recent. Note that both so and very can also modify recent on their own. The eventuality represented by c) is an event, contributes, with an Instrument participant, the linking verb, and a Goal participant, the meaning, which is marked with the preposition to. However, contribute is a transitive verb, which requires a Theme participant, whether expressed or not. Knowing that the noun representing the thing that is contributed is not expressed helps us to identify very little as a combination of a degree adverbial and an adjective, which, if there were a noun would be modifying the noun. In the absence of the noun head, they are representing the thing contributed.8 The sentence in d) is in the form of a locational predicate clause with a prepositional phrase like that of an attributive clause making up the locational predicate with the copula is. It is the preposition like that is being modified by very much. Note that while much can modify like on its own, very directly modifying like is not as acceptable. In (3.5b), really, which was identified as a degree adverbial modifying an adjective in (3.1a), is modifying the verb understand. 8 See the second sentence in (3.4d) for an example of an overt noun head in the Theme participant. Degree 15 Givón (2001, 94) discusses an adverbial category which he calls emphatic adverbs. Emphatic adverbs are forms that serve to code emphasis and contrast which, Givón admits, are difficult to classify. Some of these adverbs, as identified by Givón (2001, 94), are illustrated in (3.5). (3.5) a) I just know she's right. b) We really understand. c) I only came because I thought you needed me. d) They absolutely abhor violence. e) She did exactly that. In the examples in a), c) and e), the italicized forms seem to serve a contrastive purpose. However, in b) and d), the italicized forms, really and absolutely, are behaving as degree adverbials. 3.2 The coding of degree modification in WCT Pwo In WCT Pwo, forms which would be coded by adjectives in English are actually a subset of verbs: attributive verbs. Like English, WCT Pwo has a number of single-word degree markers that modify these attributive verbs. The first of these is kɨU³⁴. In (3.6) the attributive verb du⁴⁵ 'big' is modified by kɨU³⁴ in an attributive clause. (3.6) Mueng Nong Nwe 80 de³⁴ θẽⁱ⁴⁵mɨŋ⁴⁵ xuŋ⁴⁵ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ ʔəpo²¹ du⁴⁵ with firewood burn; cremate ? ? pile big kɨU³⁴ INTENS Concerning the firewood, the pile was very big. Another degree modifier, kəneʔ²¹, is modifying the attributive verb ʔwi⁴⁵ 'tasty' in (3.7). 16 Handbook on adverbials (3.7) Taokhe 27. tɕʰə³⁴ mi²¹ xãⁱ⁵¹ kja²¹ de³⁴ ko²¹ta²¹ θᶤĩ⁴⁵ jo²¹ thing cooked_rice dry mix with sugar Boy! this ʔwᶤĩ⁴⁵ kəneʔ²¹ tasty INTENS This dry roasted rice mixed with sugar, Boy! (it) is really tasty. ʔwi⁴⁵ is modified by the degree modifier, na²¹ 'surely, so' in (3.8). Additional examples of attributive verbs modified by na²¹ are found in (3.8) - (3.10). (3.8) Taokhe 31. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ ju³⁴ ʔwᶤĩ⁴⁵ na²¹ ? finish that monk eat look_at tasty surely taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ nə²¹ tɕʰə³⁴ jo²¹ Taokhe 2s thing this So the abbot tried it (and said), "Taokhe, your stuff is really tasty. (3.9) Taokhe 103. ʔa²¹ maᶤʔ⁴⁵ na²¹ taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ ha³⁴ EXCL sweet-sounding so Taokhe EXCL "Ah! (That) is so beautiful, Taokhe. (3.10) Taokhe 104. taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ ʔa²¹li²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ ʔo⁴⁵ tʰo⁵¹ na²¹ Taokhe Oh! up exist long; tall; high so "Wow! Taokhe! (You) are up really high! A final degree adverbial that appears in the WCT Pwo texts is bo⁴⁵lɨŋ²¹ which is modifying the attributive verb xəU⁵¹ 'heavy' in (3.11). Degree 17 (3.11) Tiger Skin 45. ʔa⁴⁵ nə²¹ ɕẽⁱ²¹ɕɔŋ⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ xəU⁵¹ bo⁴⁵lɨŋ²¹ laⁱʔ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ Oh! 2s shirt that heavy INTENS hawk that lo²¹ speak "Boy, your shirt is really heavy," said the hawk. In examples (3.6) - (3.11), the degree adverbial directly follows the attributive verb that it is modifying. However, (3.12) shows that the degree adverbial and attributive verb can be separated by the negator ʔeʔ⁴⁵. (3.12) Taokhe 45. ʔa⁴⁵ ʔwᶤĩ⁴⁵ ʔeʔ⁴⁵ na²¹ taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ Oh! tasty NEG so Taokhe "It is really not tasty, Taokhe. Another way in which WCT Pwo degree modification is coded is by combining words of similar meaning in order to increase or reduce the intensity of the state coded by the attributive verb. This is accomplished in (3.13) with the nominalized form tɕʰəkʰaⁱʔ²¹ 'darkness' and ji⁵¹ 'dark'. (3.13) Taokhe 69. tɕʰəkʰaⁱʔ²¹ ji⁵¹ darkness dark It was very dark.(Lit. The darkness was dark.) In English, in addition to degree modification of adjectives in attributive clauses, it is also possible for degree modifiers to modify adjectives within a noun phrase by inserting the degree adverbial directly preceding the adjective. This may not be the case in WCT Pwo. Throughout the three texts, not a single example of degree modification within a noun phrase is found. However, there is one example that does not follow the pattern of degree modification of attributive verbs in (3.6) - (3.12). It is possible that (3.14) shows how 18 Handbook on adverbials WCT Pwo handles degree modification within a noun phrase. In (3.14) a topic and comment approach is used where the entity (a pumpkin) is referred to using a topicalized construction ʔe⁴⁵jo²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ which has a translation something like 'as for this one'. This is followed by the comment pʰaⁱʔ⁴⁵ na²¹ 'very glossy' with the same format as the previous degree modification examples. (3.14) Taokhe 83. ʔe⁴⁵jo²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ pʰaⁱʔ⁴⁵ na²¹ kẽⁱ³⁴ nɔ⁴⁵ naᶤʔ⁴⁵ wa⁴⁵ this one that glossy so pick that enter NEG As for this one that was very glossy, when (she attempted to) pick (it) (she could) not puncture (it). In WCT Pwo, some degree adverbials can also serve as emphasis markers with non-attributive verbs. This can be seen in (3.15) where the emphasis pair tɕʰa⁵¹ kɨU³⁴ are emphasizing the transitive verb plãⁱ²¹. Note that the emphasis markers occur at the end of the clause with the object pronoun jə²¹ '1s' intervening. (3.15) Taokhe 86. ʔa²¹li²¹li²¹li²¹ taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ plãⁱ²¹ jə²¹ tɕʰa⁵¹ kɨU³⁴ Oh! Taokhe tease 1s EMPH EMPH "Oho! Taokhe has really teased me." Emphasis markers remain at the end of the clause, even with the addition of other material, such at the aspectual form kjɔŋ²¹ 'used to' which occurs between the object argument and the clause-final emphasis marker in (3.16). (3.16) Taokhe 5. ɰəpʰloŋ²¹ lo²¹tʰãⁱ²¹ taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ plãⁱ²¹ kjaⁱʔ²¹ kjɔŋ²¹ person tell Taokhe that tease monk used to kɨU³⁴ EMPH People say that Taokhe really used to tease the monks a lot. Degree 19 In (3.17), the emphasis markers are emphasizing, not the main verb, but the postverbal element ba⁴⁵θaʔ²¹ 'desire'. (3.17) Taokhe 113. ʔa⁴⁵ jə²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ ba⁴⁵θaʔ²¹ tɕʰa⁵¹ kɨU³⁴ Oh! 1s ascend desire EMPH EMPH "Yes, I want to ascend very much. The degree adverbial na²¹ also serves as a marker of emphasis. In (3.18) the modal element ni³⁴ 'able', modified by the negator ʔeʔ⁴⁵ is emphasized with na²¹. (3.18) Tiger Skin 37. klaʔ²¹ prɨŋ⁴⁵ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ ʔə²¹ taʔ⁴⁵ juŋ²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ crow carry_in_arms up 3 At_that_time fly up ni³⁴ ʔə²¹ ni³⁴ ʔeʔ⁴⁵ na²¹ get 3 able NEG so The crow picked her up, but really could not fly with her! na²¹, in (3.19) and (3.20), seems to be emphasizing the predicate, although this would need to be investigated further, especially with complex predicates as in (3.20). (3.19) Taokhe 68. θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ ju³⁴ mwe³⁴ tɕʰi⁴⁵ na²¹ monk ascend look_at to be so also so The monk went up to look (and said), "It is so." (3.20) Taokhe 75. tɕʰəmɨŋ⁴⁵ɕa³⁴ ləɰa²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ nɔŋ⁴⁵θaʔ²¹ kʰlu⁴⁵kʰlaʔ⁴⁵ old woman one person that awaken be_startled na²¹ so An old woman woke up with a start. 20 Handbook on adverbials Finally, in its emphasis-marking role, na²¹ often occurs with the form pʰo³⁴ to code emphasis as in (3.21). (3.21) Mueng Nong Nwe 65. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ ɰe⁵¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ pʰo³⁴ na²¹ ? finish time that come up ? so Then the eel came up! 3.3 Summary Examining degree adverbial behaviour in English and WCT Pwo, we have seen that degree adverbials can modify forms in a variety of categories, including other adverbials, adjectives, verbs and prepositions. In WCT Pwo, some degree modifiers can also be used to code emphasis, something accomplished in English with intonation and indicated in written English with an exclamation mark. A comparison of degree modification strategies for English and WCT Pwo is presented in Table 5. Table 5 Degree modification in English and WCT Pwo English WCT Pwo Degree modification in Yes Yes Yes ?? Yes ?? ?? Yes attributive clauses Degree modification of attributive elements within the noun phrase Degree modification of adverbials Some degree modifiers also used to signal emphasis 4 Manner Jackendoff (1972, 58) notes that manner adverbials, in English, show subtle differences in orientation. Prototypical manner adverbials give information about the action itself, while “subject-oriented” manner adverbials code information about the manner of the agent of the action.9 This is illustrated, in (4.1), with sentence triplets from Jackendoff (1972, 47 & 58). In a) and d) the manner adverbials, slowly and clumsily, in final position, comment on the action, itself, while in b) and e) the fronted manner adverbials are more subjectoriented, commenting on the manner of the agent. Finally, c) and f) are ambiguous as to whether the manner of the agent or the manner of the action is being commented on. (4.1) a) John opened the door slowly. b) Slowly John opened the door. c) John slowly opened the door. d) John dropped his cup of coffee clumsily. e) Clumsily, John dropped his cup of coffee. f) John clumsily dropped his cup of coffee. While the examples, in (4.1), showing a distinction between subjectoriented and action manner adverbials, are reasonably clear, the analyst should be aware that subject-oriented and action manner adverbials are 9 With the possibility of different positions for adverbials, subtle meaning differences are also possible. In order to accurately describe and account for language behaviour, it is important to be aware of even subtle differences in meaning, as is the case with subject-oriented and action-oriented adverbials. For example, in (4.1a), when slowly is clause-initial it is possible that John could have tiptoed slowly to the door to open it. When slowly is clause-final, John could not have tiptoed slowly to open the door. Rather, the sense is that John is at the door and opening it slowly. The concept of subject-oriented adverbials is also discussed in Parsons (1990) and Cinque (1999). 21 22 Handbook on adverbials not always easily distinguished, depending on the adverbial; its meaning and the form it takes. As always, the analyst should pay attention to meaning difference regardless of the structure. In this chapter, we will explore and compare the ways in which English and WCT Pwo Karen code manner information about the action and/or the agent. 4.1 The coding of manner in English In English, action manner adverbials can be coded by single-words, phrases, and clauses, while subject-oriented adverbials can be coded by single-word, phrasal and adjectival predicate adverbials. 4.1.1 Action manner coding Givón (2001) lists examples of English action manner adverbials, some of which are reproduced in (4.2). a) and b) show that the action manner adverbials hard and fast can only occur at the end of the clause. As observed in (4.1), action manner adverbials typically occur clause-finally in English. This is also seen with the initial sentences in c) and d) where action manner adverbials occur clause-finally. The italicized forms in the second sentences of c) and d) are subjectoriented adverbials and the italicized forms in the third sentences are ambiguous between subject orientation and action orientation. (4.2) a) They fought hard. *Hard they fought. *They hard fought. b) He ran fast. *Fast he ran. *He fast ran. Manner 23 c) She whistled the song softly. Softly she whistled the song. She softly whistled the song. d) She patted the puppy gently. Gently she patted the puppy. She gently patted the puppy. With phrasal adverbials, in (4.3), the distinction between subjectoriented and action-oriented adverbials seems to be maintained, with the action-oriented adverbial in the final position and the subjectoriented adverbial in initial position. Note, also, that in none of the sentences in (4.3) is it possible for the adverbial to intervene between the subject and the rest of the clause. (4.3) a) She sang like an angel. Like an angel she sang. *She, like an angel, sang. b) She stood at ease. At ease she stood. *She at ease stood. c) She made her clothing by hand. ?By hand, she made her clothing. *She by hand made her clothing. d) They attacked him without thinking about it. Without thinking about it they attacked him. *They without thinking about it attacked him. Complex phrasal adverbials are also possible with both noun phrases and prepositional phrases, as in (4.4). In a), the manner adverbial is headed by the the noun way, which is modified by the relative clause that her mother sings. The example in b) illustrates a manner adverbial in the form of a prepositional phrase with a complex NP object that is composed of the noun head manner and a relative clause her mother laughs along with the subordinator that. 24 Handbook on adverbials (4.4) a) Ellen laughs in the manner that her mother laughs. ?In the manner that her mother laughs, Ellen laughs. b) Amanda sings the way that her mother sings. *The way that her mother sings, Amanda sings. Action manner adverbials can also be coded by adverbial clauses as shown in (4.5). Both a) and b) illustrate an adverbial clause introduced with the subordinator like, where the main and subordinate clauses have an equative relationship. (4.5) a) Ellen laughs like her mother laughs. *Like her mother laughs Ellen laughs. b) Amanda sounds like she is in a wind tunnel. *Like she is in a wind tunnel Amanda sounds. Concerning subject-oriented adverbials, it is only in final position that the adverbial clauses, in (4.5), can occur. Given this data, it is possible that subject-oriented adverbials cannot be coded by adverbial clauses. 4.1.2 Agent manner coding Single-word, subject-oriented manner adverbials are presented in (4.6). As with the examples in (4.2), initial-position adverbials are subjectoriented, while final-position adverbials tend to focus more on the manner of the action. Adverbials occurring after the subject are ambiguous as to orientation. Note, however, that the distinction between subject and action-orientation may not be as clear with adverbials that refer to an agent's thinking as in a), which seem to always be subject-oriented regardless of their position. (4.6) a) Thoughtlessly, she drove over the lawn. She thoughtlessly drove over the lawn. She drove over the lawn thoughtlessly. Manner 25 b) Quickly, she laid the baby in the crib. She quickly laid the baby in the crib. She laid the baby in the crib quickly. c) Harshly, the judge pronounced sentence. The judge harshly pronounced sentence. The judge pronounced sentence harshly. d) Together, they prepared dinner. They together prepared dinner. They prepared dinner together. Phrasal agent manner adverbials are presented in (4.7). As already commented on with phrasal action manner adverbials, the subjectoriented adverbials occur in initial position and the phrasal action manner adverbials occur in final position. It is not possible to insert a phrasal adverbial between the subject and the predicate. (4.7) a) She left her phone at home on purpose. On purpose, she left her phone at home. *She, on purpose left her phone at home. b) He went there by mistake. By mistake, he went there. *He by mistake went there. c) He installed the computer component with care. With care, he installed the computer component. *He with care installed the computer component. d) The boys teased her without mercy. Without mercy, the boys teased her. *The boys without mercy teased her. As we saw in the discussion of clausal action manner adverbials, it is, apparently, not possible to code subject-oriented adverbials with clauses. However, subject-oriented manner adverbials can be coded by adjectival predicates which provide information about the internal state 26 Handbook on adverbials of the agent, as shown in (4.8). These adjectival predicates can occur both initially and finally. (4.8) a) Sally turned her back, angry at her husband Angry at her husband, Sally turned her back. b) Jake stood there hesitant to do anything. Hesitant to do anything, Jake stood there. c) She walked to class deep in thought. Deep in thought, she walked to class. 