The Orpheus Myth in Baroque Opera

Edward C Yong

THE ORPHEUS MYTH IN BAROQUE OPERA Edward Yong 1 Io la Muƒica ƒon, ch’ai dolci accenti So far tranquillo ogni turbato core, Et hor di nobil ira, et hor d’amore Poß’infiammar le più gelate menti. I am Muƒic, who, in ƒweet accents, Can calm every troubled heart, Now with noble anger, now with love, Can inflame the colde† minds. -Prologue, Monteverdi’s L’Orfeo. 2 PATRI ARISTWI KAI ARISTHI MHTRI KAI NIKOLAWI FILTATWI MOU 3 Contents I. II. III. IV. V. VI. Introduion ..................................................................................................................5 The Orpheus Legend .................................................................................................... 6 The Significance of Orpheus ........................................................................................... 11 The Model: Poliziano's La favola d'Orfeo of 1480 .........................................................13 Ovid Expanded: Anguillara's Le Metamorfoƒi di Ovidio ridotte ......................................14 Fraternal Twins: Settings of L'Euridice by Peri and Caccini in 1600 .................................. 17 VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. The Power of Muƒic: Monteverdi's L'Orfeo of 1607. .................................................... 22 The Sequel: Landi's La Morte d'Orfeo of 1619. .............................................................26 Italian Opera in Exile: Roßi's Orfeo of 1647 ..................................................................31 The Jealous Husband: Sartorio's L'Orfeo of 1674 .......................................................... 34 Some Concluƒions ........................................................................................................ 40 Bibliography .............................................................................................................. 42 Fig. 1 Orpheus & Eurydice, engraving by Marcantonio, before 1509. Note Orpheus’ lira da braccio. O Introduion rpheus the ƒinger has been, by far, the mo† popular ƒubje for Opera ever ƒince the genre was invented in the year 1600 by the Florentine Camerata. Not only has it been a popular theme for Opera, but alƒo for Operetta, Poetry, Film and Muƒical Theatre up till and including the preƒent day - each ƒucceßive generation taking the baƒic outline of the †ory and adapting it for their own needs. The purpoƒe of this dißertation is to examine the Claßical ƒources of the †ory and compare the verƒions found in Italian Baroque Opera of the 17th Century with them. Making particular reference to the text and the muƒic (where appropriate) of Monteverdi's L'Orfeo of 1607, Landi's La Morte d'Orfeo of 1619, Roßi's Orfeo of 1647 as well as Sartorio's L'Orfeo of 1674, we ‡all ƒee how the libretti†s were indebted to the Claßical ƒources; how, and more importantly, why they differ when they do, ‡owing each to be very much the produ of its age. Fig. 2 Death of Orpheus, red-figure vaƒe painting c. 460 B.C. For the reader's convenience, I have placed tranƒlations of all non-Engli‡ texts in the footnotes. Unleß indicated, tranƒlations from Greek and Latin are taken from the Loeb editions - all others are my own. 5 W The Orpheus Legend hile the libretti†s of 17th Century Italy would have been mo† familiar with the Latin ƒources of Virgil and Ovid, an examination of the both the Greek and Latin ƒources will be uƒeful for explaining minor variations from the Roman ƒources to be found in individual libretti. Pauƒanias, in his Deƒcription of Greece, deƒcribing Bœotia, ƒays: poll¦ mn d¾ kaˆ ¥lla pisteÚousin oÙk Ônta ”Ellhnej kaˆ d¾ kaˆ 'Orfša KalliÒphj te enai MoÚshj kaˆ oÙ tÁj Pišrou.1 He alƒo mentions that: t¦j d guna‹k£j fasi tîn Qrakîn ™pibouleÚein mn aÙtù planwmšnJ, fÒbJ d tîn ¢ndrîn oÙ tolm©n: æj d ™nefor»santo o‡nou, ™xerg£zontai tÕ tÒlmhma, kaˆ ¢ndr£sin ¢pÕ toÚtou k¦tšsth mequskomšnouj ™j t¦j m£caj cwpe‹n.2 Pauƒanias gives us an intere†ing ancient local variant of the myth: ¥lloij d e„rhmšnon ™st…n æj proapoqanoÚshj oƒ tÁj gunaikÕj ™pˆ tÕ 'Aornon di' aÙt¾n tÕ ™n tÍ Qesprwt…di ¢f…keto: nom…zonta dš oƒ ›pesqai tÁj EÙrud…khj t¾n yuc¾n kaˆ ¡martÒna æj ™pestr£fh, aÙtÒxeira aÙtÕn ØpÕ lÚphj aØtoà genšsqai.3 Apollodorus tell us the baƒic outline of the Orpheus myth, which we are familiar with from Ovid, that is to ƒay, without Ari†æus.4 Coming to the Greek Tragedians, whoƒe work was available to the Renaißance Humani†s in Latin tranƒlations as well as the original Greek, we find in Aeƒchylus: 'Orfe‹ d glîssan t¾n ™n ¢nt…an œceij, Ð mn g¦r Ãge p£nt' ¢pÕ fqoggÁj car´.5 Euripides’ Bacchæ contains a brief ƒimilar reference to Orpheus when he ƒpeaks of Olympus: œnqa pot' 'OrfeÝj kiqar…zwn sÚnagen dšndrea moÚsaij, sÚnagen qÁraj ¢grètaj.6 We know from hindƒight that Orpheus and Pentheus were to meet ƒimilar ends, torn apart by frenzied Bacchantes. 1 “There are many untruths believed by the Greeks, one of which is that Orpheus was a ƒon of one of the Muƒe Calliope and not of the daughter of Pierus." Paus. IX, 30.4 2 “But they ƒay that the women of the Thracians plotted his death, becauƒe he had perƒuaded their huƒbands to accompany him in his wanderings but dared not carry out their intention through fear of their huƒbands. Flu‡ed with wine, however, they dared the deed, and hereafter the cu†om if their mean has been to march into battle drunk." Paus. IX, 30.5. 3 “Others have ƒaid that his wife died before him, and that for her ƒake he came to Aornum in Theƒprotis, where of old was an oracle of the dead. He thought, they ƒay, that the ƒoul of Eurydice followed him, but turning around he lo† her and committed ƒuicide for grief." Paus. IX 30.6. 4 Apoll. Bibl. I 3.2. 5 “The tongue of Orpheus is the oppoƒite of thine, for he healed all things by the rapture of his verse.” Aesch. Ag. 1629. 6 “Where once Orpheus playing his lyre brought together trees with his muƒic, brought together animals of the wild." Eur. Bacch. 561-563. 6 Fig. 3 Orpheus playing for Pluto and Proƒerpine in Hades, engraving by Virgil Solis, Ovidii Metamorphoƒes Illu†ratæ, Frankfurt, 1563. In his Alce†is, Euripides makes Admetus ƒay: e„ d' 'Orfšwj moi glîssa kaˆ mšloj parÁn, ést' À kÒrhn D»mhtroj À ke…nhj pÒsin Ûmnoisi khl»sant£ s' ™x “Aidou labe‹n, katÁlqon ¥n, kaˆ m' Ôuq' Ð PloÚtwnoj kÚwn oÜq' oØpˆ kèpV yucopompÕj ¨n C£rwn œscon, prÕn ™j fîj sÕn katastÁsai b…on.7 Curiouƒly, Euripides does not mention that Orpheus loƒes Eurydice again. Does he refer to a now-lo† variant of the myth in which they both live happily ever after? It ƒeems unlikely for Admetus to refer to the myth otherwiƒe. Uƒually the writers of the accounts ƒay that the Bacchantes tore Orpheus apart for having offended them by his con†ancy to his late wife, or by his indifference to their charms and endearments, but Erato†henes8 gives a ƒlightly different account: di¦ d t¾n guna‹ka e„j “Aidou katab¦j kaˆ „dën t¦ ™ce‹ oŒa Ãn tÕn mn DiÒnuson oÙk ™t…ma, Øf' oá Ãn dedoxasmšnoj, tÕn d “Hliou mšgiston tîn qeîn ™nÒmisen, Ön kaˆ 'ApÒllwna proshgÒreusen: ™pegeirÒmenÒj te t¾n nÚkta kat¦ t¾n ˜wqin¾n ™pˆ tÕ Ôroj tÕ kalÚmenon P£ggaion ¢niën prosšmene t¦j ¢natol£j, †na ‡dV tÕn “Hlion prîton: Óqen Ð DiÒnusoj Ñrgisqeˆj aÙtù œpemye t¦j Bassar…daj, én fhsin A„sculoj Ð tîn tragJdiîn poiht»j: a‰ dišspasan aÙtÕn kaˆ t¦ mšlh œrriyan cwrˆj ›kaston: aƒ d Moàsai sunagagoàsai œqayan 7 “Had I the lips of Orpheus and his melody to charm the maiden daughter of Demeter and her lord, and by my ƒinging win you back from death, I would have gone beneath the earth, and not the hound of Pluto could have †ayed me, not the ferryman of gho†s, Charon at his oar. I would have brought you back to life.” Eur. Alc. 35762. (tr. Richard Lattimore). 8 Actually Pƒeudo-Erato†henes. 