4.2 The coding of manner in WCT Pwo WCT Pwo does not seem to have positions that can be associated with subject-oriented manner adverbials as opposed to action-oriented manner adverbials. In the data, action manner coding takes the form of an additional verb in a complex predicate, a single-word adverbial, a prepositional phrase, or an ideophone. Subject-oriented (agent manner) coding takes the form of an additional verb in a complex predicate, a possible single-word adverbial, or a verb preceded by the particle ʔe⁴⁵. 4.2.1 Action manner coding In a complex predicate containing action manner information, the head is the first verb followed by the verb coding action manner information. In (4.9), the head verb nɔŋ⁴⁵θaʔ²¹ 'awaken' is modified by kʰlu⁴⁵kʰlaʔ⁴⁵ 'be startled'. (4.9) Taokhe 75. tɕʰəmɨŋ⁴⁵ɕa³⁴ ləɰa²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ nɔŋ⁴⁵θaʔ²¹ kʰlu⁴⁵kʰlaʔ⁴⁵ old woman one person that awaken be_startled na²¹ so An old woman woke up with a startǃ (4.10) is an example a reduplicated single-word adverb where the head verb li²¹ 'go' is modified by taⁱʔ²¹ taⁱʔ²¹ 'all over'. Manner 27 (4.10) Mueng Nong Nwe 96. ʔa⁴⁵ li²¹ taⁱʔ²¹ taⁱʔ²¹ lo⁵¹ ʔəpʰu⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ lo²¹ Oh! go all over all over !! child that speak "I will go around," the child said. Another way of coding action manner is through the use of onomatopoeic ideophones. Ideophones often occur at the end of the clause and may be repeated. In (4.11), the ideophone is coding the heavy sound of the elder sibling's walking. In (4.12) and (4.13), the ideophone represents the sound of the hawk's call while flying. (4.11) Tiger Skin 17. tɕʰəmɨŋ⁴⁵ ʔəwe³⁴ ɰa²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ li²¹ we⁵¹ li²¹ tɕʰuŋ³⁴ girl elder sibling person that go ? go follow pjaʔ⁴⁵ kʰi⁵¹ɕa²¹ kʰãⁱ⁵¹ daᶤʔ²¹ daᶤʔ²¹ follow tiger back "sound" "sound" The elder sister went. She followed the tiger's back “clump, clump.” (4.12) Taokhe 102. ʔe⁴⁵ɰuŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ju³⁴ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ laⁱʔ⁴⁵ tʰəU²¹ then that monk that look_at up hawk fly luʔ⁴⁵ ʔu²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ kru⁵¹ kru⁵¹ kru⁵¹ to yonder that "sound" "sound" "sound" When the monk looked up, he saw a hawk flying "Kru! Kru! Kru!" (4.13) Taokhe 107. he⁴⁵ mɨŋ³⁴kjaⁱʔ²¹ hu⁵¹ maᶤʔ⁴⁵ ha⁵¹ nə²¹ ju³⁴ EXCL abbot EXCL enjoyable QUES 2s look_at jə²¹ juŋ²¹ kru⁵¹ kru⁵¹ 1s fly "sound" "sound" "Hey abbot! Did you enjoy watching me fly? Kru! Kru!" 28 Handbook on adverbials Ideophones can also occur adjacent to a prepositional phrase that is coding action manner. In (4.14), the prepositional phrase refers to the loud sounds that the eel made as it came up the stairs and the ideophone provides the sound effects with phonological patterning. (4.14) Mueng Nong Nwe 36. ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ ɰe⁵¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ xɔŋ⁵¹ loŋ²¹ de³⁴ 3 ? ? come up stairs on_in_the_middle with xwe²¹θuŋ⁴⁵ xwe²¹θa⁴⁵ maʔ⁴⁵ kʰlᶤĩ²¹ kʰluŋ²¹ kʰlɔŋ²¹ sound sound loud "crash" "crash" "bang" He came up to the top of the ladder with a loud sound, crashing and banging. 4.2.2 Agent manner coding A complex predicate containing a verb conveying subject-oriented manner information is illustrated with (4.15) where the verb head ju³⁴ 'look' is combined with the verb ɰuŋ⁴⁵ 'hide, conceal' which provides information about the nature of the agent's looking. (4.15) Tiger Skin 11. ju³⁴ ɰuŋ⁴⁵ de³⁴ tɕʰə³⁴ pʰiʔ⁴⁵ nɔŋ⁴⁵ look_at surreptitiously with thing weed:hoe grass kʰo⁵¹ kʰo⁵¹ section:part section:part Surreptitiously, (she) examined the one cutting the grass. (4.16) has a similar structure, where tɕʰuŋ⁵¹na³⁴ 'listen' heads the predicate with xe³⁴ 'quiet' providing information about the agent's stance while listening. (4.16) Mueng Nong Nwe 26. tɕʰuŋ⁵¹na³⁴ xe³⁴ lo⁵¹ listen quiet !! Quietly, she listened. Manner 29 In (4.17), the form conveying the subject-oriented manner information kəruŋ⁵¹ 'hurry' precedes the verb head ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹. Unfortunately, this is the only example in the data, so it is not possible to investigate this phenomenon further. (4.17) Mueng Nong Nwe 102. da⁴⁵ wa⁴⁵ dɔʔ²¹ kəruŋ⁵¹ ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ miʔ⁴⁵θa⁴⁵ ju³⁴ see NEG more hurry return eye look_at tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ le⁴⁵ θẽⁱ⁴⁵ kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ ʔəkʰɔŋ⁴⁵ kʰo⁵¹ up at tree on foot section:part They saw nothing further, and hurrying back, (they) looked up at the top of a tree. Two forms with the meaning 'together' occur following the verb in two examples in the data. In (4.18), luʔ⁴⁵θaʔ²¹ occurs in a process eventuality that is holding with animate participants. In (4.19), dẽⁱ²¹ occurs in an event eventuality that has culminated with inanimate participants. (4.18) Tiger Skin 3. ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ mi²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ mi²¹ return eat cooked_rice time that eat cooked_rice θe²¹ ɰuŋ²¹ ʔə²¹ tɕaⁱʔ²¹ luʔ⁴⁵θaʔ²¹ tʰəpʰɨŋ³⁴we³⁴ nᶤĩ²¹ ? finish 3 tell together sibling two ɰa²¹ person At the time they went back to eat, the two siblings talked together. (4.19) Taokhe 16. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵wiʔ⁴⁵ tʰãⁱ²¹ ko²¹ta²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ kja²¹ dẽⁱ²¹ ? finish roast to sugar that mix together Then (he) mixed the roasted (rice) and sugar together. 30 Handbook on adverbials Another structural device for conveying subject-oriented manner information is a verb in combination with the particle ʔe⁴⁵. In (4.20) the agent promises to look after things 'in a good manner'. (4.20) Taokhe 13. kjaⁱʔ²¹ jə²¹ mə³⁴ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵kʰuʔ²¹ ju³⁴ ʔe⁴⁵ ɰi²¹ monk 1s IRR wait look_at ? good "Sir. I will look after things well. 4.3 Summary This chapter began with an account of the subtle meaning difference between manner information about the agent (subject-oriented) as opposed to manner information about the action itself. Often, in English, subject-oriented manner information occurs clause-initially, while action-oriented manner information occurs clause-finally. In English, manner adverbials can take the form of single words, prepositional phrases, adjectival predicates, adverbial clauses with the subordinator like and prepositional clauses with a complex noun phrase object with a relative clause modifying the head noun manner with the subordinator that. For manner information coding, WCT Pwo makes use of complex predicates where the second verb, in a pair of verbs, provides manner information. Ideophones and prepositional phrases are also used. Also, attributive verbs preceded by the marker ʔe⁴⁵. Finally, it is possible that WCT Pwo employs single-word adverbials which can be reduplicated, although this needs to be researched further. A summary of the structural devices used to convey manner information in English and WCT Pwo is presented in Table 6. Manner Table 6 Manner coding strategies in English and WCT Pwo English WCT Pwo Single-word adverbials Yes Maybe Prepositional phrase adverbials Yes Yes Clausal adverbials Yes No data Predicate adjective adverbials Yes No data Complex predicate No Yes Limited Yes No Yes Ideophones ʔe⁴⁵ adverbials 31 5 Locations In order to identify location adverbials, it is necessary to be able to distinguish the functions of locationals.10 As we saw in (2.2), with the sentence pair Mary ran in the park and Mary ran to the park, forms coding location-in-space information in a language are not always location adverbials. It depends on their function within the eventuality. In addition to location adverbials and Goal participants, location predicates are used to express the locational state of a Theme participant. An example of a location predicate is provided in (5.1a) along with a repetition of the location adverbial and Goal participant pair from (2.2). (5.1) a) Mary is in the park. b) Mary ran in the park. c) Mary ran to the park. Analysis of each eventuality will provide tools for disambiguating these locational elements. Comparing a) and b), they differ by eventuality type and participant type: a) is a state eventuality with a Theme participant, while b) is a process-event eventuality with an Agent-Theme participant. Because b) is an event, the location phrase cannot be a predicate, and it is not a participant because it has no thematic role. Thus, the prepositional phrase in b) is a location adverbial providing setting information for the event. Finally, c) is also an event, however, the culmination of the event is signalled by the prepositional phrase which is a Goal participant. This is summarized in Table 7. 10 Locational, in this chapter, is a cover term for any grammatical element that is communicating something about physical location, regardless of its function. 32 Locations 33 Table 7 Comparison of locational functions Sentence Eventuality Predicate Participants Type Mary is in Location Adverbial State is in the park Theme None Event ran Agent-Theme in the park Event ran Agent-Theme, None the park. Mary ran in the park. Mary ran to the park. Goal Trask (1992, 164) characterizes locations as “…the place in which something exists or occurs.” This definition can be extended to include the place where something ends up or the place where something starts out. Thinking of the ways in which locationals are used in language, typically, the place in which something exists is coded by a predicate locative as in a snake is in the house. The place where something occurs is the setting location information and is typically coded by a location adverbial as in the maid drank her coffee in the kitchen . Finally, the place where something ends up is coded by a Goal participant as in the thief laid his coat on the floor and the place from which something starts out is a Source participant as in the child came up from the basement. 5.1 Locationals in English Even with the demonstration of different functions of locational elements in the introduction to this chapter, the analyst should be aware that ambiguities and complexities remain. In (5.2) additional examples of clauses with locational elements (in italics) are presented. 34 Handbook on adverbials (5.2) a) The big man caught a large toukay in the house yesterday. b) Mandy went home.11 c) In the garden, Matt found a beautiful flower. d) John worked at the picnic table away from the mosquitoes. e) Put that box in the corner. f) We read the newspaper under the light close to the door. g) There is a snake in the house. h) A snake slithered into the house. i) Hugh forgot his son at the library. j) There is a post office in the drugstore. k) Garth walked into the hotel, across the lobby and out through the staff entrance. l) Harry walked quietly along the quay. m) Jesse got up from the floor. The eventuality analyses for the sentences in (5.2) are presented in Table 8. 11 In many English grammars and dictionaries home is identified as an adverbial whereas in this handbook it is identified as a Goal participant. The reason for this is that eventualities such as Mandy went home and The dog ran into the kitchen show similar characteristics. They are both culminating process-event eventualities with Agent-Themes. To call home an adverb and into the kitchen a Goal participant would be inconsistent, regardless of the structure, i.e. noun versus prepositional phrase. Locations 35 Table 8 Eventuality analysis with locationals Clause a) Eventuality Culmination/ type Holding Event Culmination Predicate Participants caught Agent, Theme Adverbials in the house, yesterday b) Process Culmination went Agent-Theme, None Goal c) Event Culmination found Agent, Theme in the garden d) Process Holding worked Agent at the picnic table away from the mosquitoes e) Event Culmination put Agent None (unexpressed), Theme, Goal f) Process Holding read Agent, Theme under the light close to the door g) State Holding is in the Theme None Agent-Theme, None house h) Event Culmination slithered Goal i) Event Culmination forgot Experiencer, None Theme, Goal i) Event Culmination forgot Experiencer, at the Theme library 36 Handbook on adverbials Clause j) k) Eventuality Culmination/ type Holding State Holding Process Holding Predicate Participants Adverbials None in the Theme (a post drugstore office) walked Agent-Theme into the hotel, across the lobby, out through the staff entrance l) Process Holding walked Agent-Theme quietly, along the quay m) Event Culmination got up Agent-Theme, None Source Looking at the results in Table 8, the identification of the function of the locational elements seems to be straightforward for some of the sentences. For example, the goal and source participants in the event eventualities in b), e), h) and m) code the place where another participant “ends up” or starts from. Then, in g), the locational expresses where a participant exists in a state eventuality which is holding. For the remaining sentences, the determination of the type of locational is more complex or ambiguous, so each sentence will be discussed in detail. In a), the catching of the toukay is a culminating event with Agent and Theme participants. The locational is not a Goal, nor is it a locational coding the place where something exists (although the toukay apparently existed in the house before it was caught), so the Locations 37 locational in this eventuality is a location adverbial providing information on where the event of catching took place. The analysis is similar for c) where the garden is the place where the event of finding occurs. Sentence d) is more complicated. First, it is a process eventuality that is holding. The locational (which includes an embedded relative clause locational, away from the mosquitoes) is not a location predicate because there is no copula. It also has no thematic role, so it is interpreted as the setting of the working, which would make it a location adverbial. Sentence f) is similar to d) in that it is a process eventuality where the locational is coding the setting for the eventuality. It is a location adverbial with an embedded relative clause. Sentence j) is not what it might appear. Removing the place-holding, dummy subject there from consideration, the Theme participant phrase is a post office and the existence locational is in the drugstore. With i), the forgetting is an event which culminates. The locational at the library can be interpreted as the setting for the event of forgetting which would make it a location adverbial. On the other hand, at the library could be the location of the son which would make it a prepositional phrase modifier of the noun head son. Finally, both k) and l) have locationals occurring with the process eventuality walked. In neither sentence is there any culmination, so the locationals cannot be Goal participants. Nor is there any sense of a participant existing somewhere. Therefore, in both k) and l), the locationals are location adverbials. Incidentally, k) highlights the multiple instances of an event that is characteristic of process eventualities. Each location adverbial occurs with one of these instances of the process-event. Up to this point, we have been looking primarily at location adverbials coded by prepositional phrases. They can also be coded by location adverbial clauses as presented in (5.3a and b). Note, however, that the same type of clause can also function as a noun modifier, as (5.3c), where the noun head park is modified by the clause where the bands play. 38 Handbook on adverbials (5.3) a) Where the roses grow, you can find the entrance to the park. b) Tim lost his keys where the cars park. c) Cindy likes to go to the park where the bands play. Before we leave the discussion of English location adverbials, the positioning of location adverbials should be examined. In the examples in (5.2) and (5.3), location adverbials occur preceding the subject and following the object. Note that positioning the location adverbial preceding the subject places emphasis on the setting for the eventuality. 