7 ™pˆ to‹j kaloumšnoij Leib»qroij. t¾n d lÚran oÙk œcousai ÓtJ dèsein tÕn D…a ºx…wsan kataster…sai, Ópwj ™ke…nou te kaˆ aÙtîn mnhmÒsunon teqÍ ™n to‹j ¥stroij.9 Plato mentions that Orpheus was the ƒon of Oeagrus, and that it was not really Eurydice that followed behind him but that Hades: f£sma de…xantej tÁj gunaikÕj ™f' ¼n Âken, aÙthn d oÙ dÒntej, Óti malqak…zesqai ™dÒkei, ¤te ín kiqarJdÒj, kaˆ oÙ tolm©n ›neka toà œrwtoj ¢poqnÇskein ésper 'Alkhstij, ¢ll¦ diamhcan©sqai zîn e„sišnai e„j “Aidou. toig£rtoi di¦ taàta d…khn aÙtù ™pšqesan, kaˆ ™po…hsan tÕn q£naton aÙtoà ÙpÕ gunaikîn genšsqai.10 Fig. 4 Lyre and head of Orpheus after diƒmemberment by Bacchantes, engraving by Virgil Solis, Ovidii Metamorphoƒes Illu†ratæ, Frankfurt, 1563. Diodorus Siculus, in Book IV of his Biblioq»kh 'Istorik¾ ƒpeaks of the Orphic my†eries, as well as mentioning how Orpheus: paide…v d kaˆ melJd…v kaˆ poi»sei polÝ prošcwn tîn mnhmoneuomšnwn"11 ; “™pˆ tosoàto d prošbh tÍ dÒxV éste doke‹n tÍ melJd…v qšlgein t£ te qhr…a kaˆ t¦ dšndra12 ; kaˆ di¦ tÕn 9 “When he deƒcended into the Underworld on account of his wife and obƒerved the †ate of affairs there, Orpheus ceaƒed to honour Dionyƒus, through whom he had gained glory. In†ead, he believed the Sun to be the greate† of the gods, calling him Apollo. Orpheus would ariƒe at night ju† before the dawn and climb Mount Pangæum to await the ƒunriƒe ƒo that he might before all elƒe look upon the Sun. Dionyƒus became ƒo angered that he ƒend the Bacchantes again† him, as Aeƒchylus the tragedian records. Theƒe tore Orpheus limb from limb and ƒcattered his members in different places. The Muƒes collected the limbs and buried them at the place called Leibethroe. Having no one to whom they could give the Lyre, the Muƒes aƒked Zeus to change it into a con†ellation, ƒo that there might be a memorial to Orpheus and to themƒelves among the †ars. Zeus granted their wi‡ and the Lyre was thus placed in the heavens." Erato†h. Cat. 24 (tr. Theony Condos). 10 “Showing him only a wraith of the woman for whom he came; her real ƒelf they would not be†ow, for he was accounted to have gone upon a coward's que†, too like the min†rel that he was, and to have lacked the ƒpirit to die as Alce†is did for the ƒake of love, when he contrived the means of entering Hades alive. Wherefore they laid upon him the penalty he deƒerved, and to cauƒe him to meet his death at the hands of women." Pl. Symp. 179D. 11 “In culture and ƒong-muƒic and poetry he far ƒurpaßed all men of whom we have a record” Diod. Sic. IV 25.2. 8 prÕj t¾n guna‹ka katabÁnai mn e„j ¯dou paradÒxwj ™tÒlmhse, t¾n d FersefÒnhn di¦ tÁj eÙmele…aj yucagwg»saj œpeise sunergÁsai ta‹j ™piqum…aij kaˆ sugcwrÁsai t¾n gÝna‹ka aÙtoà teteleuthku‹an ¢nagage‹n ™x ¯dou.13 Diodorus’ account of the myth does not mention the griƒly end of Orpheus. When Ari†æus is mentioned14, he is ca† as a kindly pa†oral figure unconneed to Orpheus, with no reference to his rôle in the death of Eurydice. Greek myths were popular in Rome, and around 42 B.C., Virgil embelli‡ed the Orpheus legends into a romantic fable. Virgil tells the †ory as a fla‡back within another which ƒerves the more reali†ic didaic purpoƒe of the bucolic text: advice on the keeping of bees. The whole †ory is long, but Orpheus and Eurydice are only mentioned in a ƒeion ƒeventy-three lines long.15 Virgil's †ory is the fir† of the Orpheus legends in which Eurydice appears. The mythical bee-keeper Ari†æus, Orpheus’ half-brother16 and Apollo's older ƒon, laments the ƒudden death of all his bees, on the advice of his mother conƒults Proteus and thus learns that it is his puni‡ment for having cauƒed the death of Eurydice. He had tried to ravi‡ her and ‡e, fleeing his advances, inadvertently came too cloƒe to a ƒnake, from whoƒe bite ‡e died. Virgil then goes on to deƒcribe, in his fla‡back, the aftermath of her death: the general lamentation; Orpheus’ grief and deƒperate voyage to Hades; his paßionate ƒung appeal to the powers below; their granting of his reque† on the condition that he not look back at her before reaching the upper world; his diƒobedience and ƒecond loß of Eurydice. After attempting once more to move the gods for her releaƒe, this time unƒucceßfully, he rejes all women and as a reƒult, was torn apart by the Thracian women. The gods avenged the death of Eurydice (and ultimately that of Orpheus as well) by killing Ari†æus’ bees. To placate them, Ari†æus performs a ritual ƒacrifice of bulls, cows, a ‡eep and a calf, from whoƒe carcaßes ariƒe a new ƒwarm of bees. With this ƒacrifice in atonement for his guilt, Ari†æus has helped re†ore the balance of nature. Fig. 5 Ari†æus tending his bees, woodcut from Virgil's Georgics, Venice, 1530. 12 “His fame grew to ƒuch an extent that men believed that with his muƒic he held a ƒpell over both the wild bea†s and the trees.” Diod. Sic. IV 25.2. 13 “Becauƒe of the love he held for his wife, he dared the amazing deed of deƒcending into Hades, where he entranced Perƒephone by his melodious ƒong and perƒuaded here to aßi† him in his deƒires and allow him to bring up his dead wife from Hades.” Diod. Sic. IV 25.4. 14 Diod. Sic. IV 81. 15 Verg. G. IV 453-525. 16 Ari†æus was the ƒon of Apollo and Cyrene. 9 Ovid was born about the ƒame time Virgil publi‡ed his verƒion, and ƒome 25 years later the young Ovid wrote his verƒion. His account17 ‡ares important features with Virgil’s, but ƒignificantly does not involve Ari†æus. It begins with the wedding fea† under portentous omens. Eurydice is bitten in the heel by a ƒnake while wandering the fields with her companions, and dies. After mourning her, Orpheus deƒcends to the Underworld to try to win her back. His ƒong moves Hades and Proƒerpine, who releaƒe her on the condition that he not look back. But Love and fear cauƒe him to diƒobey: he does look back and loƒes her again. Finally, like Virgil's Orpheus, Ovid's hero, too, renounces womankind and is torn to pieces by the Thracian women. Hyginus in his De A†ronomia, gives two verƒions of the cauƒe of Orpheus’ death, the fir† being an inƒulted Dionyƒus: Qui querens uxoris Eurydices mortem ad Inferos deƒcendiße exi†imatur et ibi deorum progeniem ƒuo carmine laudaße præter Liberum Patrem; hunc enim oblivione duus prætermiƒit, ut Oenus in ƒacrificio Dianam. Po†ea igitur Orpheus, ut complures dixerunt, in Olympo monte, qui ad Macedoniam dividit a Thracia, ƒed, ut Erato†henes ait, in Pangæo ƒedens, cum cantu delearetur, dicitur ei Liber obieciße Bacchas quæ corpus eius diƒcerperent interfeci. Sed alii dicunt, quod initia Liberi ƒit ƒpeculatus, id ei accidiße...18 Further on, he gives two more very curious alternative reaƒons for the death of Orpheus: Nonnuli etiam dixerunt Venerem cum Proƒerpina ad iudicium Iovis veniße, cui earum Adonin concederet; quibus Calliopen ad Iove datam iudicem, quæ Muƒa Orphei e† mater; itaque iudicaße uti dimidiam partem anni earum unaquæque poƒideret; Venerem autem indignatam quod non ƒibi priprium conceßißet, obieciße omnibus quæ in Thracia eßent mulieribus ut Orphea amore induæ ita ƒibi quæque appeterent ut membra eius diƒcerperent; cuius caput in mare de monte perlatum fluibus in inƒulam Lesbum e† reieum; quod ab his ƒublatum et ƒepulturæ e† mandatum. Pro quo beneficio ad muƒicam artem ingenioƒißimi exi†imantur eße; lyra autem a Muƒis, ut ante diximus, inter a†ra con†ituta e†. Nonnuli aiunt, quod Orpheus primus puerilem amorem induxerit, mulieribus viƒum contumeliam feciße; hac re ab his interfeum19. Seneca too, refers to the myth when he ƒays: Immites potuit fleere cantibus umbrarum dominos et prece ƒupplici Orpheus, Eurydicen dum repetit ƒuam.20 How intere†ing that Eurydice's foot is bitten by a ƒnake hidden in the vegetation. Dionyƒus was certainly preƒent at the wedding celebrations, as he was aßociated with leaping, dancing and feet, and is alƒo known as the ƒerpent. Was Dionyƒus reƒponƒible for Eurydice's death too? Was he perhaps jealous of Orpheus’ love for Apollo (repreƒenting order, civiliƒation and reaƒon), and his ability to tame the wildneß in men? 17 Ov. Met. X-XI. “Grieving over the death of his wife, Orpheus went down to the Underworld and there praiƒed all the gods’ offƒpring with his ƒong, except for Liber, paßing him by in forgetfulneß, ju† as Oenus overlooked Diana in his ƒacrifice. Thus, later on, when Orpheus was delighting in ƒong on Mount Olympus, or, as Erato†henes ƒays, on Mount Pangæum, Liber ƒet the Bacchæ upon him and they tore Orpheus limb from limb. Others ƒay that this befell him because he had ƒpied on the ƒacred rites of Liber." Hyg. Poet. A†ron. 2.7 (tr. Theony Condos) 19 “Many ƒay that when Venus and Proserpine came to ƒeek Jupiter's judgement as to which of them ‡ould have Adonis, Jupiter ordained that the Muƒe Calliope, Orpheus’ mother, ‡ould decide between them. Calliope ruled that each goddeß ‡ould poßeß Adonis for half the year. Venus, angered that Adonis was not given to her alone, cauƒed all the women of Thrace to become ƒo enamoured of Orpheus and to fight over him ƒo that they tore him limb from limb. His head was carried down to Leƒbos, whoƒe inhabitants took it and accorded it burial rites. On account of this act, they are conƒidered to be extremely gifted in the muƒical arts. Orpheus’ lyre, as we mentioned earlier, was placed among the †ars by the Muƒes. Some ƒay that becauƒe Orpheus introduced the love of young boys, he was perceived by women to diƒdain them and, for this reaƒon, they killed him." Hyg. Poet. A†r. 2.7 (tr. Theony Condos). 20 “Orpheus was able to move the pitileß lords of the ‡ades with his ƒongs and ƒuppliant prayer, as he ƒought to recover his Eurydice." Sen. Hercules Furens. line 567 (tr. Roland Mayer). 18 10 F The Significance of Orpheus lorence provided the ƒetting for the revival of Claßical culture – the entire myth complex –about 1430, with the financial ƒupport of the Duke Coƒimo de Medici, who made his fortune by dealing in arms – then, as now, a mo† lucrative trade. He comißioned the colleion of the claßic works and their tranƒlation into Latin. Theƒe claßic mythical tales began to be portrayed in all the arts – painting, muƒic, poetry, in new garb, with the ƒame names, with different names, taking any licence with the †ories. With this revival of pagan art, ritual and myth, and reƒearch21 into them, opera was born as a conƒcious imitation of Greek Tragedy22. Features ƒuch as the uƒe of muƒical ƒpeech, an uninvolved chorus23 whoƒe funion was to comment on the aion, uƒe of a mythological ƒubje, uƒe of meßengers to give bad news, a five-a †ruure, all correƒpond to the forms inherited from claßical antiquity. Fig. 7 Orpheus, a woodcut on the front page of Luis Milan’s El Mæ†ro, Valencia, 1536, a book of muƒic for vihuela–. Notice Orpheus’ vihuela. Orpheus was an important figure in Renaißance thought, though ƒcholars were often ƒomewhat confuƒed in their attempts to di†ingui‡ between hi†orical fa and mythology. His muƒical power to move bea†s, trees and rocks ƒymboliƒed the power of the arts to civiliƒe 21 The involvement of muƒicians in Greek muƒic and theory is related in Walker 1941 and 1942. This idea did not †op even much later, for “it ‡ould be remembered that Wagner thought he was emulating Greek tragedy, and, while compoƒing The Ring of the Niebelungs, wrote muƒic all morning and read the Athenian dramati†s all afternoon.” Highet 1949, 141. 23 In his li† of requirements for the choral and muƒical forces, Monteverdi ƒpecifies five voices plus ten in†ruments, making a total of fifteen – ju† as in Athenian Tragedy. 22 11 mankind. He was aßociated with lyre as was David with the harp, his viƒit to Underworld paralleled Chri†'s harrowing of Hell, and the manner of his death alƒo linked him with Chri†. It may be ƒignificant that none of the early operas were on ƒubjes already treated by the dramati†s of antiquity in the plays that have ƒurvived. Seeing themƒelves as inheritors of the tradition exemplified by tragedians, they may have wi‡ed to add to the canon, in†ead of duplicating parts of it. The beginning of opera is ƒynonymous with Orpheus - there are at lea† 26 operas in the 1600s about Orpheus, and 29 in the 1700s, including claßics by Telemann, Gluck, Handel and Haydn.24 Plays with incidental muƒic were not new, but the eßential novelty of opera was “the fuƒion of two apparently incompatible elements, the ƒpoken comedy of the theatre and the lyrical melody of chamber-muƒic”.25 For the creators of opera, the Florentine Camerata26, Orpheus the ƒinger was the ideal hero, ƒince their aim, like his, was to te† the power of muƒic, to ƒee what muƒic could do.27 Ju† as Orpheus’ muƒic brought Eurydice back from the dead, they wi‡ed theirs to recreate the legendary effes of ancient drama for a modern audience. Fig. 6 Death of Orpheus, engraving by Albrecht Dürer, 1494, after a freƒco by Mantegna. The figure of Orpheus alƒo provided a means of confronting the problem of veriƒimilitude cauƒed by the new genre, whoƒe main aim was to move the affeions of the audience. In order to be moved, the audience had to believe and be convinced that what they ƒaw was an imitation of a real aion. Yet ƒung drama was patently unreali†ic: men did not communicate with each other in ƒong. However, for a muƒician ƒuch as Orpheus, ƒinging was entirely natural and appropriate, and completely in line with his legendary reputation. 24 Sternfeld 1988, 113. Dent 1910. 26 For additional information on the Camerata, ƒee Pirotta 1954. 27 See Jacopo Peri's foreword to Euridice , Florence, 1601. 25 12 If Orpheus’ only neceßary attributes had been his muƒical abilities, he might not have occupied ƒuch an excluƒive place in the operatic pantheon, for many other mythological heroes were renowned muƒicians, not lea† among them Orpheus’ own father, Apollo. There are others as well: Amphion, Arion, Terpander, Pan, but they never di†ingui‡ed themƒelves as operatic heroes ƒimply becauƒe their †ories focuƒed leß ƒpecifically on muƒic. The Orpheus myth was unique in being an operatic analogue, an explicit illu†ration of “the power of muƒic". Unlike his fellow mythological muƒicians, Orpheus di†ingui‡ed himƒelf by aually uƒing his talents for dramatic ends, and it is this feature which appealed mo† †rongly to the whole range of compoƒers and libretti†s who choƒe to ƒet the myth to muƒic or verƒe. Joƒeph Kerman writes: “Already in its claßical ƒources, the myth is half-way to the dramatic form in which Poliziano, Rinuccini, Lope de Vega, Monteverdi and Gluck, Coeau, Milhaud, and Stravinsky were ƒubƒequently tempted to ‡ape it"28. That Orpheus was the ƒon of Apollo and Calliope is particularly ƒignificant – more ‡all be made of this point in the ƒeion on Anguillara. The Model: Poliziano's La favola d'Orfeo of 1480 T hough they had acceß to the Claßical myths, the creators of opera had other, more immediate ƒources to draw upon for their treatment of the Orpheus †ory. One of theƒe was Angelo Poliziano's dramatic rendering of the myth, La favola d'Orfeo, the earlie† dramatic produion on a claßical theme in a modern language.29 Poliziano, later Profeßor of Greek and Latin in Florence, was only 17 when he wrote this, completing it in two days.30 Fir† †aged in June 1480 at Mantua to celebrate the double betrothal: that of Iƒabella d’E†e to Franceƒco Gonzaga and Chiara Gonzaga to Gilbert de Montpenƒier, it was revived ƒeveral times in ƒubƒequent years, eventually being printed in 1494. For one of theƒe revivals, no leß a perƒonage than Leonardo da Vinci deƒigned the ƒcenery (ƒee Fig. 8). Fig. 8 da Vinci's ƒcenery deƒigns for Poliziano's Orfeo. (Briti‡ Muƒeum, Arundel Codex ff, 231 v. 224r). 28 Kerman 1983, 27. Highet 1949, 135. 30 Highet 1949, 599. 