5.2 Locationals in WCT Pwo As in English, locationals in WCT Pwo serve several purposes. In this section, the various structures of WCT Pwo locationals will be presented and discussed, ending with a discussion of the functions of locationals in WCT Pwo. WCT Pwo locationals take the form of either a prepositional phrase or a bare noun phrase. In the data, a noun phrase can include a noun head, a demonstrative or a possessed noun head. A possessed noun head is preceded by a possessor or marked with a possession marker. These possessed noun heads, in locational phrases, comprise a special class called localizer nouns (LZN) or relator nouns, denoting a location that, in English, would be coded by a preposition. Some of these localizer nouns are bound while others are free. This construction is found in Sino-Tibetan languages (including Mandarin Chinese, Tibetan and Karenic languages) and Mon-Khmer languages. The WCT Pwo locational construction is illustrated in (5.4) with the prepositional phrase luʔ⁴⁵ ta²¹ kʰi⁵¹ ʔu²¹ where luʔ⁴⁵ is the preposition, ta²¹ 'sugar palm' is the possessor, kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ 'top, on' is the localizer noun head and ʔu²¹ is the distal demonstrative. The literal translation of this phrase is 'to the sugar palm's top way over there'. Locations (5.4) 39 Taokhe 117. tɕʰəpʰɔŋ²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ ba⁴⁵ kʰa⁵¹ jaᶤʔ²¹ mɨŋ³⁴kjaⁱʔ²¹ jo²¹ brightness ascend touch time already abbot this tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ luʔ⁴⁵ ta²¹ kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ ʔu²¹ ascend to sugar_palm on yonder At daybreak, when it was time, the abbot climbed way up to the top of the sugar palm. WCT Pwo has a possession prefix ʔə- which sometimes appears on the localizer noun head, providing evidence that the localizer noun is possessed. In (5.5), luʔ⁴⁵ is the preposition, the possessor-marked ʔədɔŋ²¹ 'top' is the localizer noun head and the proper noun θɔŋ⁵¹θᶤĩ⁴⁵ 'Song Sing' is the proper noun possessor. (5.5) Mueng Nong Nwe 76. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ li²¹ dɔʔ²¹ li²¹ li²¹ li²¹ tʰuŋ²¹ ? finish 3 ? ? go again go go go reach luʔ⁴⁵ θɔŋ⁵¹θᶤĩ⁴⁵ ʔədɔŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ to Song_Sing top that So she walked and walked and reached the very top of Song Sing (mountain). Now, compare the locational phrase in (5.5) with the locational phrase in (5.6), where no possessive marker occurs on the localizer noun head. Note also, that θɔŋ⁵¹θᶤĩ⁴⁵ 'Song Sing' is now modifying the noun kʰu⁴⁵luŋ²¹ 'mountain' which, together, serve as the possessor of the localizer noun head, dɔŋ²¹. (5.6) Mueng Nong Nwe 100. li²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ li²¹ li²¹ li²¹ li²¹ luʔ⁴⁵ kʰu⁴⁵luŋ²¹ go time that go go go go to mountain θɔŋ⁵¹θᶤĩ⁴⁵ dɔŋ²¹ ʔu²¹ Song_Sing top yonder They went on and on to the very top of Song Sing mountain. 40 Handbook on adverbials In addition to the preposition luʔ⁴⁵ 'to', WCT Pwo has other prepositions which are listed in Table 9. Table 9 WCT Pwo prepositions WCT Pwo English preposition translation lə³⁴ 'at' le⁴⁵ 'at' luʔ⁴⁵ 'to (far away)' baᶤʔ²¹ 'near' tʰuŋ²¹ 'reach' A prepositional phrase containing a noun phrase without a localizer noun is presented in (5.7). The distal preposition luʔ⁴⁵ 'to' is the head of the prepositional phrase and ka²¹θaʔ²¹ ʔu²¹ 'heaven yonder' is the noun phrase object of the preposition. In (5.8), the head of the noun phrase object ʔədɔŋ²¹ ʔu²¹ 'city/country yonder' is marked with the possessor prefix ʔə- which is referring to the tiger's place. (5.7) Taokhe 99 jə²¹ mə³⁴ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ luʔ⁴⁵ ka²¹θaʔ²¹ ʔu²¹ 1s IRR ascend to heaven yonder I am going up to heaven yonder. (5.8) Tiger Skin 84. tʰãⁱ²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ luʔ⁴⁵ ʔədɔŋ²¹ ʔu²¹ kʰi⁵¹ɕa²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ go ? ? to city, country yonder tiger that That tiger went back to its place yonder. Finally, in (5.9), mɨŋ⁴⁵nɔŋ²¹nwe⁵¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵we³⁴ ni³⁴ jə²¹ 'Mueng Nong Nwe scooped me up' is a relative clause modifying the localizer noun Locations 41 head kla²¹ 'middle' and its possessor tʰᶤi⁵¹ 'water'. The possessed noun phrase containing the relative clause is the object of the preposition lə³⁴. (5.9) Mueng Nong Nwe 45. jə²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ lə³⁴ tʰᶤĩ⁵¹ kla²¹ mɨŋ⁴⁵nɔŋ²¹nwe⁵¹ 1s exist at water middle Mueng_Nong_Nwe ʔɔŋ⁴⁵we³⁴ ni³⁴ jə²¹ lo²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ scoop_up_fish get 1s speak ? ? I live in the middle of the water where Mueng Nong Nwe scooped me up," he said. Now that the structural characteristics of locational constructions in WCT Pwo have been presented, we will turn our attention to the functions of locational constructions, such as Goal participants, location predicates and location adverbials. As with English, it is important to analyze the eventuality in order to accurately identify the function of a particular locational construction. 5.2.1 Goal participants The locational in (5.10) is mi⁴⁵ ʔəU²¹ pʰəU²¹ 'fire pile's inside or the inside of the pile of fire'. The eventuality is a culminated event with Agent-Theme and Goal participants. Note that the locational is in the form of nested possessive noun phrases with no preposition, although it is preceded by the directional verb lɔŋ²¹ 'down'. (5.10) Mueng Nong Nwe 84. ʔa⁴⁵ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ pʰɨŋ⁵¹ lɔŋ²¹ mi⁴⁵ ʔəU²¹ pʰəU²¹ pʰo³⁴ Oh! 3 ? ? jump down fire pile inside ? na²¹ so Oh! She jumped down into the fire! (5.11) encompasses three clauses. The first is an event eventuality of 'taking' with two participants, taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ 'Taokhe' and pənaⁱ⁵¹ ləbuŋ²¹ 42 Handbook on adverbials 'one candle'. Taokhe is the agent in all three clauses, although not expressed in the last two clauses. The second and third clauses are in a parallel relationship where the second clause is composed of a directional verb tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ 'ascend' plus the main verb tɕuŋ²¹ 'light'. In the third clause, the main verb is tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ 'ascend' and the Goal participant is coded by the prepositional phrase luʔ⁴⁵ ta²¹ kʰi⁵¹ 'at the sugar palm's top way over there'. Then, in (5.12) the second and third clauses of (5.11) are combined with the result that luʔ⁴⁵ ta²¹ kʰi⁵¹ is no longer functioning as a Goal participant, rather the place where the lighting took place, which is an adverbial use which will be discussed further in 5.2.3. (5.11) Taokhe 53. taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ma²¹ni³⁴ pənãⁱ⁵¹ ləbuŋ²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ Taokhe take candle one long thing ascend tɕuŋ²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ luʔ⁴⁵ ta²¹ kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ light ascend to sugar_palm on Taokhe took a candle and went up to the top of the sugar palm and lit it. (5.12) Taokhe 54. tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ tɕuŋ²¹ luʔ⁴⁵ ta²¹ kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ ascend light to sugar_palm on that 3 ? tʰãⁱ²¹ kuʔ²¹ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ na²¹ return call monk that so When he had lit the candle on top of the sugar palm, he went back and called the monk. WCT Pwo typically does not make use of conjunctions or relative clause marking. It merely juxtaposes these constructions. In (5.13) the main clause is li²¹ tʰuŋ²¹ luʔ⁴⁵ pʰəU²¹θaʔ²¹ tʰa³⁴ ' (they) went and reached the fork of the path/way over there' is a process eventuality that has culminated, signaled by tʰuŋ²¹ 'reach'. The Agent-Theme participant is the group that walked to the fork of the path, which is unexpressed in this sentence, but present in the discourse context. The Locations 43 other participant is the Goal; the fork in the path. The second clause, tʰaⁱ²¹ lə³⁴ ʔəɰeⁱ⁴⁵ 'go to their house', is a relative clause modifying the Goal participant noun phrase '(the) fork of the path'. It provides further identification of the particular fork in the path and contains yet another Goal participant lə³⁴ ʔəɰeⁱ⁴⁵ 'to the house' within the relative clause. (5.13) Tiger Skin 19 li²¹ tʰuŋ²¹ luʔ⁴⁵ pʰəU²¹θaʔ²¹ tʰa³⁴ tʰãⁱ²¹ lə³⁴ ʔəɰẽⁱ⁴⁵ go reach to path, way fork go at house (They) went and reached the fork of the path that went to the (girls') house. With Goal participants, in addition to a verb that can take a Goal participant, there may be the addition of the verb ʔo⁴⁵ 'exist/have' which communicates the resultant state of the event, as in (5.14), where the Agent-Theme participant goes to exist at a nook. (5.14) Taokhe 19. ʔənɔŋ²¹tɕʰa³⁴ tʰãⁱ²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ luʔ⁴⁵ tɕʰəno⁴⁵kãⁱ⁴⁵ ʔu²¹ self go exist to nook; cranny yonder ʔɔŋ⁴⁵kʰuʔ²¹ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ wait monk He had gone to a nook to wait for the monk. In (5.15), the Goal participant in the process eventuality, with the verb li²¹ 'go', is composed of the noun head tɕuŋ⁴⁵ 'position', an attributive verb modifier ba⁴⁵ 'correct', and a classifier phrase nɔŋ⁴⁵ tɕuŋ⁴⁵. Note that the first tɕuŋ⁴⁵ is the noun head and the second tɕuŋ⁴⁵ is the classifier. (5.15) Taokhe 89. li²¹ tɕuŋ⁴⁵ ba⁴⁵ nɔŋ⁴⁵ tɕuŋ⁴⁵ deʔ²¹ go position correct just_one position not yet (I) (could) not yet go to a correct position, even one position. 44 Handbook on adverbials The demonstrative jo²¹ 'this, here' is coding the Goal participant in (5.16). (5.16) Taokhe 78. θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ mə³⁴ ɰe⁵¹ jo²¹ monk IRR come here The monk is going to come here. Finally, Goal participants can be topicalized as in (5.17). The Goal locational luʔ⁴⁵ ka²¹θaʔ²¹ follows the vocative taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ he³⁴ and precedes the main clause. (5.17) Taokhe 114. taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ he³⁴ luʔ⁴⁵ ka²¹θaʔ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ jə²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ Taokhe dear to heaven that 1s ascend ba⁴⁵θaʔ²¹ tɕʰa⁵¹ kɨU³⁴ desire INTENS INTENS "Taokhe, about heaven, I really want to ascend." 5.2.2 Existence locationals In WCT Pwo, eventualities asserting the location of a Theme participant take either the form of intransitive clauses with the verb ʔo⁴⁵ 'exist/have', or a juxtaposition of the Theme participant and a locational phrase with no overt verb. Examples (5.18), (5.19) and (5.20) demonstrate existence locationals with ʔo⁴⁵ 'exist/have'. In (5.18), the Theme is coded by the pronoun jə²¹ '1s' and the existence locational is lə³⁴ tʰᶤi⁵¹ kla²¹ 'at the water's middle or the middle of the water'. (5.18) Mueng Nong Nwe 34 jə²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ lə³⁴ tʰᶤĩ⁵¹ kla²¹ 1s exist at water middle I live in the middle of the water. Locations 45 A similar existence construction is found in the second clause of (5.19) where the Theme participant is ʔəkʰu⁴⁵xwᶤĩ⁴⁵ loŋ⁴⁵koŋ²¹ 'bare head' and the existence locational is le⁴⁵ tɕʰəɕuʔ⁴⁵ kla²¹ 'at the middle of the clump'. (5.19) Taokhe 81. li²¹ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ mᶤĩ⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔəkʰu⁴⁵xwᶤĩ⁴⁵ go monk lie_down; sleep that head loŋ⁴⁵koŋ²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ le⁴⁵ tɕʰəɕuʔ⁴⁵ kla²¹ taʔ⁴⁵ bare exist at clump middle right_there When she got to the monk's sleeping (place), the (monk's) bald head was right in the middle of the clump. The medial demonstrative nɔ⁴⁵ serves as the object of the preposition tʰuŋ²¹ 'reach' locating the unexpressed Theme 'there' in (5.20). (5.20) Mueng Nong Nwe 69. ʔe⁴⁵ɰuŋ²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ tʰuŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ lo⁵¹ then exist ? ? reach that !! And it stayed there. Existence locational constructions without any existence verb are illustrated in (5.21) and (5.22), where the locative predicate occurs juxtaposed to the subject noun phrase. In (5.21), the subject phrase, tɕuŋ²¹ kluŋ²¹ 'summit (lit. top utmost)' occurs with the locative predicate tʰuŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ 'there (lit. reach that). And in (5.22), the subject θɔŋ⁵¹θᶤi⁴⁵ tɕuŋ²¹ kluŋ²¹ 'summit of Song Sing' is juxtaposed to the locative predicate luʔ⁴⁵ ja⁵¹ 'further ahead (lit. to front)'. (5.21) Mueng Nong Nwe 78. tɕuŋ²¹ kluŋ²¹ tʰuŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ tʰu⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ lo²¹ ʔə²¹ top utmost reach that bird that speak 3 "The summit is there," the bird said to her. 46 Handbook on adverbials (5.22) Mueng Nong Nwe 75. θɔŋ⁵¹θᶤĩ⁴⁵ tɕuŋ²¹ kluŋ²¹ luʔ⁴⁵ ja⁵¹ tʰu⁴⁵ ləbẽⁱ⁴⁵ Song_Sing top utmost to front bird one flat thing nɔ⁴⁵ kuʔ²¹ ʔə²¹ lo²¹ ʔə²¹ ne⁴⁵ that call 3 speak 3 OK? "The summit is further ahead," called a bird. The final two examples in this section show extended uses of locationals in state eventualities. In (5.23) is an example of an inchoative state eventuality with the sense of 'to become stinky'. kʰo⁵¹ pʰja³⁴ 'section of the temple or the temple's section' is the Theme participant. The locational, lə³⁴ pa³⁴ nɔ⁴⁵ 'in that area' cannot be a Goal participant since this is a state eventuality that is holding. However, it is not the existance of a Theme at a location that is being asserted. Rather, it is the state of stinkiness at the temple that is being asserted.12 (5.23) Taokhe 40. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ kʰo⁵¹ pʰja³⁴ lɔŋ²¹ nəU⁵¹ʔɨŋ⁴⁵ tɕʰə³⁴ lə³⁴ ? finish section:part temple down stink thing at pa³⁴ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔə²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ bəU⁴⁵ leʔ²¹ area that 3 exist dare NEG Then, that part of the temple (became) stinky in that area. He did not dare to stay. (5.24) is a presentational clause, at the opening of another story in a series of stories. The existence verb ʔo⁴⁵ 'exist/have' occurs three times in this example. The first two clauses with ʔo⁴⁵ are in a parallel relationship and together represent a single eventuality. The eventuality is a state eventuality which is holding. The thing that is asserted to exist is a day which is modified by the locational le⁴⁵ pʰja³⁴ 'at the temple'. Looking at the entire presentational construction, it is a day at a particular place where the action to come will occur, which begins in Taokhe 52. 12 Compare the English sentences John is at the temple and It is stinky at the temple. Locations 47 (5.24) Taokhe 51. ʔo⁴⁵ lənᶤĩ²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ le⁴⁵ pʰja³⁴ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔo⁴⁵ jaᶤʔ²¹ exist one day exist at temple that exist already There was another day at the temple. Taokhe 52. ʔo⁴⁵ lənᶤĩ²¹ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ma²¹laᶤʔ⁴⁵ taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ have one day monk order Taokhe ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ lənᶤĩ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ɕa⁴⁵dõ²¹mɨŋ³⁴ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ luʔ⁴⁵ tomorrow one day that North_Star ascend to ta²¹ kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ kuʔ²¹ jə²¹ ʔɔ⁵¹ tʰuŋ²¹ kʰa⁵¹ sugar_palm on that call 1s OK reach time tɕʰəpʰɔŋ²¹tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ early_morning_hours that One day the monk instructed Taokhe, "Tomorrow, when the North Star is over the sugar palm, call me at dawn." 5.2.3 Location adverbials Location adverbials, in the WCT Pwo data, occur much less frequently than Goal participants and existence locationals. To distinguish location adverbials from both Goal participants and existence locationals, the analyst must keep in mind that location adverbials provide the setting for the eventuality. In (5.25), the main clause is laⁱʔ⁴⁵ tʰəU²¹ luʔ⁴⁵ ʔu²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ 'a hawk was flying yonder'. Looking at this eventuality, it is a process eventuality, so it is holding and the hawk is an Agent-Theme participant. The locational luʔ⁴⁵ ʔu²¹ 'yonder' is not a Goal participant, since there is no sense of an endpoint to this process eventuality. It is also not an existence locational since this is a process, not a state eventuality. Therefore, the locational is providing location adverbial information about the process-event of flying. 