29 13 This work, in which the muƒic31 played an important part, was well known in early 17th Century Florence. Fir† publi‡ed in Bologna in 1494 (Le coƒe volgare del [...] Politiano), it ƒerved as a model for ƒeveral hybrid dramas during the late 15th and 16th Centuries, ƒuch as Orphei tragœdia (1486) and La favola di Orfeo e Ari†eo (early 16th Century). Fig. 9. Angelo Poliziano Poliziano's play is a conflation of the Virgilian and Ovidian verƒions of the myth, embelli‡ed with a number of new details borrowed primarily from the traditions of the eclogue. Ari†æus provokes Eurydice's flight. A ‡epherd brings news of her death to Orpheus who, after lamenting her in the upper world, decides to try to regain her in Hades through the power of his ƒong. He moves Pluto with Proƒerpine's encouragement, to releaƒe Eurydice on the uƒual condition, which he fails to fulfil, whereupon he loƒes her forever, renounces women, and is dismembered (off†age) by the Bacchantes. The key element emphaƒiƒed is the power of Orpheus’ ƒong. This element mu† of courƒe have appealed to Poliziano and all humani† poets, for whom muƒic and poetry were inextricably bound. For Poliziano, the moving power of Orpheus’ ƒong repreƒented the power of the poet, of muƒic as poetry. Ovid Expanded: Anguillara's Le Metamorfoƒi di Ovidio ridotte O vid's Metamorphoƒes was be† known in 17th Century Italy in the verƒe tranƒlation by Giovanni Andrea dell'Anguillara. Le Metamorfoƒi di Ovidio ridotte [...] in ottava rima, was the mo† popular of ƒeveral printed during the Renaißance. Fir† publi‡ed in 1554 and reprinted twenty-five times between 1561 and 1590, it continued to be printed well into the 17th Century, atte†ing to its wide circulation. 31 Which unfortunately does not ƒurvive. 14 Fig. 11. The Orpheus Myth, anonymous woodcut, Ovid's Metamorphoƒes, Venice, 1509. Anguillara's treatment of the material was charaeriƒed by expanƒion and elaboration, often providing important clues to contemporary attitudes towards various myths, revealing the ƒignificance of the myth to the 16th Century and helping clarify our under†anding of Rinuccini's æ†hetic aims in ƒeleing it as the ƒubje of his ƒecond opera. Both Ovid's and Anguillara's verƒions of the Orpheus epiƒode are ƒplit between Books X and XI, which cover, reƒpeively, the period up to Eurydice's ƒecond death and the period after it. But Anguillara's verƒion is much fuller than Ovid's, compriƒing the fir† forty ottave of Book X and the fir† nineteen of Book XI (nearly 500 lines, about thrice as many as in Ovid). This is charaeri†ic of the proportions of the re† of Anguillara's work with reƒpe to the original: for example, Orpheus’ “prayer", twenty-two lines in Ovid, is ƒix ottave and three lines long in Anguillara. This expanƒion transforms the legend into a ƒelf-contained †ory, reƒembling a typical Italian novella. His tranƒlation proper does not begin until the ƒeventh ottava, the fir† ƒix being contextual, giving narrative background information abƒent in Ovid: Orfeo d'Apollo, e di Calliope nacque, Del padre de' poeti e d'una Muƒa. e dal favor di tai parenti giacque ne la bell'alma ƒua tal grazia infuƒa. Talmente ancor lo ƒparƒe di quell'acque, Ch'uƒcir del ƒangue alato di Meduƒa, Che nel cantare i ge†i de gli Eroi Più degno huom non fu mai prima, né poi.32 Orpheus’s gifts are thus hereditary, a reƒult of the happy combination of muƒic and poetry in his parents. In the third ottava Anguillara mentions the effe of Orpheus’ muƒic on animals, plants and inanimate objes, while the deƒcription of his mo† out†anding muƒical conque†, again† death itƒelf, is ƒaved for its proper place in the narrative which follows ‡ortly thereafter. In the fifth ottava, Anguillara becomes even more ƒpecific as to the nature of Orpheus’ talent, ju†ifying the unique power of this ƒong: 32 “Orpheus was born of Apollo and Calliope, of the father of poets and a Muƒe. Grace was infuƒed in his beautiful ƒoul from the favour of ƒuch parents. He was ƒpread with ƒuch waters that in coming out of the winged blood of Meduƒa, in ƒinging the deeds of the heroes, there was no better man earlier or later.” Anguillara, Le metamorfoƒi, X, 2. (tr. Ilaria Geddes). 15 Non fa, che'l verƒo ƒerva canto, e al ƒuono Ma ben, ch'al verƒo il canto, e'l ƒuon riƒponda. Né vuol, che'l gorgheggiar ƒoave e buono L'accento e la parola al verƒo aƒconda, Né men che d'Elicona il ƒanto dono Con ƒuon troppo poßente ƒi confonda: Ma mentre ferma il canto, e che reƒpira, Fa con più alto ƒuon ƒentir la Lira.33 Orpheus does not make verƒe ƒerve his ƒinging and playing, but vice-verƒa: his ƒong, no matter how florid, never obƒcures the accents and words of the poetry. Anguillara's Orpheus aually articulates the æ†hetic aims of the creators of opera. In ƒinging muƒic that allows the poetry to ƒpeak, he is a harbinger of the new †yle, of the relation‡ip between poetry and muƒic that was to lie at the heart of the new genre. Fig. 10 Orpheus playing before the animals. anonymous woodcut, Ovid Metamorphoƒes, Venice, 1509. Text clarity was of vital importance to compoƒers ƒuch as Caccini and Peri, who developed a †yle of ƒinging ‘halfway between ƒpeech and ƒong’ that was ƒo appropriate to ƒetting the new dramas to muƒic. Anguillara's Orpheus was thus a muƒician after their own heart, one they could appreciate and identify with as a praitioner of this new †yle of muƒic. Now, this new †yle, which developed into opera, was intended to be the produ of a perfe marriage between muƒic and poetry; being the produ of a union between Apollo and Calliope, Orpheus could be conƒidered Opera perƒonified - this obvious parallel mu† have been in the minds of the humani†s, whether conƒciouƒly or not.34 The ‘Annotations’ by Gioƒeppe Orologgi for the ƒeventh edition of Anguillara in 1581 ƒeems to give us an almo† dire indication of the ƒignificance of the Orpheus myth for the creators of Opera: La favola di Orfeo ci mo†ra quantz forza, e vigore habbia l’eloquenza, come quella ch’è figliuola di Apollo che non è altra che la ƒapienza; la lira datagli da Mercurio, è l’arte del favellare propriamente, laquale a ƒimigianza della lira va movendo gli affeti col ƒuono hora acuto, hora grave, della voce e della 33 “It will not do for the verƒe to ƒerve the ƒinging and the ƒound, but it is good that the ƒinging and the ƒound anƒwer to the verƒe, neither wi‡ing that the ƒuave warbling, the accent and the word hide the verƒe, neither that the holy gift from Helicon maybe confuƒed with too powerful a ƒound: but when †opping the ƒinging and breathing, with louder ƒound he makes the lyre heard.”Anguillara, Le metamorfoƒi, X, 5. (tr Ilaria Geddes). 34 I am grateful to my ƒuperviƒor Dr. Hugh Bowden for this inƒightful obƒervation. 16 pronuncia, di maniera che le ƒelve, e i boƒchi ƒi muovono per il piacere che pigliano di udire la ben’ordinata, e pura favella dell’huomo giudicioƒo.35 Fig. 12. Death of Orpheus, anonymous woodcut, Ovid's Metamorphoƒes, Venice, 1509. Fraternal Twins: Settings of L'Euridice by Peri and Caccini in 1600 W hile the fir† opera was La Dafne, by Ottavio Rinuccini, with muƒic (mo†ly lo†)36 begun by Jacopo Corƒi and fini‡ed by Jacopo Peri, produced at Florence in 1598, the fir† operatic verƒion of the Orpheus myth (and our earlie† ƒurviving complete opera) was Peri's L'Euridice, planned as an entertainment for the wedding of Maria de' Medici in 1600. 37 Caccini, jealous of the younger Peri, later claimed that it was he and not Peri who had invented the muƒic-drama. Caccini ru‡ed his own ƒetting of Rinuccini’s text, aually beating the publication of Peri’s work by ƒeveral months.38 The only real difference between the two is the muƒic: Peri’s being more forceful in tragic moments but Caccini’s being more tuneful and virtuo†ic, but ƒince they ‡are a text, they may be conƒidered together. 35 ‘The †ory of Orpheus ‡ows us how much †rength and vigour eloquence can have, like her who is the daughter of Apollo who is none other than wiƒdom. The lyre given by Mercury to Orpheus is the art of ƒpeaking properly, which, like the lyre, moves the affections with ƒounds, now high, now low, of the voice and of the delivery, ƒo that the woods and the fore†s are moved by the pleaƒure that they derive from hearing the wellordered and clear ƒpeech of a wiƒe man.” Le metamorfoƒi di Ovidio, ridotte da Giovanni Andrea dell’Anguillara... con l’annotationi di M. Gioƒeppe Horologgi (7th edition), Venezia 1581. 36 On the ƒurviving fragments, ƒee Porter 1965. 37 Hanning 1980, p. 47. 38 Caccini’s was printed 1600 and Peri’s in 1601, both by Georgio Mareƒcotti in Florence. Some of the ƒame initial blocks are uƒed in both publications. 17 Fig. 13. The title-page from Rinuccini's libretto for L'Euridice, Florence 1600. 18 Fig. 14. Jacopo Peri as Arion, sketch by Buontalenti (ms. Palat. CB. III 53, vol. II, f62, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze) The libretto, by Ottavio Rinuccini, ‡ares many features with Poliziano's favola, including material not found in Virgil or Ovid, confirming the importance of Poliziano as a ƒource. An opening prologue is common to both: in Poliziano it is ƒpoken by Mercury, who outlines the argument, while Tragedy ƒpeaks for Rinuccini, announcing the purpoƒe of the enƒuing drama. This element was not borrowed, as all dramatic repreƒentations of the period began with prologues. Immediately before learning of Eurydice's death, Orpheus ƒings a lyric invocation to love.39 In both, a meßenger brings news of Eurydice's death.40 In both, Orpheus reƒolves to ƒeek his bride in Hades and te† the power of his ƒong in winning her back. In both, Orpheus’ plea moves Pluto through Proƒerpine's intervention and ƒucceeds in freeing Eurydice.41 39 In Poliziano it is a Latin ode in honour of Franceƒco Gonzaga of Mantua. This is in keeping with the conventions of Greek Tragedy, where violence happens off†age and is reported by a meßenger. 41 Theƒe details are in Ovid but not in Virgil. 40 19 Fig. 15. The Prologue from Caccini's Euridice, Florence 1601. At this point, Rinuccini departs from his models, following neither Poliziano nor the ƒources for his happy ending.42 In his verƒion, Pluto's releaƒe is unconditional, Orpheus, untempted, leads her back to earth without incident, and nymphs and ‡epherds rejoice in the happineß of the reunited pair, providing a precedent for the conventional lieto fine, the happy ending that was to become uƒual in later opera. In the preface to his libretto, publi‡ed in 1600, Rinuccini explains why he altered the myth to ƒuit the joyful occaƒion: Potrà parere ad alcuno, che troppo ardire ƒia †ato il mio in alterare il fine della favola d'Orfeo: ma così mi è parƒo convenevole in tempo di tanta allegrezza, avendo per mia giu†ificazione eƒempio di poeti greci in altre favole.43 Aƒide from the ending, the mo† ƒignificant deviation of Rinuccini from Poliziano is the abƒence of Ari†æus. This, in addition to the important rôle played by Proƒerpine, ƒugge†s that Rinuccini's claßical ƒource for the myth was Ovid (in Anguilla's verƒion) rather than Virgil. 42 Was Rinuccini following a now-lo† verƒion of the myth where Orpheus does not loƒe Eurydice a ƒecond time? “To ƒome I may ƒeem to have been too bold in altering the concluƒion of the fable of Orpheus, but ƒo it ƒeemed fitting to me at a time of ƒuch great rejoicing, having as my ju†ification the example of the Greek poets in other fables.” Tranƒlation from Strunk 1950, 368. 43 20 Fig. 16 The fir† page of Peri's Euridice, Florence, 1601. 21 The Power of Muƒic: Monteverdi's L'Orfeo of 1607. T he myth of Orpheus was current in the culture of the Mantuan court from 1480, when Poliziano wrote his La Favola d'Orfeo, which the diplomat Striggo (ƒon of an eminent Mantuan compoƒer and lira da braccio player) certainly had before him while writing his libretto, with the changes that include the omißion of Ari†æus. The †ruure of the opera is, with ƒome adju†ments, in accordance with Mantuan tradition. There are five as, as in the earlier Orphei Tragœdia of 1486, whoƒe anonymous author is †rongly influenced by Poliziano's Orfeo: the Argumentum correƒponds to the Prologue of Mercury in Poliziano, with the comic connotation of the Slavonian ‡epherd, allotted by Striggo to the perƒonification of Muƒic; The Aus primus Pa†oricus has its counterpart in Striggo's ‡epherd dances and the celebratory ƒongs of Orpheus’ wedding; Aus Tertius Heroicus offers the laudatory eclogues of Orpheus, replaced in Striggo by the great ƒolo Poßente ƒpirto; Aus Quartus Necromanticus centres, in Striggo, on the gods of the Underworld, and finally Aus Quintus Bacchanalis correƒponds with the Bacchantes in the original libretto of 1607, replaced, in the ƒcores that ƒurvive, with the deƒcent of Apollo. L'Orfeo was comißioned by the Accademia degl' Invaghiti, a Mantuan gathering of intelleual gentlemen principally devoted to oratory and verƒification, of which Aleßandro Striggo and Franceƒco Gonzaga (the Gonzaga heir and ƒponƒor of L'Orfeo) were members. With muƒic by the court compoƒer Claudio Monteverdi, the piece was premiered on 24th February 1607, ƒo impreßing the ƒmall and ƒele audience (including Duke Vincenzo) that a ƒecond performance was given a week later on 1† March for the ladies of the city. Of Monteverdi's verƒion, there comes down to us the libretto (publi‡ed in 1607 with the ducal imprint of Franceƒco Oƒanna on the occaƒion of the fir† performance in Mantua) and two ƒcores, publi‡ed by Ricciardo Amandino in Venice in 1609 and 1615, that ‡ow the opera to have had a circulation beyond the confines of Mantua. Striggo’s libretto is notably effeive and leß rhetorical and didaic than that which Ottavio Rinuccini would have been able to provide, although the latter is lingui†ically more elegant. Striggo, a well-lettered writer, follows the †yle of Petrarch but in the Underworld ƒcenes has recourƒe to an imitation of Dante, for the great aria Poßente ƒpirto (Powerful Spirit) is aually in the form of Dante's terza rima, while Speranza (Hope) quotes the famous verƒe from Canto III of Dante's Inferno, “Laƒciate ogni Speranza, voi che entrate"44 to ju†ify leaving Orpheus as he enters Hades. Of courƒe, Dante was himƒelf alƒo profoundly influenced by the claßics.45 44 “Abandon hope, all ye who enter.” In all his works, he frequently quotes and copies claßißcal authors ƒuch as Ari†otle, Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, Cicero, Boethius and Statius. For a full li†ing, ƒee Moore 1896. 45 22 Fig. 17 The title page of Monteverdi's L'Orfeo, publi‡ed in 1609. Examining the muƒical direions, we find that Monteverdi ƒpecifies the in†ruments required for his opera, and theƒe include two harpƒichords, two violones, ten members of the violin family, one double harp, two pochettes (dancing-ma†er's fiddles), two chitarroni (baß lutes with extra baß †rings), two pipe organs, three baß viols, five ƒackbuts (renaißance trombones), a regal (reed) organ, two cornetts, two deƒcant recorders and five trumpets very much in the Intermedio tradition. Intermedii were originally fairly unpretentious affairs, often a ƒimple ƒong or madrigal, ƒung and played between as of a drama, but as if reƒponding to ƒome law of nature, they evolved into lavi‡ ƒet-pieces or tableaux. Comedies or pa†oral plays had five as, ƒo there were normally ƒix Intermedi performed in an evening. By the late 16th Century, Intermedii were deƒigned to add extra lu†re to fe†ivities already diƒplaying the extent of a ruler's erudition, ta†e and 23 depth of purƒe. Intermedii eventually developed their own ƒcenery and aion (including dance), and the fanta†ic †age effes46 and elaborate co†umes mu† have a†oni‡ed the audiences. The extravagant nature of later produions ‡ow how the balance between play and Intermedio changed,47 heralding the inexorable move towards opera. Intermedii were divided into various categories, including Olympian, Pa†oral and Infernal, each with its own in†rumental aßociations. Monteverdi's ƒcoring in different ƒcenes ‡ows much influence from theƒe aßociations.48 Olympian Intermedii baƒed on Claßical mythology began and ended with an “open heavens” ƒcene where the ƒinging gods were diƒplayed on high ƒupported by elaborate †age machinery. Similarly, Monteverdi's L'Orfeo begins with Muƒica ƒinging a Prologue and ends with Orpheus and Apollo in the heavens among the †ars. Examining the libretto, we may learn two things: fir†, that Striggo’s primary ƒource for the fir† four as of the