48 Handbook on adverbials (5.25) Taokhe 102. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ju³⁴ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ laⁱʔ⁴⁵ ? finish that monk that look_at up hawk tʰəU²¹ luʔ⁴⁵ ʔu²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ kru⁵¹ kru⁵¹ kru⁵¹ fly to yonder that "sound" "sound" "sound" When the monk looked up, a hawk was flying yonder. "Kru! Kru! Kru!" 5.3 Summary In order to accurately identify location adverbials it is necessary to be able to distinguish the various functions of locationals. In this chapter, three functions of locationals have been presented for both English and WCT Pwo. These locational functions are Goal participants, existence locationals and location adverbials. Goal participants occur within event eventualities that culminate; existence locationals occur within state eventualities that are holding, coded as predicate locatives; and location adverbials occur with event eventualities carrying no thematic role, providing the setting within which the eventuality takes place. As well, a locational can modify noun heads within noun phrases, specifying locational information about the noun it is modifying. As for coding strategies, in English, locationals can be coded as prepositional phrases, e.g. in the house, noun phrases, e.g. home, demonstrative pronouns, e.g. here and clauses, e.g. where the children play. In the WCT Pwo data, locationals are coded as noun phrases or prepositional phrases with either a noun phrase or a possessive noun phrase as the object of the preposition. Demonstratives can also serve as objects of prepositions. 6 Time Time adverbials provide information about the temporal aspects of an event, i.e. the temporal setting. More specifically, time expressions code the sense of 'when', 'after', 'before', simultaneity, and duration in relation to the eventuality they modify. The discussion will begin with time adverbial coding for 'when' adverbials in 6.1 followed by 'after' adverbials in 6.2, 'before' adverbials in 6.3, 'while' adverbials in 6.4 and duration adverbials in 6.5. 6.1 The coding of 'when' time adverbials 'When' time adverbials pinpoint the time at which an eventuality takes place. 6.1.1 'When' time adverbials in English 'When' time adverbials, in English, take the form of single words, phrases or clauses. Givón (2001, 92) lists single-word time adverbials coding the time at which an eventuality occurs. Some of these are reproduced in (6.1). (6.1) a) Yesterday, it rained. It rained yesterday. *It yesterday rained. b) Wednesday, she left. She left Wednesday. *She Wednesday left. 49 50 Handbook on adverbials c) Soon, it will be Spring. It will be Spring soon. It soon will be Spring. It will soon be Spring. The first and second examples in a) – c) show that it is possible for the time adverbials in (6.1) to occur before and after the clause they are modifying. However, pre-clausal and post-clausal positions do not have the same meaning. Time adverbials that precede the clause are in focus, while time adverbials that follow the clause seem to merely provide information on the time of the event. Note, also, that except for the third example in c) it is not possible to insert the time adverbial after the subject and before the predicate. This seems to be characteristic of particular adverbs and needs further investigation. Time adverbials coded by prepositional phrases with a 'when' sense also occur in English. These are presented in (6.2). As with the singleword time adverbials in (6.1) the adverbial can precede and follow the clause, but it cannot be inserted between the subject and the predicate. (6.2) a) We are leaving at daybreak. At daybreak, we are leaving. *We at daybreak are leaving. b) I'll write the paper in the morning. In the morning, I'll write the paper. *I'll in the morning write the paper. c) The train is leaving at 4:00 o'clock. At 4:00 o'clock the train is leaving. *The train at 4:00 o'clock is leaving. 'When' time adverbials can also be coded by noun phrases. As with both single-word and prepositional phrase time adverbials in (6.1) and (6.2), the two positions in which noun phrase time adverbials can felicitously occur are before or after the clause. Time 51 (6.3) a) We saw them the following week. The following week, we saw them. *We the following week saw them. b) They left that night. That night, they left. *They that night left. c) This year, I am reading 'Pride and Prejudice'. I am reading 'Pride and Prejudice' this year. *I this year am reading 'Pride and Prejudice'. *I am this year reading 'Pride and Prejudice'. d) The election will take place next Tuesday. Next Tuesday, the election will take place. *The election next Tuesday will take place. Finally, time adverbials with a 'when' sense can be coded by adverbial clauses. Some of the examples in (6.4) are reproduced from Givón (2001, 92). Time adverbial clauses occur before or after the main clause. As with other time adverbials, when the time adverbial precedes the main clause, the focus is on timing of the eventuality; the focus is on the eventuality when the time adverbial follows the main clause. (6.4) a) When my brother comes back, we'll see what we can do. We'll see what we can do when my brother comes back. b) Upon her return from the city, she rented a house. She rented a house upon her return from the city. c) When she could not keep her eyes open, she went to bed. She went to bed when she could not keep her eyes open. 6.1.2 'When' time adverbials in WCT Pwo In WCT Pwo, 'when' time adverbials take the form of single words, noun phrases, classifier phrases, prepositional phrases and adverbial clauses. The discussion will begin with single-word time adverbials. 52 Handbook on adverbials Single-word time adverbials occur preceding the clause in the data, as illustrated in (6.5), where the time adverbial mɨŋ³⁴tʰəU⁴⁵ 'noon' precedes the clause ɰe⁵¹tʰaⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ mi²¹ 'return (to) eat rice'. (6.5) Tiger Skin 2. mɨŋ³⁴tʰəU⁴⁵ ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ mi²¹ noon return eat cooked_rice At noon (they) went back to eat. The pre-clausal time adverbial position can be preceded by a vocative as shown in (6.6) where the vocative taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ 'Taokhe' precedes the time adverbial ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ 'tomorrow'. (6.6) Taokhe 33. taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ jə²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ tʰãⁱ²¹ pʰja³⁴ Taokhe tomorrow 1s exist back temple Taokhe, tomorrow I will stay at the temple." Two single-word time adverbials occur together in (6.7) where tɕʰəpʰɔŋ²¹ 'brightness' and ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ 'tomorrow' precede the clause. (6.7) Mueng Nong Nwe 92. tɕʰəpʰɔŋ²¹ ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ li²¹ lo⁵¹ brightness tomorrow go !! At daybreak, tomorrow, (I) will go! In some cases, a single-word adverbial occurs with nɔ⁴⁵, which is the form of the medial demonstrative, as in (6.8). However, it does not seem to be functioning as a demonstrative in this context. Instead, it seems to be signaling the topicalization of the time adverbial ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ 'tomorrow'. Time (6.8) 53 Taokhe 32. ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ ba⁴⁵ tʰãⁱ²¹ nə²¹ li²¹ tomorrow that must go 2s go duʔ²¹mi²¹ receive_food_offerings Tomorrow, you must go and receive food offerings. In (6.9), the vocative mɨŋ³⁴kjaⁱʔ²¹ 'abbot' precedes the time adverbial ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵, which precedes the clause. (6.9) Taokhe 98. mɨŋ³⁴kjaⁱʔ²¹ ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ ju³⁴ jə²¹ hɔ⁵¹ abbot tomorrow that watch 1s OK? "Tomorrow, Eminence, watch me, OK?" Finally, taʔ⁴⁵ is a morpheme that codes the sense of a point in time; 'at that time', 'just then'. This morpheme is demonstrated in (6.10) where it indicates the point at which a stove-surface insect comes up and speaks to the person who has just drained the rice water into the stove surface in Tiger Skin 30. taʔ⁴⁵ also serves to connect the appearance of the stove-surface insect in Tiger Skin 31 with the draining of the water. taʔ⁴⁵ occurs preceding the clause. (6.10) Tiger Skin 30. ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵pʰuŋ⁵¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ mi²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ buŋ²¹ 3 ? ? prepare_rice eat cooked_rice that drain lɔŋ²¹ mi²¹tʰᶤĩ⁵¹ lə³⁴ pʰəU⁵¹kʰla⁴⁵ pʰəU²¹ down rice water at stove_surface inside She prepared the rice and drained it into the stove. 54 Handbook on adverbials Tiger Skin 31. taʔ⁴⁵ pʰəU⁵¹kʰla⁴⁵xa³⁴ ɰe⁵¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ lo²¹ just then stove surface insect come up speak " dɔʔ²¹ kətɕʰa³⁴kloŋ²¹ ʔe⁴⁵ nə²¹ ɰe⁵¹ ʔo⁴⁵ more god EXCL 2s come have ba⁴⁵ touch ma²¹ do le²¹ tʰuŋ²¹ jo²¹ QUES reach this Just then, a stove surface insect came up and said, "For goodness sake! What are you doing here?" The pre-clausal position of taʔ⁴⁵ is also illustrated in (6.11) where, again, taʔ⁴⁵ indicates both a point in time and connects the event of the crow not being able to fly with the girl in the second clause to picking up the girl in the first clause. (6.11) Tiger Skin 37. klaʔ²¹ prɨŋ⁴⁵ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ ʔə²¹ taʔ⁴⁵ juŋ²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ crow carry_in_arms up 3 At_that_time fly up ni³⁴ ʔə²¹ ni³⁴ ʔeʔ⁴⁵ na²¹ get 3 able NEG so The crow picked her up, but, at that time, was unable to fly with her. (6.12) shows that taʔ⁴⁵ is positioned pre-clausally, but is preceded by an interjection ʔə⁴⁵. In (6.13), taʔ⁴⁵ is preceded by the conjunction phrase ʔe⁴⁵ɰuŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ 'having finished'. taʔ⁴⁵ is not part of the conjunction phrase, since a pause occurs between the conjunction phrase and taʔ⁴⁵. Rather, taʔ⁴⁵ is at the beginning of the the clause, taʔ⁴⁵ kʰlaᶤʔ⁴⁵ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵… Time 55 (6.12)Mueng Nong Nwe 74. ʔə⁴⁵ taʔ⁴⁵ θɔŋ⁵¹θᶤĩ⁴⁵ pʰu⁴⁵ θɔŋ⁵¹θᶤĩ⁴⁵ ʔi⁴⁵ʔəU²¹ EXCL right then Song_Sing little Song_Sing 'filler' θɔŋ⁵¹θᶤĩ⁴⁵ wo²¹ θɔŋ⁵¹θᶤĩ⁴⁵ wo²¹ tɕuŋ²¹ Song_Sing red Song_Sing red top "Oh!” Right then, “Little Song Sing, Red Song Sing, Red Song Sing." (6.13) Taokhe 119. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ taʔ⁴⁵ kʰlaᶤʔ⁴⁵ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ de³⁴ ? finish that At_that_time cover; put_on up with kʰlẽⁱ⁴⁵tɕʰuŋ⁵¹ ʔəmi³⁴ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ de³⁴ rice_mortar_pestle tail ascend with tɕʰəmuŋ³⁴θa⁴⁵ rice_mortar_pestle_head Having finished, right then, (he) attached (the winnowing tray "wings") to the arm [lit. tail] of the rice mortar and the pestle head. WCT Pwo employs several types of phrases to code 'when' time adverbials. These include noun phrases, classifier phrases and prepositional phrases. Beginning with noun phrases, in (6.14), the noun head mɨŋ³⁴ 'day' is modified by the classifier phrase lənᶤi²¹ 'one day'. In (6.15), is a similarly constructed noun phrase with the noun head ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ 'tomorrow'. (6.14) Taokhe 9. mɨŋ³⁴ lənᶤĩ²¹ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ mə³⁴ li²¹ duʔ²¹mi²¹ day one day monk IRR go receive_food_offerings One day, the monk was going receiving food offerings. 56 Handbook on adverbials (6.15) Taokhe 96. ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ lənᶤĩ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ nə²¹ ba⁴⁵ tʰam³³tʰoot⁵¹ tomorrow one day that 2s experience punish jaᶤʔ²¹ already Tomorrow, you will be punished already. Another modifier in a noun phrase is the proximal demonstrative jo²¹ 'this'. In (6.16), it modifies the noun bəU³⁴ 'moment' to form the time adverbial bəU³⁴ jo²¹ 'this moment'. (6.16) Taokhe 57. jə²¹ mᶤĩ⁵¹ bəU³⁴ jo²¹ lɔ⁵¹ 1s lie_down; sleep moment this !! I've slept this moment." The most common 'when' time adverbial in the form of a classifier phrase is (lə) tʰᶤi⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ 'that time/that one time'.13 Its use is demonstrated in (6.17) where it occurs in the first clause following the verb ɰe⁵¹ 'come'. (6.17) Tiger Skin 70. ɰe⁵¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ kʰãⁱ²¹ɕuŋ⁴⁵ ləɰo²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ come time that marry one morning that (They) came that time to marry that morning. In (6.18), tʰᶤi⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ is part of the conjunction phrase ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ tʰᶤi⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵. (6.18) Mueng Nong Nwe 65. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ ɰe⁵¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ pʰo³⁴ na²¹ ? finish time that come up ? so In the end (lit. having finished that time), the eel came up. 13 About the only time the distal demonstrative nɔ⁴⁵ functions as a demonstrative is in time classifier phrase adverbials. Time 57 In (6.19), (lə) tʰᶤi⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ occurs at the end of the two clauses in a sequenced, parallel relationship. (6.19) Mueng Nong Nwe 68. li²¹ dɔŋ⁴⁵ tʰẽⁱ²¹tʰõ²¹ bɔŋ²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ tʰiʔ⁴⁵ θəU²¹ kaᶤʔ²¹ go hack eel yellow time that break three length lətʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ one time that (He) went and hacked the yellow eel that time (and) broke (it) into three pieces that one time. Using the negated and reduplicated classifier phrase, tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ leʔ²¹ 'at no time', it is possible to assert that a circumstance always occurs. In (6.20), Mueng Nong Nwe 14, it would appear that the WCT Pwo is communicating that there was never a yellow eel in the fishnet; however, we know that the yellow eel always stuck to the net because of Mueng Nong Nwe 15. (6.20) Mueng Nong Nwe 14. ʔɔŋ⁴⁵we³⁴ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ leʔ²¹ ju³⁴ lɔŋ²¹ tʰẽⁱ²¹tʰõ²¹ scoop_up_fish time time NEG look_at down eel bɔŋ²¹ ləbuŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ na²¹ yellow one long thing that so There was no time when she scooped up fish and looked in her net, that there was not a yellow eel. Mueng Nong Nwe 15. tʰuŋ²¹ ʔə²¹ ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ lətɕʰɔŋ⁵¹ tʰẽⁱ²¹tʰõ²¹ bɔŋ²¹ reach 3 return one period eel yellow ləbuŋ²¹ lo⁵¹ ba⁴⁵ ʔəwẽⁱ²¹ one long thing !! stick_to her fishnet The entire time, until she returned (home), the yellow eel stuck to the net. 58 Handbook on adverbials 'When' time adverbials in the form of prepositional phrases also occur in WCT Pwo. In (6.21), the preposition lə³⁴ 'at' is the head with its object ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ 'tomorrow'. (6.21) Taokhe 76. lə³⁴ ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ mə³⁴ ɰe⁵¹ at tomorrow that monk IRR come duʔ²¹mi²¹ receive_food_offerings "Tomorrow, the monk will come to receive offerings. In (6.22), the head of the phrase is the preposition tʰuŋ²¹ 'reach'. tʰuŋ²¹ combines with the noun phrase kʰa⁵¹ tɕʰəpʰɔŋ²¹tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ 'time of the early morning hours' where the noun head, kʰa⁵¹, is further specified by the nominalized form tɕʰəpʰɔŋ²¹tʰɔŋ⁴⁵. (6.22) Taokhe 52. kuʔ²¹ jə²¹ ʔɔ⁵¹ tʰuŋ²¹ kʰa⁵¹ tɕʰəpʰɔŋ²¹tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ call 1s OK reach time early_morning_hours that “Call me at dawn." The preposition baᶤʔ²¹ 'near' heads the prepositional phrases in (6.23) and (6.24). In (6.23), the noun phrase object is mɨŋ³⁴miʔ⁴⁵tʰəŋ⁴⁵ 'noon'. In (6.24), the noun phrase object is the nominalized form tɕʰə³⁴mɨŋ³⁴kʰaⁱʔ²¹ 'evening' (6.23) Taokhe 100. baᶤʔ²¹ mɨŋ³⁴miʔ⁴⁵tʰəŋ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ nə²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ pʰja³⁴ nɔ⁴⁵ nə²¹ near noon that 2s exist temple that 2s ju³⁴ jə²¹ hɔ⁵¹ watch 1s OK? Near noon, you will be at the temple, so watch me, OK?" Time 59 (6.24) Taokhe 106. taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ baᶤʔ²¹ tɕʰə³⁴ mɨŋ³⁴ kʰaⁱʔ²¹ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ Taokhe that near thing day dark 3 ? ? ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ return As for Taokhe, near evening, he came back. Finally, 'when' time adverbials can be coded by adverbial clauses. These are illustrated in (6.25) and (6.26). In WCT Pwo, 'when' adverbial clauses do not have a subordinate clause marker. Rather, temporal sequencing plays a major role in identifying the function of temporal clauses. In (6.25), the adverbial clause is tɕʰəpʰɔŋ²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ 'day broke' with the verb tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ 'ascend'. The adverbial clause is preceded by the sequencing phrase ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ with a meaning something like 'having finished' which refers back to the previous clause, Mueng Nong Nwe 96. The linking of the 'going' with 'daybreak' seems to be communicated by such things as the verb tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ and the emphasis marker lo⁵¹, which includes in its meaning a sense of immediacy, making the adverbial clause more of a 'when' clause than an 'after' clause. (6.25) Mueng Nong Nwe 96. ʔa⁴⁵ li²¹ taⁱʔ²¹ taⁱʔ²¹ lo⁵¹ ʔəpʰu⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ lo²¹ Oh! go around around !! child that speak "I will go and look around," the child said. Mueng Nong Nwe 97. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ tɕʰəpʰɔŋ²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ li²¹ lo⁵¹ de³⁴ pʰu⁴⁵ de³⁴ ? finish brightness up go !! with child with pʰa³⁴ father Then, when day broke, the father and the child went. Again, in (6.26), the discourse context plays an important part in the interpretation of the adverbial clause kuʔ²¹ laⁱʔ⁴⁵ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ 'called a 60 Handbook on adverbials hawk that time'. An unexpressed participant has been told to call a hawk in Tiger Skin 39. As a result of calling a hawk, the hawk comes and picks up the participant. The action of the picking up by a hawk is a direct result of calling the hawk. Therefore, the adverbial clause has a sense of 'when'. This sense is bolstered through the use of the temporal adverbial tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ 'that time'.14 (6.26) Tiger Skin 39. kuʔ²¹ ni³⁴ laⁱʔ⁴⁵ dɔʔ²¹ call get hawk more "Call a hawk." Tiger Skin 40. kuʔ²¹ laⁱʔ⁴⁵ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ laⁱʔ⁴⁵ ɰe⁵¹ prɨŋ⁴⁵ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ call hawk time that hawk come carry_in_arms up nɔ⁴⁵ that When (she) called a hawk that time, (it) came and picked her up in its arms. 6.2 The coding of 'after' time adverbials 'After' time adverbials code an eventuality that occurs before the eventuality in the main clause. 6.2.1 'After' time adverbials in English 'When' and 'after' time adverbial clauses are not always distinguishable from each other. For example, both of the sentences in (6.27) are grammatical. However, a difference between the senses of 'when' and 14 Tiger Skin 40 could just be two clauses with a free translation something like 'then she called a hawk and it came and picked her up in its arms'; however, the conjunction which has the sense of 'then' is ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹, which is not present. As for tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ 'that time', it has more of a punctiliar sense as opposed to a conjunctive sense which would mitigate against a merely sequential interpretation of the relationship of the two clauses in Tiger Skin 40. Time 61 'after' is seen with the sentence pair in (6.28), where the main clause is progressive past tense. With 'when' (6.28a) is grammatical, however with 'after', in (6.28b), the progressive past tense clause is ungrammatical. To make it grammatical, the main clause would have to be in the simple past, as in after he called, I made cookies. (6.27) a) When she died, I was bereft. b) After she died, I was bereft. (6.28) a) When he called, I was making cookies. b) *After he called, I was making cookies. Prepositional phrases can also code 'after' time adverbials. This is illustrated in (6.29) where the time adverbial occurs, felicitously, preceding and following the main clause. Note that with c), the preposition 'after' is not the only preposition that can head an 'after' adverbial. (6.29) a) After dark, they left. They left after dark. *They, after dark, left. b) After the show, they went for coffee. They went for coffee after the show. *They, after the show, went for coffee. c) In/After two months we'll let you know. We'll let you know in/after two months. *We'll, in/after two months, let you know. *We'll let in/after two months you know. Finally, unlike 'after' adverbial clauses where the preceding eventuality is expressed, single-word adverbials refer to an eventuality that is not expressed which preceded the eventuality coded by the main clause. In this sense these adverbials serve as conjunctions. They are presented in (6.30). (6.30) a) Afterward, we went home. We went home afterward. 62 Handbook on adverbials b) Thereafter, we always remembered to lock the doors. We always remembered to lock the doors thereafter. 6.2.2 'After' time adverbials in WCT Pwo WCT Pwo seems to have two types of 'after' adverbial clauses. One contains the verbal form (ʔe⁴⁵) ɰuŋ²¹ 'finish/to the finish' and another type that has no overt indication of “finishing”.15 In adverbial clauses with (ʔe⁴⁵) ɰuŋ²¹, it occurs between the object participant and any clause-final particles. This is illustrated in (6.31) where the adverbial clause pʰiʔ⁴⁵ nɔŋ⁴⁵ ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ has a translation something like 'weed the grass so that it is finished'. The use of (ʔe⁴⁵) ɰuŋ²¹ emphasizes the culmination of the first eventuality, coded by the adverbial clause, before the start of the eventuality coded by the main clause, which gives the sense of the main clause eventuality occurring after the adverbial clause. (6.31) Tiger Skin 5. pʰiʔ⁴⁵ nɔŋ⁴⁵ ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ paʔ²¹ ke³⁴ wa²¹ weed:hoe grass ? finish that do; make be husband θi⁴⁵ ma²¹ lɔ⁵¹ lo²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ able do !! speak ? ? After he has finished cutting the grass, I can make him my husband," (she) said. In (6.32), only ɰuŋ²¹ occurs in the adverbial clause ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ka²¹ ni³⁴ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ ʔəpʰaⁱʔ²¹ ɰuŋ²¹ 'finishing skinning the skins'. 15 One means of identifying adverbial clauses, in WCT Pwo, is the tail-head linkage, whereby, in the initial clause, an eventuality is asserted; then in the next clause the eventuality is repeated prior to the next independent clause. This pattern can be seen in (6.33). Time 63 (6.32) Tiger Skin 75. ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ka²¹ ni³⁴ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ ʔəpʰaⁱʔ²¹ ɰuŋ²¹ tɕʰəU²¹ skin take ? ? skin finish dry_in_the_sun we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ tʰuŋ²¹ ʔəxãⁱ⁵¹ ? ? reach dryness After (they) finished skinning the tigers, (they) dried the skins in the sun until (they) were dry. The remaining examples do not have any overt marking; however, temporal sequencing plays a role. In (6.33), the adverbial clause, tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ tɕuŋ²¹ luʔ⁴⁵ ta²¹ kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵, in Taokhe 54, is a repeat of the eventuality of lighting a candle on top of a sugar palm in Taokhe 53. In order for Taokhe to carry out the next eventuality of calling the monk, he must come back down from the top of the sugar palm. Thus, the sense of 'after' in relating the adverbial clause to the following main clause in Taokhe 54. (6.33) Taokhe 53. taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ma²¹ni³⁴ pənãⁱ⁵¹ ləbuŋ²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ Taokhe take candle one long thing ascend tɕuŋ²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ luʔ⁴⁵ ta²¹ kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ light up to sugar_palm on Taokhe took a candle to the top of the sugar palm and lit it. Taokhe 54. tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ tɕuŋ²¹ luʔ⁴⁵ ta²¹ kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ ascend light to sugar_palm on that 3 ? tʰãⁱ²¹ kuʔ²¹ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ na²¹ return call monk that so After he had lit the candle on top of the sugar palm, he went back and called the monk. For comparison, look at (6.34), where it is ambiguous as to whether the eventuality of climbing to the top of the sugar palm, coded by the 64 Handbook on adverbials adverbial clause, occurs during, before or at the time of the eventuality of binding up the winnowing trays, coded by the main clause. (6.34) Taokhe 117. tɕʰəpʰɔŋ²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ ba⁴⁵ kʰa⁵¹ jaᶤʔ²¹ mɨŋ³⁴kjaⁱʔ²¹ jo²¹ brightness ascend touch time already abbot this tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ luʔ⁴⁵ ta²¹ kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ ʔu²¹ ascend to sugar_palm on yonder At daybreak when it was time, the abbot climbed up to the top of the sugar palm. Taokhe 118. tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ ta²¹ kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ kaʔ²¹ ascend sugar_palm on time that Taokhe bind tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ ʔədaⁱʔ²¹ kʰle²¹ kʰo⁵¹ bẽⁱ⁴⁵ up wing winnowing_tray section:part flat_things kʰo⁵¹ bẽⁱ⁴⁵ section:part flat_things When the abbot climbed the sugar palm that time, Taokhe made the winnowing trays into wings, one for each side. Another way in which the sense of 'after' can be conveyed is with time classifier phrases, following the predicate, which express duration. In (6.35), the conjoined classifier phrases ləθɔŋ⁵¹ nᶤi²¹ θɔŋ⁵¹ 'one or two nights' express the amount of time the husband had been gone. It was after the husband had been gone one or two nights, as coded by the adverbial clause, that the female friend invited the wife to go fishing. Time 65 (6.35) Mueng Nong Nwe 7. ʔəwa²¹ li²¹ tʰələU⁵¹ ləθɔŋ⁵¹ nᶤĩ²¹ θɔŋ⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ husband go gone one night two night that 3 ? da⁴⁵ ʔəwɔŋ²¹pʰɔŋ³⁴ mɨŋ⁴⁵ ləɰa²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ɰe⁵¹ ? friend(s) female one person that come ʔɔŋ⁴⁵tɕaʔ²¹ ʔə²¹ na⁵¹ li²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵we³⁴ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ invite 3 ? go scoop_up_fish acquire After the husband had been gone one or two nights, a friend of the wife came and invited her to go net fish. Finally, (6.36) provides two examples of adverbials with a sense of 'after'. In Tiger Skin 61, ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ jaⁱʔ⁴⁵ ʔeʔ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵, with the negated attributive verb, jaⁱʔ⁴⁵ 'long' could be considered to be an adverbial clause due to the verb; however, there are not really any participants. This would bring an adverbial clause interpretation into question. So for now, ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ jaⁱʔ⁴⁵ ʔeʔ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵, with the sense of 'not long after', will be called an adverbial phrase. Then, in Tiger Skin 62, jaⁱʔ⁴⁵ 'long' is reduplicated, jaⁱʔ⁴⁵jaⁱʔ⁴⁵, which also has the sense of 'not long after or momentarily'. (6.36) Tiger Skin 61. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ jaⁱʔ⁴⁵ ʔeʔ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ kʰi⁵¹ɕa²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ tɕʰuŋ³⁴ tʰãⁱ²¹ ? finish long NEG that tiger that follow go ʔə²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ 3 that Not long after, the tiger followed after her. Tiger Skin 62. jaⁱʔ⁴⁵jaⁱʔ⁴⁵ da⁴⁵ nᶤĩ⁴⁵ ləkaᶤʔ²¹ da⁴⁵ tʰãⁱ²¹ ɕẽⁱ²¹ɕɔŋ⁵¹ momentarily see patung one length see to shirt ləbẽⁱ⁴⁵ one flat thing After a while, (he) saw a tube skirt and a shirt. 66 Handbook on adverbials 6.3 The coding of 'before' adverbials 'Before' time adverbials highlight an eventuality that occurred after the eventuality coded by the main clause. 6.3.1 'Before' time adverbials in English 'Before' time adverbials can be coded by prepositional phrases and adverbial clauses. In (6.37), the preposition by could be replaced with before as in before nightfall. (6.37) They'll be back by nightfall. By nightfall, they'll be back. *They'll by nightfall be back. In (6.38), the adverbial clause before I saw the princess can either precede or follow the main clause. The subordinator is before. (6.38) Before I saw the princess, I saw the queen. I saw the queen before I saw the princess. Another construction that, at first glance, might appear to be an example of a 'before' time adverbial is presented in (6.39). However, before seems to be functioning as a 'when' time adverbial, placing the eventuality of seeing the princess at a point before the time of speaking. Note that before can only occur felicitously at the end of the clause. If it precedes the clause, the sentence is ungrammatical on its own, although as a subordinate clause to a main clause it would work just fine. (6.39) I've seen the princess before. *Before I've seen the princess. 6.3.2 'Before' time adverbials in WCT Pwo In the data, there are only two possible examples of a 'before' adverbial clause. The first is presented in (6.39). Again, temporal sequencing seems to be the only means of identifying the function of the adverbial clause. In Tiger Skin 25, the tiger's intentions are revealed. Then, in Tiger Skin 26, a repeat of the tiger's intentions, in a tail-head linkage Time 67 pattern, precedes the tiger's instructions to the girl to stay at the house. Since the tiger's instructions to the girl could only occur prior to his going out to seek herbs, we know that the first clause of Tiger Skin 26 is a 'before' adverbial clause. (6.39) Tiger Skin 25. tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔə⁴⁵ kʰi⁵¹ɕa²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ mə³⁴ li²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵xɨU⁵¹ time that EXCL tiger that IRR go seek ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ tɕʰə³⁴ nəU²¹məU⁵¹ mə³⁴ ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵pʰuŋ⁵¹ acquire thing fragrant IRR return prepare_rice ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ tɕʰəmɨŋ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ eat girl that Oh dear! That time, the tiger was going to look for curry spices and was going to return to prepare the girl to eat. Tiger Skin 26. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ li²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵xɨU⁵¹ tɕʰə³⁴ nəU²¹məU⁵¹ nə²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ ɰẽⁱ⁴⁵ ? finish go seek thing fragrant 2s exist house nɔ⁴⁵ that Before he went to find herbs, (he said to the girl), "You stay at the house.” The example in (6.40) is similar. The 'before' adverbial clause, stating the eventuality to come, precedes the clause coding the tiger's instructions which were given before the returning eventuality in the adverbial clause. 68 Handbook on adverbials (6.40) Tiger Skin 15. ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ li²¹ lɔ⁵¹ li²¹ pjaʔ⁴⁵ jə²¹ kʰãⁱ⁵¹ lo²¹ return time that go !! go follow 1s back speak we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ ? ? Before (they) returned that time, (the tiger) said, "Follow my back." 6.4 The coding of 'while' time adverbials 'While' time adverbials code an eventuality that is occurring at the same time as the eventuality coded by the main clause. In many cases, the eventuality described by the adverbial clause serves as the setting for the eventuality described by the main clause. 6.4.1 'While' time adverbials in English In English, 'while' adverbials take the form of single words, prepositional phrases or adverbial clauses. Single word adverbials signalling simultaneous eventualities are presented in (6.41). (6.41) a) They bathed the children and drilled them on their multiplication tables, concurrently. ?Concurrently, they bathed the children and drilled them on their multiplication tables. b) She walked and talked, simultaneously. Simultaneously, she walked and talked. Prepositional phrases signaling simultaneous eventualities are presented in (6.42). (6.42) a) During the movie, she slept. She slept during the movie. Time 69 b) She ate and talked at the same time. ?At the same time, she ate and talked. Adverbial clauses conveying the sense of simultaneity, can be marked with the subordinator, while. Examples of 'while' adverbial clauses are presented in (6.43). (6.43) a) They danced while the band played. While the band played, they danced. b) While they were vacationing, their new house was built. Their new house was built while they were vacationing. 6.4.2 'While' time adverbials in WCT Pwo In WCT Pwo, simultaneity can be signaled with the marker kʰɨ⁴⁵ 'while', which precedes the adverbial clause occurring following the main clause. This is illustrated in (6.44) where the adverbial clause is kʰɨ⁴⁵ mɨŋ⁴⁵nɔŋ²¹nwe⁵¹ ʔəwa²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ mi²¹ 'while Mueng Nong Nwe's husband was eating rice'. (6.44) Mueng Nong Nwe 52. ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ kʰɨ⁴⁵ mɨŋ⁴⁵nɔŋ²¹nwe⁵¹ ʔəwa²¹ return time that while Mueng_Nong_Nwe husband nɔ⁴⁵ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ mi²¹ ʔa⁴⁵ that eat cooked_rice Oh! (The eel) came back that time while Mueng Nong Nwe's husband was eating rice. When the subordinator, kʰɨ⁴⁵ 'while', is not used, several other possible means are used for coding simultaneity. In (6.45), it is possible that the existential me⁴⁵ is used with the clause θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ li²¹ duʔ²¹mi²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ 'the monk went to receive food offerings that time' to code the simultaneous activity of the monk with the dry rice roasting activity of another participant, Taokhe. 70 Handbook on adverbials (6.45) Taokhe 15. me⁴⁵ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ li²¹ duʔ²¹mi²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ be monk go receive_food_offerings time that taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵wiʔ⁴⁵ daⁱʔ²¹ mi²¹ xãⁱ⁵¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ Taokhe roast with cooked_rice dry time that ʔa⁴⁵ jaᶤʔ²¹ many:much already While the monk was going to receive food offerings, Taokhe roasted a lot of dry cooked rice. In (6.46), in the midst of quickly returning home, the eyes of the participants look up at the top of a tree. As with (6.45), the eventuality coded by the adverbial clause preceding the main clause is the eventuality within which the eventuality of the main clause happens. (6.46) Mueng Nong Nwe 102. da⁴⁵ wa⁴⁵ dɔʔ²¹ kəruŋ⁵¹ ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ miʔ⁴⁵θa⁴⁵ ju³⁴ see NEG more quickly return eye look_at tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ le⁴⁵ θẽⁱ⁴⁵ kʰᶤĩ⁵¹ up at tree on Having not seen (anything) further, while (they) were hurrying back, their eyes looked up at the top of a tree. Finally, in (6.47), a parallel construction with ʔo⁴⁵ 'exist/have' is used to signal simultaneous eventualities. The adverbial clause, ʔəmu³⁴ ʔəpʰa³⁴ ʔo⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ 'the mother and father were there', is coding the background eventuality to the state of the machine coded by kʰlẽⁱ⁴⁵ θo⁵¹ ʔo⁴⁵ ʔeʔ⁴⁵ 'the loud machine was not there'. Time 71 (6.47) Tiger Skin 79. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ waⁱʔ⁴⁵ be²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ waⁱʔ⁴⁵ waⁱʔ⁴⁵ ʔəmu³⁴ ? finish spin cotton that spin spin mother ʔəpʰa³⁴ ʔo⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ kʰlẽⁱ⁴⁵ θo⁵¹ ʔo⁴⁵ ʔeʔ⁴⁵ father exist that machine loud exist NEG She spun and spun the cotton. While the mother and the father were there, there was not a loud machine. 6.5 The coding of duration time adverbials Duration time adverbials, instead of coding a point in time, provide information as to the amount of time that an eventuality took. 6.5.1 Duration time adverbials in English Duration time adverbials, in English, are typically coded by noun phrases and prepositional phrases. These are demonstrated in (6.48). (6.48) a) Jenna was gone two days. Two days, Jenna was gone. *Jenna, two days, was gone. b) Andy disappeared for a short time. For a short time, Andy disappeared. ?Andy, for a short time, disappeared. c) They traveled overnight. Overnight, they traveled. *They overnight traveled. 6.5.2 Duration time adverbials in WCT Pwo Duration time adverbials, in WCT Pwo, are coded by classifier phrases. In (6.49), the classifier phrase pair, ləθɔŋ⁵¹ nᶤĩ²¹ θɔŋ⁵¹ 'one or two nights' code information on the duration of the absence of the husband. 72 Handbook on adverbials (6.49) Mueng Nong Nwe 7. ʔəwa²¹ li²¹ tʰələU⁵¹ ləθɔŋ⁵¹ nᶤĩ²¹ θɔŋ⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ husband go gone one night two night that 3 ? da⁴⁵ ʔəwɔŋ²¹pʰɔŋ³⁴ mɨŋ⁴⁵ ləɰa²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ɰe⁵¹ ? friend(s) female one person that come ʔɔŋ⁴⁵tɕaʔ²¹ ʔə²¹ na⁵¹ li²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵we³⁴ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ invite 3 ? go scoop_up_fish acquire The husband was gone one or two days. A friend of the wife came and invited her to go net fish. Also, classifier phrases can, themselves, be modified, as in (6.50), where the classifier phrase duration adverbial, lətɕʰu³⁴ 'a time', is modified by the attributive verb pʰu⁴⁵ 'little'. (6.50) Mueng Nong Nwe 58. ʔaʔ⁴⁵ mɨŋ⁴⁵nɔŋ²¹nwe⁵¹ lɔŋ²¹ ma²¹ tɕʰuʔ⁴⁵jaʔ⁴⁵ EXCL Mueng_Nong_Nwe down want:take silent lətɕʰu³⁴ pʰu⁴⁵ a time little Mueng Nong Nwe was silent for a moment (a short time). Then, in (6.51), the verb, tʰuŋ²¹ combines with the noun phrase object ʔə²¹ ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ lətɕʰɔŋ⁵¹ 'her return period' coded with a possessed noun head ʔə²¹ ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ and a classifier phrase lətɕʰɔŋ⁵¹. (6.51) Mueng Nong Nwe 15. tʰuŋ²¹ ʔə²¹ ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ lətɕʰɔŋ⁵¹ tʰẽⁱ²¹tʰõ²¹ bɔŋ²¹ reach 3 return period eel yellow ləbuŋ²¹ lo⁵¹ ba⁴⁵ ʔəwẽⁱ²¹ one long thing !! stick_to her fishnet The entire time, until she returned (home), the yellow eel stuck to the net. Time 6.6 73 Summary This chapter has presented an overview of English and WCT Pwo time adverbials. 'When' time adverbials pinpoint a time for an eventuality. This is the most generic of time adverbial types and can be coded by all the devices available for conveying timing information. For English these devices are single words, noun phrases, prepositional phrases and clauses. For WCT Pwo, these devices are single words, noun phrases, classifier phrases, prepositional phrases and adverbial clauses. Other time adverbial types include 'after' time adverbials, 'before' time adverbials, 'while' time adverbials and duration time adverbials. All of these types of adverbials show less variety in the possible ways in which they can be coded. For 'after' time adverbials, English employs single words, prepositional phrases and adverbial clauses, while WCT Pwo employs only adverbial clauses within the available data. For 'before' time adverbials, English employs prepositional phrases and adverbial clauses while WCT Pwo employs adverbial clauses. Then for 'while' time adverbials, English employs single words, prepositional phrases and adverbial clauses while WCT Pwo employs adverbial clauses which may contain markers of existence such as me⁴⁵ or ʔo⁴⁵ or the subordinator kʰɨ⁴⁵ 'while' which identifies the eventuality as a background eventuality within which the eventuality coded by the main clause takes place. Finally, in English, duration time adverbials can be coded by noun phrases and prepositional phrases, while WCT Pwo uses classifier phrases to encode duration time adverbials. The structural devices used to code both English and WCT Pwo time adverbials are compared in Table 10. 74 Handbook on adverbials Table 10 Time adverbials in English and WCT Pwo English WCT Pwo Single words Yes Yes Classifier phrases No Yes Noun phrases Yes Yes Prepositional phrases Yes Yes Adverbial clauses Yes Yes Single words Yes No Prepositional phrases Yes No Adverbial clauses Yes No Prepositional phrases Yes No Adverbial clauses Yes Yes Single words Yes No Prepositional phrases Yes No Adverbial clauses Yes Yes 'When' adverbials 'After' adverbials 'Before' adverbials 'While' adverbials Time English WCT Pwo Noun phrases Yes No Prepositional phrases Yes No Classifier phrases No Yes Duration adverbials 75 7 Aspect While tense marking codes the point in time of an eventuality in relation to the time of speaking (absolute tense) or another eventuality (relative tense), aspect codes particular viewpoints on the internal temporal makeup of an eventuality (Comrie 1976, 3). The major opposition of aspectual viewpoints is that between Perfective and Imperfective. Comrie (1976, 21) characterizes Perfective as a viewpoint that “…involves lack of explicit reference to the internal temporal constituency…” of an eventuality. Perfective looks at an eventuality as a “blob” without the internal temporal details in focus. On the other hand, Imperfective is concerned with the internal temporal makeup (structure) of the eventuality. Subtypes of imperfective include habitual and continuous aspects and progressive and non-progressive aspects. So, how does all of this relate to aspectual adverbials? Even though a language has certain aspectual constructions such as the progressive, e.g. Doug is making a cake, it is also possible to indicate aspect through the use of aspectual adverbials. This is especially important for a language like WCT Pwo where there is no verbal morphology. However, unlike English, the aspectual system of WCT Pwo has yet to be investigated so that it will not be possible, at this point, to distinguish aspectual adverbials from an aspectual construction. The coding of aspect in English in 7.1 and WCT Pwo in 7.2 is arranged according to a non-exhaustive list of aspectual distinctions under the categories of Perfective and Imperfective. 7.1 The coding of aspect in English According to Comrie (1976, 124), English has two aspectual oppositions: progressive vs. non-progressive and perfect vs. nonperfect. With stative eventualities a progressive construction can have 76 Aspect 77 either a temporary or permanent meaning. For example, Bill is standing in the garden is a temporary state (progressive), while The Statue of Liberty is standing in New York Harbor is a permanent state (non-progressive). This pair of examples serve to highlight the aspectual meaning subtleties that occur even though the forms are the same. We will begin the discussion with examples of eventualities coded with a perfective viewpoint. 7.1.1 Perfective aspects Perfective aspect includes completive aspect which focuses on the endpoint of the eventuality, inchoative aspect which focuses on the entry into a state and ingressive aspect which focuses on the starting point of an eventuality. Examples of eventualities with completive aspect are listed in (7.1). In a), completive meaning is communicated by an expression in past tense where the emphasis is on the completion of the house-building. In b), completive aspect is more overtly signaled by the predicate finished which carries completive aspect as part of the meaning of the verb itself. Another means of signaling completive aspect in English is through the use of the verbal particle up as in c). The use of up conveys the sense that Elsie cleaned her plate, whereas, without the verbal particle, as in Elsie ate her dinner, the plate was not necessarily cleaned. (7.1) a) Stu built a house. b) The chef finished preparing the dessert. c) Elsie ate up her dinner. Elsie ate her dinner up. d) The snow melted already. The snow already melted. ?Already, the snow melted. e) He completely decimated their argument. He decimated their argument completely. ?Completely he decimated their argument. 78 Handbook on adverbials The aspectual adverbial means of communicating completive aspect are illustrated with d) and e). In d), the adverb already can be added to a past-tense construction, which underscores the emphasis on the endpoint of the melting. Completely, in e), underscores the completeness of the decimation of the argument. Note that the adverbs can either felicitously precede the predicate or follow the object argument, while the verbal particle up either follows the main verb or occurs after the object argument. Inchoative aspect, where the viewpoint is on “the coming about of a state” (Smith 1997, 35) is illustrated in (7.2). The syntactic means of communicating inchoative aspect in English is shown in a) and b), where the copula became forms part of the adjectival predicate with the adjective ill. Then, in b), the copula become connects two noun phrases. Unfortunately, an adverbial means of communicating inchoative aspect in English has not yet come to mind. (7.2) a) John became ill. b) Caterpillars become butterflies. Ingressive aspect can be coded through the use of the verbs start and begin, as in (7.3). In (7.4), possible adverbial means of coding ingressive aspect are presented, although they are less clear. For example, (Comrie 1976, 20) suggests that the adverbial suddenly focuses attention on the inception of the event, as in a) with the state verb understand. Cinque (1999, 97) suggests that suddenly could be included with adverbials such as immediately which signals that an eventuality is very soon to take place. This is sometimes called “proximative” aspect or “soon” aspect. (7.3) Amanda started/began singing. (7.4) a) She suddenly understood. She understood suddenly. Suddenly, she understood. b) The captain immediately stopped the take-off sequence. Immediately, the captain stopped the take-off sequence. The captain stopped the take-off sequence immediately. Aspect 79 7.1.2 Imperfective aspects With the Imperfective, the viewpoint is of the internal structure of an eventuality, as opposed to the “blob” viewpoint of the Perfective. Among the possible imperfective aspects are the habitual, progressive, continuous and continuative aspects. Habituality is “…a characteristic feature of a whole period… .” as opposed to “…an incidental property of the moment…” (Comrie 1976, 28). Habituality may also include a sense of iterativity, although iterativity is not a required component of habituality. For example, Amanda sneezed three times is iterative, but not habitual since the sneezing is an event that occurred in the moment and is not characteristic of a period. English habitual aspect examples are presented in (7.5). Habitual aspect in English can be coded in the past tense by used to, as in a). Then, b), c) and d) provide examples of aspectual adverbials that communicate habituality. Finally, in e), habituality is communicated through the use of the time adverbial every day. (7.5) a) The gardener used to come in the morning. b) James regularly forgets to put the lid back on the toothpaste. ?Regularly, James forgets to put the lid back on the toothpaste. James forgets to put the lid back on the toothpaste, regularly. c) Janet usually forgets appointments. Usually, Janet forgets her appointments. ?Janet forgets her appointments, usually. d) Lucy always dresses up. Always, Lucy dresses up. Lucy dresses up, always. 