opera was clearly Ovid, as the libretto follows the main outlines and emphaƒes of Ovid’s verƒion as cloƒely as the limitations of †age aion would allow; ƒecond, that Striggo alƒo knew Virgil’s verƒion and drew from it for ƒpecific details lacking in Ovid’s verƒion and material for As IV and V. The choice of the perƒonification of Muƒic as the ƒinger of the prologue, rather than Ovid (as in Dafne) or Tragedy (as in L’Euridice), indicates that one of the main themes of the opera is the power of muƒic, “providing an intelleual ju†ification, if one were needed, for a drama that is to be ƒung throughout”.49 A I and II are drawn from the fir† thirteen lines of Metamorphoƒes X: details ƒuch as the invocation to Hymen, the wedding, the death of Eurydice while wandering the meadows, Orpheus’ reƒponƒe to news of her death and his reƒolve to ƒeek her in Hades. Fig. 19 Claudio Monteverdi 46 The Intermedii for La Pellegrina (1589) on the occaƒion of the marriage of Duke Ferdinand de Medici and Princeß Chri†ine of Lorraine included flying machines, tranƒformation ƒcenes, a fire-breathing dragon, a †ormtoßed ‡ip full of ƒailors, a huge three-headed Lucifer and much elƒe. 47 At the height of their development in 1589, the five acts of Bargagli's ƒpoken comedy virtually function as interludes to the ƒix Intermedii which ƒurround them. 48 For a full explanation of the ƒignificance of Monteverdi’s in†rumentation, ƒee Pickett 1992. This alƒo has a faƒcinating exploration of the link between Monteverdi, Marƒilio Ficino, a†rology, magic and the Neoplatoniƒm of 15th century Florence. 49 Whelan 1983, 49. 24 Ovid’s account of Orpheus’ ƒojourn below is ‡ort and lacks detail, ƒo Virgil provides the deƒcription of the approaches to Hades which informs Speranza’s (Hope) ƒpeech at the beginning of A III, his deƒcription quos circum limus niger et deformis harundo Cocyti tardaque palus inamabilis unda alligat et novies Styx interfuƒa coercet50 being turned into Speranza’s lines “Ecco l’altra palude, ecco il nocchiero... Oltre quel nero †agn’oltre quel fiume...”.51 For his piure of Orpheus’ entry to Hades, Striggo could have turned to Virgil’s account of Aeneas’ journey to Hades (Aeneid VI) in which Charon is an important figure, or perhaps to Seneca’s Hercules Oetæus (lines 1072-4) in which the effe of Orpheus’ ƒong on Charon is mentioned, or perhaps even to Dante’s Inferno. The dialogue Striggo invented for the journey of Orpheus and Eurydice toward Earth contains ƒome features of Ovid’s account, but while both claßical authors agree on the general outline of the narrative, it is from Virgil that Striggo derives his vivid piure of the crucial epiƒode and the aftermath. The thunderous cra‡ which marks the breaking of Pluto’s and Proƒerpine’s †ern decree in Virgil becomes the noiƒe which cauƒes Orpheus to turn around. It is Virgil who ƒugge†s images of light and darkneß which Striggo develops, as well as the idea that it was by allowing love to overcome reaƒon that Orpheus lo† Eurydice. Alƒo from Virgil comes Orpheus’ ƒudden tranƒlation back to the upper world and his lament in A V; whereas Ovid has Orpheus †aying by the Styx for a week more, lamenting and trying to croß the river, before travelling to Rhodope and Hæmus where he ƒpends years before death. The original finale of 160752, ƒugge†s the ritual ƒacrifice of Orpheus during the Bacchic rite, without explicit indication, expreßed in the verƒes alternating with the ritornello of the Bacchic cry Evohe: Fuggito è pur da que†a de†ra ultrice L'empio no†ro avverƒario il Trace Orfeo Diƒprezzator deí no†ri pregi alteri. Non fuggirà, che grave Suol eßer più quanto più tarda ƒcende Sovra nocente capo ira cele†e.53 This is clearly in line with the tradition of Poliziano which deƒcribes the tearing apart of Orpheus in the Bacchant's lines: O, o, facciam che pena el tri†o porte! O, o, caviangli il cor del petto fora! Mora lo ƒcelerato, mora! mora!54 followed by a †age direion which indicates that the Bacchantes turn around holding the head of Orpheus and ƒays: O, o! O, o! mort'è lo ƒcelerato! Euoè! Bacco, Bacco, io' ti ringrazio!55 50 “But round them are the black ooze and unƒightly reeds of Cocytus, the unlovely mere enchaining them with its ƒluggi‡ water, and Styx holding them fa† within its ninefold circles.” Verg. G. IV, 479-81. 51 “Behold the horrid mar‡, behold the boatman [Charon]... Beyond this black mere [Cocytus], beyond this river [Styx]...” 52 The only recording to include both endings is performed by the Capella Muƒicale di San Petronio di Bologna, directed by Sergio Vartolo, on Naxos 8.554094-95. Here the original Bacchic ending taken from the 1607 libretto is dramatiƒed as a ritual incantation, with ƒini†er ƒounding jingles and drums – well worth the price, even if only for oddity value. 53 Flown from this avenging arm is our impious adverƒary, the Thracian Orpheus, deƒpiƒer of our high worth. He will not eƒcape, for heavenly anger is wont to be all the more ƒevere the later it deƒcends on his guilty head. 54 "Oh, oh! Ca† the evildoer into damnation! Oh, oh! let us tear his heart from his brea†. Let the guilty man die, die die!" 25 The play fini‡es with a ƒacrifice of the Bacchantes in honour of Bacchus, in accordance with the rite in the 1607 libretto. The only remaining hints of the original Bacchic ƒcene in Striggo's final verƒion is the ƒix verƒes containing inƒults again† women in verƒi ƒdruccioli form, a †rongly theatrical and popular verƒe form typical of a ƒcene of orgy. Fig. 18. The title-page of Rinuccini's libretto of 1607. It is a great cauƒe for regret that the muƒic of the Orphic finale has been lo† to us, a concluƒion more in line with the tradition of the †ory. In Poliziano's ending, Orpheus clearly declares his intention of dedicating himƒelf for the future to pedera†y, a vice in ƒecular circles that was typical of the ‘pedants’ and of the Humani†s. In the original myth, Orpheus forswears the love of women. Poliziano's text exhorts thoƒe married to divorce and each man to ‡un female company. Naturally, this ending would have been unƒuitable for the later gathering which included ladies and the Apollonian ending was probably added to create a happy ending –explaining the unuƒual ‡ortneß of the fifth a. In the later verƒion, Apollo deƒcends from the heavens in a cloud, a deus ex machina in the be† Greek dramatic tradition, and comforts Orpheus, taking him up to Heaven, where he will ƒee Eurydice in the ƒun and the †ars (reminiƒcent of the A†ronomica of Hyginus56 mentioned earlier). The Sequel: Landi's La Morte d'Orfeo of 1619. B etween the early ƒettings by Peri, Caccini and Monteverdi and the ƒpeacular ƒetting in Roman †yle by Roßi lies Stefano Landi's La Morte d'Orfeo, a work that illu†rates the tranƒitional period of po†-Florentine opera before its evolution into a uniquely Roman †yle. Among all the works on the Orpheus theme ƒince the †art of operatic hi†ory, Landi's work occupies a unique place, for it differs from the re† having as their theme the triumph of muƒic and love over death, in that it does not concern itƒelf with the death of Eurydice but rather with following the †ory, in particular the horrible death of the ƒinger himƒelf. La Morte d'Orfeo was an early work for Landi (ca. 1586-1639), a member of the Papal capella. The opera appears in a 1619 print57 by Bartolomeo Magni for the Gardano preß in Venice, dedicated to Aleßandro Mattei, familiaris of Pope Paul V (Borgheƒe) in Padua. We have no evidence for a fir† performance, and it is thought that Landi wrote his own libretto.58 55 "Oh, oh! Oh, Oh! Dead is the ƒcoundrel! Euoe, Bacchus, Bacchus! I give you thanks!" Hyg. Poet. A†r. 2.7. 57 The only ƒurviving copy of this is, not ƒurprisingly, in the Briti‡ Library. 58 Leopold 1976, 55. 