80 Handbook on adverbials e) Every day she walks to work. She walks to work every day. ?She walks every day to work. Continuous aspect is simply action that is continuing.16 This is illustrated with the examples in (7.6). The English progressive construction is presented in a) where the progressive is coded by the verb to be and a verb with the -ing suffix. In b), continuous aspect is coded by the verb form kept on. Then, in c), continuous aspect is signalled by the aspectual adverbial on and on. (7.6) a) The cat is stalking a bird. b) The dog kept on crying after the children left. c) We argued on and on. On and on we argued. *We on and on argued. Continuative aspect, while similar to continuous aspect, in that the eventuality is continuing, highlights the continuing eventuality that began before the time of speaking. Continuative aspect is coded in English by the aspectual adverbial still as illustrated in (7.7). (7.7) I am still waiting. I am waiting, still. 7.1.3 Quantificational aspects Quantificational aspect is concerned with signalling the frequency of the occurrence of an eventuality (Dik 1997, 236). Concepts such as repetition and iteration are included under the umbrella of quantificational aspect. Examples are presented in (7.8). As can be seen in a), quantificational aspect is related to habitual aspect. Both the sense of habit and frequency are communicated by the adverbial often. 16 The student should be aware that in the literature there is a range of treatments of concepts of continuousness and progressiveness. Comrie (1976, 32ff.) distinguishes progressive from continuous with the definition that progressive is non-stative ongoing action while continuousness is ongoing action without the sense of habituality. Aspect 81 Examples b) and c) illustrate iterative aspect with the aspectual adverbial again. Finally, d) illustrates repetitive aspect with the adverbial seven times. (7.8) a) She comes here often She often comes here. Often she comes here. b) Christopher lost his toy car again. c) The child jumped from the couch again and again. d) Every morning, Helen normally sneezes seven times. 7.2 The coding of aspect in WCT Pwo In the absence of a comprehensive account of the aspectual coding system of WCT Pwo, it is only possible to highlight the ways in which some aspectual distinctions are coded. Whether these strategies would be analyzed as aspectual constructions, aspectual adverbials or something else is a question for future analysis. In fact, it appears that many WCT Pwo aspectual distinctions in the data are signaled by various particles and devices such as reduplication, not adverbials. The aspectual distinctions discovered in the WCT Pwo data include the perfective aspects, completive and inchoative, the imperfective aspects, continuous and habitual, and quantificational aspects. The discussion will begin with perfective aspects. 7.2.1 Perfective aspects Two markers of types of perfective aspect are found in the data. The first is completive aspect and the second is inchoative aspect. Completive aspect is signalled through the use of the verb form ɰuŋ²¹ 'finish'.17 In (7.9), ɰuŋ²¹ occurs with the verb ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ 'eat', following the object mi²¹ 'cooked rice'. 17 The presence of the verbal form ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ , as a marker of completive aspect is one means of identifying 'after' adverbial clauses. See 6.2.2. 82 Handbook on adverbials (7.9) Tiger Skin 3. ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ mi²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ mi²¹ return eat cooked_rice time that eat cooked_rice θe²¹ ɰuŋ²¹ ʔə²¹ tɕaⁱʔ²¹ luʔ⁴⁵θaʔ²¹ tʰəpʰɨŋ³⁴we³⁴ nᶤĩ²¹ ? finish 3 tell together sibling two ɰa²¹ person Returning to eat rice that time, after they finished eating rice, they talked together, the two siblings. (7.10) Mueng Nong Nwe 21. ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ mi²¹ return time that return eat cooked_rice ʔɔŋ⁴⁵tʰᶤĩ⁵¹ θe²¹ ɰuŋ²¹ tɕʰəkʰaⁱʔ²¹ lɔŋ²¹ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ bathe ? finish darkness descend 3 ? ? tʰãⁱ²¹ mᶤĩ⁵¹ go lie_down; sleep Returning that time, (she) finished returning, eating dinner and bathing. When darkness descended, she went to bed. Another form that behaves similarly to ɰuŋ²¹ to indicate completive aspect is the verb tʰaᶤʔ²¹ 'stop', which is illustrated in (7.11). (7.11) Tiger Skin 54. ʔəmu³⁴ ma²¹ təU²¹ tʰaᶤʔ⁴⁵ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ tɕuʔ²¹ lɔŋ²¹ tɕʰə³⁴ mother do pursue stop 3 ? peck down thing dɔʔ²¹ again The mother stopped pursuing. She began pecking again. The form ɰuŋ²¹ can occur with the marker jaᶤʔ²¹ 'already' as in (7.12), both of which follow the main verb juŋ⁵¹ 'hit' and the unexpressed object argument. Then in (7.13), the jaᶤʔ²¹ occurs with tʰaᶤʔ⁴⁵ 'stop'. Aspect 83 (7.12) Taokhe 23. jə²¹ juŋ⁵¹ ɰuŋ²¹ jaᶤʔ²¹ θᶤĩ⁴⁵ jo²¹ 1s hit finish already Boy! this I've already finished hitting it!" (7.13) Taokhe 129. tʰaᶤʔ⁴⁵ jaᶤʔ²¹ mə³⁴ stop already Yes? (I'm) stopping already, OK? Given (7.12) and (7.13), it seems possible that jaᶤʔ²¹ could be a marker of completion. However, in (7.14), jaᶤʔ²¹ occurs in conjunction with the nominalized form tɕʰəkʰaⁱʔ²¹ 'darkness', indicating that it was already dark. In eventuality terms, states hold, they don't culminate, so the jaᶤʔ²¹ could not be signalling completion.18 On the other hand, this could be an instance of inchoative aspect where the jaᶤʔ²¹ marks the entry into the state of darkness. (7.14) Mueng Nong Nwe 86. tʰuŋ²¹ le⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ ʔəpʰu⁴⁵ ɰa²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔo⁴⁵ reach at finish child person that exist tʰãⁱ²¹ lɔŋ²¹ kʰãⁱ⁵¹ kʰo⁵¹ tɕʰəkʰaⁱʔ²¹ keep; leave; place; put down back section:part darkness jaᶤʔ²¹ already Arriving at the finish, her child was at home (back section). It was dark already. A possible inchoative meaning for jaᶤʔ²¹ is further supported by (7.15) where the event of punishing is projected into the future through the use of the time adverbial ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ lənᶤi²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ 'tomorrow'. The jaᶤʔ²¹ seems to be signalling the entry into the state of being in line to experience punishment. 18 The ɰuŋ²¹ in this example is functioning as the object of a preposition which is not an aspectual use of the form. 84 Handbook on adverbials (7.15) Taokhe 96. ke³⁴kʰuʔ⁴⁵ lənᶤĩ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ nə²¹ ba⁴⁵ tʰam³³tʰoot⁵¹ tomorrow one day that 2s experience punish jaᶤʔ²¹ already Tomorrow, you will experience punishing. Another example of projection into the future, this time with the use of the irrealis marker mə³⁴ is demonstrated in (7.16) where the eventual state of being eaten by the tiger has begun. (7.16) Tiger Skin 33. ʔe⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ me⁴⁵ li²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵xɨU⁵¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ tɕʰə³⁴ nəU²¹məU⁵¹ ? that be go seek acquire thing fragrant mə³⁴ ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵pʰuŋ⁵¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ nə²¹ jaᶤʔ²¹ IRR return prepare_rice eat 2s already "He has gone to get curry herbs and will return to prepare you to eat." Analyzing the eventuality in (7.17), it is a process eventuality with two participants: mi⁴⁵ʔəU²¹ 'bonfire' and tʰeⁱ²¹tʰo²¹ 'eel'. The eventuality almost culminates as signalled by the forms laᶤʔ⁴⁵ 'completely' and ka⁴⁵ 'almost'. So the eel has almost entered the state being completely burned up. (7.17) Mueng Nong Nwe 83. tʰẽⁱ²¹tʰõ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ mi⁴⁵ ʔəU²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ laᶤʔ⁴⁵ ka⁴⁵ jaᶤʔ²¹ eel that fire pile eat completely almost already As for the eel, the bonfire [fire pile] had almost completely burned (it) up. The function of jaᶤʔ²¹ in the remaining examples, (7.18), (7.19) and (7.20), is not straightforward. In (7.18), jaᶤʔ²¹ occurs in conjunction with the quantifying element ʔa⁴⁵ 'many/much'. This is a common Pwo Karen expression, with the sense of 'enough'. It could be that in an Aspect 85 inchoative reading that the state of there being enough roasted dry cooked rice was entered. (7.18) Taokhe 15. me⁴⁵ θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ li²¹ duʔ²¹mi²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ be monk go receive_food_offerings time that taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵wiʔ⁴⁵ daⁱʔ²¹ mi²¹ xãⁱ⁵¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ Taokhe roast with cooked_rice dry time that ʔa⁴⁵ jaᶤʔ²¹ many:much already When the monk had gone to receive food offerings that time, Taokhe roasted a lot of dry cooked rice that time. (7.19) is a series of presentational clauses with the verb ʔo⁴⁵ 'have/exist'. First, this example provides further evidence that jaᶤʔ²¹ cannot be a completive marker since this example expresses a state. In a possible inchoative reading it could be that it became a certain day. (7.19) Taokhe 51. ʔo⁴⁵ lənᶤĩ²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ le⁴⁵ pʰja³⁴ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔo⁴⁵ jaᶤʔ²¹ have one day have at temple that exist already There was another day at the temple. Finally, in (7.20), the jaᶤʔ²¹ occurs between two pieces marked with the medial demonstrative form nɔ⁴⁵. The first piece is the first participant in this process eventuality of perpetuation of the Taokhe stories. The second piece encompasses the predicate and the unexpressed participant; the Taokhe stories. A possible explanation it that the monks are in the state of perpetuating the Taokhe stories. Looking at the preceding eventuality in (7.21), it is also a process eventuality which is communicating an actual happening, whereas, (7.20) seems to be specifying the actual perpetuators of the story. 86 Handbook on adverbials (7.20) Taokhe 128. θɔŋ²¹kʰa⁵¹ ʔe⁴⁵nɔ⁴⁵ jaᶤʔ²¹ lo²¹ tɕʰu²¹tʰãⁱ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ monk that already speak perpetuate that Actually, the monks have perpetuated (it). (7.21) Taokhe 127. ɰəpʰloŋ²¹ lo²¹ tɕʰu²¹tʰãⁱ²¹ põ²¹ taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ plãⁱ²¹ Karen speak perpetuate story Taokhe tease kjaⁱʔ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ monk that The Karen perpetuate the story about Taokhe teasing the monks. Is jaᶤʔ²¹ a verbal particle or an adverbial? From the information we have, it would appear that jaᶤʔ²¹ could be an adverbial since it does not seem to be restricted in the position of its occurrence. More typically, jaᶤʔ²¹ occurs preceding any vocatives at the end of the clause; however, in (7.14), (7.18) and (7.20) it occurs in conjunction with nonpredicating items such as the subject (7.14, 7.20) and a quantifying element (7.18). 7.2.2 Imperfective aspects In the data are examples of eventualities with continuous and habitual meanings. Continuousness can be signalled simply by the repetition of the verb as in (7.22) and (7.23). (7.24) demonstrates the repetition of a predicate with the verb series pʰlãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ waⁱʔ⁴⁵ 'pick up and eat'. (7.22) Mueng Nong Nwe 76. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ li²¹ dɔʔ²¹ li²¹ li²¹ li²¹ tʰuŋ²¹ ? finish 3 ? ? go again go go go reach luʔ⁴⁵ θɔŋ⁵¹θᶤĩ⁴⁵ ʔədɔŋ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ to Song_Sing top that So she went again, walking until she got to the very top of Song Sing mountain. Aspect 87 (7.23) Tiger Skin 44. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ li²¹ dɔʔ²¹ tʰãⁱ²¹ tʰãⁱ²¹ tʰãⁱ²¹ tʰuŋ²¹ ʔəɰẽⁱ⁴⁵ ? finish go more return return return reach house ka⁴⁵ jaᶤʔ²¹ almost already Then they went again, returning until they were almost to the house. (7.24) Taokhe 28. taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ pʰlãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ waⁱʔ⁴⁵ pʰlãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ waⁱʔ⁴⁵ Taokhe pick_up eat away pick_up eat away pʰlãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ waⁱʔ⁴⁵ ʔo⁴⁵xa⁵¹ ləduŋ⁴⁵ daⁱʔ²¹ pick_up eat away remain one mould still Taokhe ate and ate and ate. There still remained one piece. Continuative aspect is expressed with daⁱʔ²¹ 'still'. This is illustrated in (7.27), where, in a state eventuality, the child is asserted to be in a continuing state of smallness. Unlike the continuousness discussed above, the continuing signalled by daⁱʔ²¹ has a connection to a situation previous to the time of the statement. (7.25) Mueng Nong Nwe 98. ʔəpʰu⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ me⁴⁵ tɕʰə³⁴ pi⁵¹ daⁱʔ²¹ laᶤʔ⁴⁵ dɔʔ²¹ child that be thing small still completely more The child was still very small, also. The two other examples of daⁱʔ²¹ in the data are found in (7.26) and (7.27). (7.26) shows that daⁱʔ²¹ follows the object and (7.27) shows that daⁱʔ²¹ occurs in the position preceding clause-final markers such as dɔʔ²¹ 'more, again'. 88 Handbook on adverbials (7.26) Taokhe 28. taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ pʰlãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ waⁱʔ⁴⁵ pʰlãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ waⁱʔ⁴⁵ Taokhe pick_up eat away pick_up eat away pʰlãⁱ²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ waⁱʔ⁴⁵ ʔo⁴⁵xa⁵¹ ləduŋ⁴⁵ daⁱʔ²¹ pick_up eat away remain one mould still Taokhe ate and ate until there was still one piece remaining. (7.27) Taokhe 71. paʔ²¹pʰɔŋ⁵¹mɨŋ⁴⁵ təkwa⁴⁵mɨŋ³⁴ daⁱʔ²¹ lo⁵¹ θᶤĩ⁴⁵ jo²¹ midnight past_midnight still !! Boy! this It was still past the midnight! Finally, the marker kjɔŋ²¹ is used to signal habitual aspect. This is demonstrated in (7.28) where it occurs after the object argument and before the intensifier, a clause-final element. (7.28) Taokhe 5. ɰəpʰloŋ²¹ lo²¹tʰãⁱ²¹ taᶤʔ⁴⁵kʰe⁵¹ nɔ⁴⁵ plãⁱ²¹ kjaⁱʔ²¹ kjɔŋ²¹ person tell Taokhe that tease monk used to kɨU³⁴ INTENS People say that Taokhe used to really tease the monks. Habitual aspect can also be signalled through the use of a classifier phrase. In (7.29), the classifier phrase is repeated with an intensifier to accentuate the habitual quality of the eventuality. In (7.30), the habitual quality of the eventuality is emphasized with two intensifiers. (7.29) Mueng Nong Nwe 38. kuʔ⁴⁵ ɰa⁴⁵ diʔ²¹ kuʔ⁴⁵ ɰa⁴⁵ diʔ²¹ tɕʰəkʰaⁱʔ²¹ lɔŋ²¹ every evening so every evening so darkness down taʔ⁴⁵ ɰe⁵¹ lo⁵¹ just_when come !! Every evening, just when darkness fell, he came! Aspect 89 (7.30) Tiger Skin 82. ru⁴⁵ ru⁴⁵ raⁱʔ⁴⁵ nə²¹ pʰaⁱʔ²¹ ke³⁴ jə²¹ pʰaⁱʔ²¹ "sound" "sound" "sound" 2s skin be 1s skin nə²¹ pʰaⁱʔ²¹ ke³⁴ jə²¹ pʰaⁱʔ²¹ kuʔ⁴⁵ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ di⁴⁵na²¹ 2s skin be 1s skin every time indeed "Ru ru rai your skin is my skin, your skin is my skin!" every time. 7.2.3 Quantificational aspects Quantificational aspect is signalled in a number of ways in WCT Pwo. The primary repetitive form is dɔʔ²¹ 'again'. This is illustrated in (7.31) and (7.32) where dɔʔ²¹ occurs as the final element in the clause. (7.31) Mueng Nong Nwe 13. ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ blaⁱʔ²¹ tʰəluŋ³⁴ kʰwaⁱʔ⁴⁵ 3 ? ? shake_off discard throw_overhand ʔɔŋ⁴⁵we³⁴ dɔʔ²¹ scoop_up_fish again She threw it away and fished again. (7.32) Tiger Skin 54. ʔəmu³⁴ ma²¹ təU²¹ tʰaᶤʔ⁴⁵ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ tɕuʔ²¹ lɔŋ²¹ tɕʰə³⁴ mother do pursue stop 3 ? peck down thing dɔʔ²¹ again The mother stopped pursuing. She pecked again. In (7.33), an allomorph of dɔʔ²¹ appears with high tone preceding the emphasis marker na²¹, signalling a repetition of the eventuality. 90 Handbook on adverbials (7.33) Mueng Nong Nwe 27. ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ da⁴⁵ kuʔ²¹ dɔ⁴⁵ na²¹ 3 ? ? call again so It called again! dɔʔ²¹ has several extended meanings. In (7.34)—(7.36) are examples of the repetition of an event type with different participants. Different participants signal a different eventuality. In (7.34), the event is the telling of a story, but in this case, the event is repeated with a another, different story. The dɔʔ²¹ occurs in conjunction with the time adverbial nɔŋ⁴⁵ tʰᶤi⁴⁵ 'just one time'. (7.34) Taokhe 2. ʔə²¹ jə²¹ mə³⁴ lo²¹tʰãⁱ²¹ põ²¹ nɔŋ⁴⁵ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ dɔʔ²¹ EXCL 1s IRR tell story just_one time another I am going to tell another story. The situation in (7.35) is a sequence of the calling of different birds, and thus a sequence of different eventualities. In the first eventuality, the Theme participant was a crow, and now the main character is instructed, in (7.35) to call the hawk, due to the unsuitibility of the crow for the task. (7.35) Tiger Skin 39. kuʔ²¹ ni³⁴ laⁱʔ⁴⁵ dɔʔ²¹ call get hawk more "Call a hawk." In (7.36), the event to be repeated is part of the object complement of the matrix clause and not overtly referenced, although it is clear from the previous discourse; it is this event that will be remembered. dɔʔ²¹ occurs with a time adverbial nɔŋ⁴⁵ pʰəU⁵¹ 'just one occasion'. Aspect 91 (7.36) Taokhe 64. ʔe⁴⁵jo²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ nɔŋ⁴⁵ pʰəU⁵¹ dɔʔ²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ jə²¹ here that just_one occasion another that 1s tʰuŋ³⁴nãⁱ⁴⁵ni³⁴ remember Next time (on another occasion) I will remember this. In (7.37) and (7.38), dɔʔ²¹ has the sense of 'in addition, furthermore'. There is no repetition of an eventuality. Instead, some additional background information is being supplied. Looking at the clauses in (7.37), the main event is the going of the child and the father, which is communicated in the first clause. However, an additional piece of information is that the child was still very small; this clause includes dɔʔ²¹. Finally, in the third clause, the impact of this additional factor on the going is communicated; the father had to carry the child. (7.37) Mueng Nong Nwe 97. ʔe⁴⁵ ɰuŋ²¹ tɕʰəpʰɔŋ²¹ tʰɔŋ⁴⁵ li²¹ lo⁵¹ de³⁴ pʰu⁴⁵ de³⁴ ? finish brightness up go !! with child with pʰa³⁴ father At daybreak, the father and the child went. Mueng Nong Nwe 98. ʔəpʰu⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ me⁴⁵ tɕʰə³⁴ pi⁵¹ daⁱʔ²¹ laᶤʔ⁴⁵ dɔʔ²¹ child that be thing small still completely more Furthermore, the child was still very small. Mueng Nong Nwe 99. ʔəpʰa³⁴ ba⁴⁵ tɕʰuʔ⁴⁵ father must carry_with_hand So, the father had to carry her. The situation with (7.38) is similar. In this case, the main event is the spinning of cotton and the additional information is the fact that the 92 Handbook on adverbials old woman had the daughter spinning cotton. Eventually, in the story, the daughter is captured by a tiger as she was spinning cotton. (7.38) Tiger Skin 76. ʔə²¹ θᶤĩ⁴⁵ ʔə⁴⁵ waⁱʔ⁴⁵ be²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵məU⁵¹ ʔəpʰu⁴⁵mɨŋ⁴⁵ 3 PL EXCL spin cotton employ daughter waⁱʔ⁴⁵ be²¹ dɔʔ²¹ tɕʰəmɨŋ⁴⁵ɕa³⁴ nɔ⁴⁵ spin cotton more old woman that Oh dear! They were spinning cotton and the old woman had her daughter spin the cotton. A third example of this phenomenon is provided in (7.39), where the main event is the return to the house; but the additional information, that impacts the events to follow, is the fact that the mother is drying rice. (7.39) Tiger Skin 49. tʰãⁱ²¹ tʰᶤĩ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ tʰuŋ²¹ luʔ⁴⁵ ʔəɰẽⁱ⁴⁵ nɔ⁴⁵ ʔəmu³⁴ return_home time that reach to house that mother θᶤĩ⁴⁵ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵luŋ⁵¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ bɨŋ⁴⁵ dɔʔ²¹ that dry acquire paddy_rice more When (they) returned that time, reaching her distant house, her mother was drying rice. Finally, dɔʔ²¹ in its 'more' sense can be used as a comparative marker with an attributive verb such as ɕa⁵¹ 'smart', as in (7.40). (7.40) Tiger Skin 18. le⁴⁵ ʔəpʰɨŋ³⁴ ɰa²¹ nɔ⁴⁵ ɕa⁵¹ dɔʔ²¹ ʔə²¹ we⁵¹ at younger sibling person that smart more 3 ? da⁴⁵ li²¹ ʔeʔ⁴⁵ ? go NEG As for the younger sister, she was smarter. She didn't go. Aspect 93 As for the question of whether dɔʔ²¹ is some kind of adverbial or verbal particle, in the data, it always appears as a clause-final element preceding emphasizing particles. It is unlikely that it could occur preceding the predicate. So, it is more likely that it is some type of clause-final marker. Classifier phrases can signal frequentive aspect, as demonstrated in (7.41). The classifier phrase nɔŋ⁴⁵ pʰəU⁵¹ 'just one occasion' occurs following the object argument. The speaker is asserting that catching fish did not occur even one time. (7.42) shows that the frequentive aspect adverbial nɔŋ⁴⁵ pʰəU⁵¹ precedes clause-final elements such as the negated form deʔ²¹ 'not yet'. (7.41) Mueng Nong Nwe 17. jə²¹ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵we³⁴ ʔɔŋ⁴⁵ ləba⁴⁵ tɕʰwe⁴⁵ ləba⁴⁵ 1s scoop_up_fish acquire not get crab not get θaʔ²¹dɔŋ⁴⁵ nɔŋ⁴⁵ pʰəU⁵¹ shrimp just_one occasion I fished and did not get crab or shrimp even one occasion/time. (7.42) Mueng Nong Nwe 90. deʔ²¹ jə²¹ da⁴⁵ ɰe⁵¹tʰãⁱ²¹ nɔŋ⁴⁵ pʰəU⁵¹ 1s see return just_one occasion not yet I have not yet seen her come back even once. 7.3 Summary This chapter has examined the ways in which a number of aspectual distinctions are coded in English and WCT Pwo. In many cases, the WCT Pwo means of signalling aspect are not adverbials at all, while English has the possibility of using adverbials more widely to signal aspectual distinctions. A listing of the structural devices used to signal aspect in English and WCT Pwo are listed in Table 11. 94 Handbook on adverbials Table 11 Aspect coding strategies in English and WCT Pwo Aspect English WCT Pwo Past tense verb forms Verbal auxiliary ɰuŋ²¹ Main verbs such as finish 'finish' Main verb and particle up Aspectual adverbials tʰaᶤʔ⁴⁵ 'stop' as second element of complex predicate Inchoative Copula become jaᶤʔ²¹ 'already' Ingressive Main verb start, begin No data Completive Possibly adverbial suddenly Habitual Continuous used to Adverbials, e.g. always, habitually, etc. Marker kjɔŋ²¹ 'used to' Classifier phrases Verb to be with -ing on verb Multiplication of the Adverbial, e.g. on and on, predicate continually, etc. Continuative still Verbal auxiliary daⁱʔ²¹ 'still' Frequentive Adverbial, e.g. often Classifier phrase Repetitive Adverbial, e.g. again dɔʔ²¹ (likely clause-final particle) Iterative Adverbial, e.g. three times Classifier phrases 8 Clause-event adverbials Adverbials that take under their scope the entire clause-event include epistemic and deontic-evaluative adverbials. Epistemic adverbials code the speaker's judgment of a proposition's truth, certainty or probability. Deontic-evaluative adverbials code the speaker's attitude toward the event; their judgment on whether the event is something desired. 8.1 Clause-event adverbials in English Examples of single-word epistemic adverbs are reproduced, in (8.1), from Givón (2001, 92) . (8.1) a) He is certainly wrong. Certainly, he is wrong. He is wrong, certainly. b) Maybe you're right. You're maybe right. You're right, maybe. c) She supposedly finished two weeks ago. Supposedly, she finished two weeks ago. She finished two weeks ago, supposedly. d) Probably nothing will happen. ?Nothing will probably happen. Nothing will happen, probably. Note that there is a semantic relationship between epistemic adverbials and modal auxiliaries. However, modal auxiliaries are not considered to be a type of adverbial. English examples from (Givón 2001, 93) are reproduced in (8.2). Unlike adverbials, which can occur 95 96 Handbook on adverbials in more than one position, modal auxiliaries can only occur preceding the predicate. (8.2) a) She may have left already. *May she have left already. b) This can't be right. c) He must have left already. As well, some verbs taking clausal complements add epistemic information to their complements.19 Examples are reproduced in (8.3) (Givón 2001, 93). (8.3) a) I guess/suppose she's not in. b) I think you are wrong. c) They knew she was there. In Van Valin (2005, 19-20), epistemic and evidential adverbials are distinguished, while Givón (2001) includes evidential adverbials with epistemic adverbials. Forms indicating evidentiality code the source of the information contained in the proposition. For example, direct evidence (actually seen), indirect evidence (heard about but not seen) and inference (deduced from evidence after the fact). (8.4) demonstrates evidential adverbials in English. (8.4) a) Evidently she has been sick for three days. She has evidently been sick for three days. She has been sick for three days, evidently. b) Allegedly, the TV was stolen by the neighbours. The TV was allegedly stolen by the neighbours. The TV was stolen by the neighbours, allegedly. c) Without a doubt, I saw her at the concert. I saw her at the concert, without a doubt.20 19 Note that in these constructions, the epistemic verbs are the main clause predicate and not some kind of adverbial. 20 Example suggested by Melinda Lyons. Clause-event adverbials 97 Deontic-evaluative adverbials, coding the speaker's attitude toward the event, are demonstrated in (8.5). (8.5) a) Luckily, she was wearing her helmet. b) Regrettably, I cannot come this week. c) Fortunately/unfortunately, he had left his wallet at home. d) To my surprise, she finished three hours early. Note that deontic-evaluative adverbials can be coded as single words (a, b, c) or prepositional phrases (d). As with epistemic adverbials, deontic/evaluative senses can be conveyed by modal auxiliaries and clausal complement constructions. Again, note that these types of structures would not be considered to be adverbials. Deontic/evaluative senses coded by modal auxiliaries are illustrated in (8.6) and deontic/evaluative senses conveyed by clausal complement constructions are illustrated in (8.7). (8.6) a) She should publish her work. b) They must exercise every day. c) Dan may buy a new car this week. (8.7) a) I wish that the weather were cooler. b) I'd prefer that she went to school in New York. c) I'm glad to see you. 8.2 Clause-event adverbials in WCT Pwo Unfortunately, the data is quite limited for clause-event modification in WCT Pwo, with only a single example in all three texts, which is presented in (8.8). pəle⁴⁵ 'probable' codes the speaker's attitude toward the idea of going to fish in response to an invitation from her friend in the previous clause. The clause-final particle bɔ⁴⁵ also communicates speaker attitude. 98 Handbook on adverbials (8.8) Mueng Nong Nwe 9. kwaʔ²¹ ʔo⁴⁵ pəle⁴⁵ lɔ⁵¹ bɔ⁴⁵ problem have probable !! contrary_perhaps There would probably not be problems. All three texts that provided the data for this handbook are thirdperson narrative folktales. It may be that with other types of texts, clause-event modifiers will be more plentiful. 8.3 Summary In this chapter, we have looked at adverbials that take under their scope the entire clause-event. Two types of clause-event adverbials were examined: epistemic adverbials coding the speaker's judgment of a proposition's truth, certainty or probability and deontic-evaluative adverbials coding the speaker's attitude toward the event; their judgment on whether the event is something desired. In addition to the adverbial means of coding epistemic and deonticevaluative information, English can also use modal auxiliaries and verbs with clausal complements to code epistemic and deonticevaluative information. For WCT Pwo, the data is quite limited, with only a single example in all three texts. In this example, a form pəle⁴⁵ 'probable' is used with the final particle bɔ⁴⁵ 'contrary.perhaps' to communicate speaker attitude. 9 Conclusion This short handbook has provided only an introduction to some of the issues related to adverbials in English and WCT Pwo. Parson's (1990) characterization of eventualities and Givón's (2001) functional treatment of adverbials provided the framework for this study. There is much more to be learned and discovered regarding the characteristics of adverbials, both within the extensive linguistic literature and in particular languages. Currently, in the linguistic literature, there are two major views. The traditional view is that adverbials are a type of adjunct—optional elements of the clause. This view is represented in the work of Ernst (2002). This is the view briefly presented in the introductory grammar textbook by Kroeger (2005). Van Valin (2005) also treats adverbials as adjuncts which relate to different levels of the clause. The other view, presented in Cinque (1999), is that adverbs are not adjuncts. Rather, they fill out the universal inventory of functional heads. Functional heads are those grammatical concepts, such as tense, aspect and mood, that are coded by affixes, auxiliaries and/or particles, depending on the language. Further, according to Cinque (1999), these functional heads have a fixed hierarchy in relation to each other, universally. In response to the ideas presented in both Cinque (1999) and Ernst (2002), a good number of papers have been produced. A collection of articles in Austin et al. (2004) presents an overview on the current state of studies on adverbials. For someone wanting to investigate adverbials further, Bonami et al. (2004), and Delfitto (2006) are a good place to start. Dik (1997) provides a view of adverbials from a functional standpoint. For aspect, Comrie (1976) and Smith (1997) are both excellent and accessible resources. As well, Romeo (2008) is a study of aspect in Burmese. Then, in addition to the theoretical argumentation, Cinque 99 100 Handbook on adverbials (1999), is a rich, cross-linguistic resource on functional head and adverbial behaviour as well as copious and wide-ranging references to earlier work. Finally, Jackendoff (1972), while an older work, is often referred to in the literature on adverbials. REFERENCES Austin, Jennifer, Stefan Engelberg, and Gisa Rauh, eds. 2004. Adverbials. The interplay between meaning, context, and syntactic structure. Linguistics Today 70. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Bach, Emmon. 1981. On time, tense and aspect: An essay in English metaphysics. In Radical pragmatics, ed. Peter Cole, 63-81. New York: Academic Press. Bonami, Olivier, Danièle Godard, and Brigitte Kampers-Manhe. 2004. Adverb classification. In Handbook of French semantics, ed. Francis Corblin and Henriëtte de Swart. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Cinque, Guglielmo. 1999. Adverbs and functional heads: A crosslinguistic perspective. Oxford studies in comparative syntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Comrie, Bernard. 1976. Aspect. Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crystal, David. 2003. A dictionary of linguistics and phonetics. 5th ed. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Delfitto, Denis. 2006. Adverb classes and adverb placement. In The Blackwell companion to syntax, ed. Martin Everaert and Henk van Riemsdijk, I:83-120. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Dik, Simon C. 1997. The theory of Functional Grammar. Ed. Kees Hengeveld. 2nd ed. 2 vols. Functional Grammar Series 20. Walter de Gruyter. 101 102 References Dowty, David R. 1991. Word meaning and Montague Grammar: The semantics of verbs and times in Generative Semantics and in Montague's PTQ. Vol. 7. Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Ernst, Thomas. 2002. The syntax of adjuncts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Givón, T. 2001. Syntax: An introduction. 2 vols. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Guralnik, David B. 1984. Webster's New World dictionary of the American language. Second College Edition. New York: Simon and Schuster. Jackendoff, Ray S. 1972. Semantic interpretation in generative grammar. 4th ed. Vol. 2. Studies in Linguistics. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press. Kroeger, Paul R. 2005. Analyzing grammar: An introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Parsons, Terence. 1990. Events in the semantics of English: A study in subatomic semantics. Current studies in linguistics 19. Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Romeo, Nicoletta. 2008. Aspect in Burmese. Meaning and function. Studies in Language Companion Series 96. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Schachter, Paul, and Timothy Shopen. 2007. Parts-of-speech systems. In Language typology and syntactic description, ed. Timothy Shopen, I:1-60. 2nd ed. New York: Cambridge University Press. References Smith, Carlota. 1997. The parameter of aspect. 2nd ed. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Trask, R. L. 1992. A dictonary of grammatical terms in linguistics. London and New York: Routledge. Van Valin, Robert D., Jr. 2005. Exploring the syntax-semantics interface. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vendler, Zeno. 1967. Linguistics in philosophy. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. 103