56 26 Fig. 20 Title page of Landi's La Morte d'Orfeo. The opera is in five as, with a total of 877 verƒes. Mo† of the libretto is in verƒi piani, with the exception of that uƒed for Bacchus, whoƒe dark and dramatic mood is captured by uƒe of verƒi ƒdruccioli, originally identified as a more elevated †yle than piani, and by the ƒeventeenth century had been aßociated with a variety of charaers and events outƒide of the normal. On account of its libretto in the †yle of Rinuccini and a plot carried over from the Florentine tradition, Landi's work has been often dismißed by many ƒcholars as unoriginal and oldfa‡ioned. More recently, Silke Leopold has publi‡ed an important reaßeßment of the ƒignificance of the work,59 ƒeeing in it both quality and innovation. Landi's work, previouƒly noted only for its incluƒion of the fir† real comic charaer in opera, as well as for its large 59 Leopold 1976. 27 choral ƒcenes,60 is praiƒed by Leopold for its innovative libretto, with its mixture of comedy and tragedy, called tragicommedia pa†orale by its author. With this ƒub-title, Landi is undoubtedly referring to the pa†oral dramatic poem Il Pa†or Fido by Guarani, who attempted to combine the three kinds of ancient theatre: tragedy, comedy and ƒatire. Fig. 21. The opening ƒcene of Landi's La Morte d'Orfeo. Landi's work is not merely a compendium of innovations; it incorporates many elements of the old as well as the new in opera. The plot is baƒed primarily on Ovid, with fanciful interpolations of new material to clarify details of Ovid's †ory that are not made clear by the Rinuccini ƒettings and to extend the †ory into heretofore unexplored realms. 60 Grout 1965, 62. 28 Landi's verƒion ignores the familiar fir† part of the †ory, focuƒing only on the unhappy events after the ƒecond death of Eurydice. Orpheus, di†raught over his loß and having renounced all worldly pleaƒures, nevertheleß decides to celebrate his birthday. He invites earthly nature and all the gods; only Bacchus and women, whom Apollo has adviƒed him to disdain, are not invited.61 Deeply inƒulted, Bacchus incites his Bacchantes to kill Orpheus. Calliope, mother of Orpheus ru‡es away from Pindar, worried for the fate of her ƒon. A meßenger appears and tells of his death: oblivious to the calming effes of Orpheus’ ƒong, the Bacchantes tear him to pieces in a field as he laments his loß.62 Orpheus returns to Hades as a ‡ade to try for a third time to retrieve Eurydice.63 Charon refuƒes to take Orpheus acroß the Styx becauƒe his body has not been cremated and buried. Mercury's meßage that Heaven will take him for eternity leaves Orpheus cold – he wi‡es only to be with Eurydice. On Mercury's order Charon gives in. However, ƒince Eurydice has – like all ‡ades – taken the drink of oblivion, ‡e does not recogniƒe or remember him. Realiƒing only now that death alƒo means oblivion for him, Orpheus drinks the waters of Lethe with Charon. At this point, Jove tranƒports him to Olympus in typical lieto fine †yle. Fig. 22. In 1632, Landi's opera Sant'Aleßio, with a libretto by Giulio Roƒpiglioƒi, (later Pope Clement IX), was premiered in the Barberini palace in Rome; the ƒcore was publi‡ed two years later. Although mo† early operas drew their plots from pagan mythology, this work is baƒed on Chri†ian hagiography - the life of the fifth-century Saint Alexis - yet alƒo contains comic charaers and elaborate ƒcenic effes. The woodcut illu†ration diƒplayed here ‡ows one of thoƒe ƒcenes, depiing nothing leß than Hell itƒelf. For the fir† time in opera, the comic element plays no ƒmall part. Not only do the clumƒy Satyrs invite laughter, but equally Charon, who offers the waters of Lethe with a jolly drinking ƒong on his lips. At the end of A V Scene 2 (lines 779-808), after Orpheus has drunk of the waters of forgetfulneß, Charon ƒays farewell to him with what may poßibly be the earlie† comic words in opera: Tante volte all'inferno e torni e parti, Alma di cantar vaga, Et in cantar un'o†inata maga. or pàrtiti una volta, e non tornare 61 Ov. Met. X, 79-80; La morte d'Orfeo, Act II, ƒcene 4. Ov. Met. XI, 6ff; La morte d'Orfeo, Act IV, ƒcene 4. 63 Ov. Met. XI, 61-66; La morte d'Orfeo, Act V. 62 29 Né a veder, né a cantare; Ché, ƒe tu torni, certo ti prometto, Per l'anima d'Aletto, Cacciarti in un cantone; Fatto immobile, batto col ba†one.64 Novel as the idea of charaers behaving in a ƒilly manner and beating each other up in Hades may ƒeem to us, Ari†ophanes provides an earlier model in his Frogs. One more ƒcene deƒerves particular mention: in A III Scene 1, Bacchus, indignant at being ƒcorned, decides to ha†en Orpheus’ death. His companion Niƒa, who loves Orpheus, pleads in vain for his life: Niƒa: Bacco: Niƒa: Bacco: Non ƒi conviene a un dio tanto furore. Convienƒi morte a chi diƒpregia amore. Un nume è ancor piacevola nell'ira. Bacco, o dolcezza, o ƒangu'e morte ƒpira.65 Compare that exchange with lines 1344-1349 in Euripdes’ Bacchæ where Cadmus pleads for mercy with Dionyƒus: Ka. Di. Ka. Di. Ka. Di. DiÒnuse, lissÒmesq£ s', ºdik»kamen. Ôy' ™m£qeq' ¹m©j, Óte d crÁn, oÙk Ðmoioàsqai broto‹j. ™gnèkamen taàt', ¢ll' ™pexšrcV l…an. kaˆ prÕj Ømîn qeÕj gegëj ØbrizÒmhn. Ñrg¦j pršpei qeoÝj oÙc Ðmoioàsqai broto‹j. p£lai t£de ZeÝj oØmÕj ™pšneusen pat»r.66 Naturally, as we do not know who the libretti† was, much leß the extent of his claßical learning, any attempt to trace a relation‡ip with the ƒources mu†, to ƒome extent, remain ƒpeculative. However, knowing that tranƒlations of the Greek claßics were available to the Humani†ic libretti†s, who delighted in ‡owing off their erudition, we may ƒurely be excuƒed for wondering if this may be an a example. In contra† with Peri’s and Monteverdi’s earlier verƒions, Landi’s opera emphatically does not take the theme of Orpheus’ muƒical heroism, the power of his muƒic - that power had already been te†ed in Florence and Mantua more than a decade earlier. Audiences after Landi’s time would have bored of the ƒimple “power of muƒic” theme, and in the next opera, we ƒee intere†ing developments. 64 Many times you return and depart from hell, ƒoul fond of beautiful ƒong, and in ƒinging a ƒorcerer of ƒong. Now leave this one time and don’t come back to ƒee us or to ƒing; I promiƒe you, by the ƒoul of Allecto, that if you return, I will hunt you down into a corner; trapped immobile, I will beat you with a cudgel. (Tr. Silvia Herzog) 65 Niƒa: Such rage is not fitting for a god. Bacco: Death is fitting for one who ƒlights love. Niƒa: A god ‡ould †ill be charming in his anger. Bacco: Bacchus breathes either ƒweetneß, or blood and death. (Tr. Silvia Herzog) 66 Cadmus: Dionyƒus, we beƒeech you, we have done you wrong. Dionyƒus: You were late in under†anding us. When you ‡ould have, you did not know us. Cadmus: We have realiƒed theƒe things; but you proceed again† us exceßively. Dionyƒus: Yes, becauƒe I, a god, was inƒulted by you. Cadmus: It is not right for gods to reƒemble mortals in their anger. Dionyƒus: Long ago my father Zeus approved theƒe things. (Tr. Richard Seaford) 30 Fig. 23 The Death of Orpheus, anonymous engraving, 1640. Note Orpheus’ viol in the lower left-hand corner. Italian Opera in Exile: Roßi's Orfeo of 1647 W hile the earlie† operas were ƒumptuous private entertainments for the rulers of the city-†ates of Tuƒcany, the new genre ƒoon travelled to the palaces Rome, where the ari†ocracy turned the Florentine pa†oral into a fullyfledged ƒpeacle. The principal patrons of this new art were the princely Barberini family, who built a private theatre in their ƒplendid new Palazzo delle Quatro Fontane. Giulio Roƒpiglioƒi, a leading libretti†, was a Barberini protégé who became Pope Clement IX in 1667. But Rome's operatic fea† in the early 17th Century ƒoon became a famine: in 1644 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) died and was ƒucceeded by the family's enemy Innocent X (Fig. 24); the Barberini fled to France, and under Pope Innocent (who reigned until 1655) opera in Rome was ƒilenced. Luigi Roßi was born in about 1597 or 1598 in Torremaggiore (Foggia) in Apulia, and became a compoƒer at the court of the court of Prince Marc'Antonio Borgheƒe, Prince of Sulmona and a nephew of Pope Paul V. In the early 1640s, Roßi's muƒic began to be heard in France, and this would explain why Cardinal Mazarin (Fig. 25) choƒe Roßi to write a grand opera he wi‡ed to have produced in Paris for Carnival of 1647. Roßi arrived in Paris at the end of ƒummer 1646 to work on the muƒic of Orfeo, the libretto of which was written by another member of Cardinal Mazarin's houƒehold, the Abate Franceƒco Buti, ƒecretary of Cardinal Antonio Barberini, who was living in exile in France. The news of the death of his wife, Co†anza, reached Roßi in Paris and ƒeems to have deeply affeed him, which might explain the profound melancholy of the paßages in which the charaers of the opera mourn the death of Eurydice. 31 Fig 24 Pope Innocent X, by Velaƒquez. The opera was premiered on 2nd March 1647 at the Palais Royal, a produion lavi‡ beyond anything yet ƒeen in Rome: elaborate †age machinery by the Venetian Giacomo Torelli, a grand ballet, Orpheus and Eurydice were played by the ƒoprano ca†rato Atto Melani and Anna Franceƒca Corta (both from the Florentine court). The ƒcore exi†s only in manuƒcript copy (not in Roßi’s hand) in the Chigi Colleion in the Vatican Library, while the a manuƒcript copy of the libretto (copied on French paper), from which Roßi worked, is alƒo in the Vatican Library, but in the Barberini Colleion. Buti's libretto conƒi†s of three as preceded by a prologue de circon†ance in which Viory appears to ƒing the praiƒes of the young Louis XIV (only nine at the time) and to announce the triumph of love over death. Buti quite ƒimply takes the †ory of the marriage, the jealouƒy of Ari†æus, the death of Eurydice, the tragic dénouement of the legend, and Orpheus’ death is treated as the neceßary prelude to the immortaliƒation of his lyre which Jupiter himƒelf places among the mo† beautiful con†ellations in the firmament. Fig. 25. Cardinal Mazarin (1602-1661). As it †ands, however, this †ory could not ƒatiƒfy either the logic, ta†e or the imaginative fantaƒy of a Baroque mind, and Buti introduces, beƒide the gods, who have their traditional 32 place, a whole group of other charaers: Eurydice's old nurƒe ƒerving as an intermediary between her ward and Ari†æus; Venus and her ƒon Cupid arguing about the fidelity of the two heroes; the Satyr inciting Ari†æus to violent aion; Momus, the perƒonification of criticiƒm and fault-finding, making fun of all the values repreƒented by the heroes. Alƒo added are two trios of boys – the Graces and the Fates, remarkably ƒimilar in preƒence and funion to the Three Boys in Die Zauberflöte. As with Landi, the †ory is embelli‡ed. At the beginning, Endymion takes the auƒpices for the marriage of the couple - theƒe are not favourable. Ari†æus enli†s the help of Venus, Cupid and the Graces to help ƒeduce Eurydice - Cupid will inƒpire Orpheus to a new paßion, and Venus will change herƒelf into an old procureß to plead Ari†æus’ caƒe to Eurydice. The torches at the wedding extingui‡ themƒelves – an ill omen.67 Momus, Juno and Apollo hold Cupid over the coals – enough betrayals and infidelities! Cupid promiƒes to mend his ways, to deceive his mother and ƒwears by the Styx to uƒe all his powers to ƒupport the cauƒe of Orpheus and Eurydice. In the preƒence of the ƒcandaliƒed Graces, Cupid reveals the entire plot to Orpheus. The Graces inform Venus, who becomes furious with her raƒcally ƒon. Cupid cries out his revolt and eƒcapes a drubbing by fluttering out of her reach. Endymion addreßes a prayer to Venus, but Juno appears and reprimands them for it is to her that ƒacrifice ‡ould be made – ‡e promiƒes her proteion again† Venus. Upon being bitten by the ƒerpent, Eurydice refuƒes the help of Ari†æus, who bur†s into affeed recriminations. She dies without being able to rid herƒelf of the loquacious and importunate Ari†æus. Later, Ari†æus is attacked by the ‡ade of Eurydice as a wild Fury who drives him to inƒanity. A demented ƒcene follows between the Satyr, Momus and the raving Ari†æus who ƒucceßively takes himƒelf for Deucalion and the Python, and then commits ƒuicide. Juno ƒummons Jealousy and Suƒpicion to work upon Proƒerpine, making her jealous of Eurydice's beauty, even in Hades, ƒo that ‡e will intervene with her husband Pluto to releaƒe Eurydice. After Orpheus breaks his promiƒe, Proƒerpine greets the return of Eurydice to Hades with jealous ‡rieks, and Pluto's ƒending of Eurydice to the Elyƒian Fields only partially reaßures Proƒerpine. Unlike the traditional myth, which attributes the fury of the Bacchantes to Orpheus’ miƒogyny, Buti here creatively tweaks the myth, making Ari†æus the ƒon of Bacchus. As Orpheus returns to the land of the living, Venus appriƒes Bacchus of the death of his (!) ƒon Ari†æus on account of Orpheus, and in his fury, Bacchus commands his women to tear Orpheus to pieces. Jupiter decrees that the Lyre, as well as Orpheus and Eurydice be changed into con†ellations and that they be glorified forever. All of theƒe charaers are treated in a manner that is often comical, with the aim of according the audience ƒome comic relief. It might be ƒurpriƒing to our modern mindƒet, but it was conƒidered quite normal in the period to ƒee Juno and Venus having a ƒet-to! Buti exploits the full comic potential of the mythological plot, impoƒing “modern” motivations on his charaers, for example, attributing Proƒerpine’s plea to her jealouƒy. Eurydice prefers death to being helped by Ari†æus. Orpheus ƒeeks Eurydice in Hades becauƒe Apollo committed him to do ƒo. There are other ironic exploitations of the myth. Pluto ƒcolds Charon for having allowed Orpheus into Hades, but Charon explains that he could not reƒi† Orpheus’ ƒinging. Endymion and Eurydice’s nurƒe lament not only the death of Eurydice but the diƒappearance of Orpheus (unbeknown† to them he has already left for Hades) and ƒo on. Many of theƒe ƒcene-types and charaers are familiar theatrical conventions, many of which found their way into opera from commedia dell’arte during the 1640s in Rome, but eƒpecially in Venice.68 Momus (Momo), Satyr (Satiro), Nurƒe (Nutrice) are all conventional comic 67 This epiƒode is reminiƒcent of Ovid's ”fax quoque, quam tenuit, lacrimoƒo †ridula fumo uƒque fuit nulloƒque invenit motibus ignes” "The torch which he held kept ƒputtering and filled the air with ƒmoke, nor would it catch fire for any brandi‡ing." Ov. Met. X, 6-7. 68 Pirotta 1955, 305-324. 33 charaers. Nurƒe, in the typical manner of a retired courteƒan, ƒugge†s that her charge keep an open mind and conƒider other lovers in addition to Orpheus.69 Among the conventional plot devices are diƒguiƒe (Venus diƒguiƒes herƒelf as an old woman to gain Eurydice’s confidence), madneß (Ari†æus is driven mad by rejeion - and from being hit over the head), the ƒleep ƒcene (Eurydice falls aƒleep to the muƒic of the Nymphs but is rudely awakened by Dryads who urge her to dance), the gho† viƒion (Eurydice’s gho† appears to Ari†æus). All theƒe elements which found their way into opera were later to preƒent themƒelves again and twi† the myth almo† beyond recognition in what was to come nearly thirty years later Sartorio's Venetian verƒion. The Jealous Husband: Sartorio's L'Orfeo of 1674 A t the ƒame time it was developing in Paris, opera in the Roman manner had alƒo come to Venice. During Carnival of 1637, Venice welcomed itinerant muƒicians from Rome led by Benedetto Ferrari and Franceƒco Manelli, whoƒe Andromeda opened the doors of the fir† public opera houƒe, the Teatre San Caßiano: here, opera as we know it today – a commercial entertainment for a paying public – was born., By the time Orfeo, with a libretto by Aurelio Aureli and muƒic by Antonio Sartorio, was premiered in Venice at the Teatro San Salvatore in 1673. opera had been a regular part of Venetian life for over thirty years. Being a coƒmopolitan ƒeaport, Venice was renowned for livelineß and their celebration of Carnival was famous throughout Europe. During the ƒix to ten weeks of the Carnival ƒeaƒon, Venice was an obligatory †op on the ‘grand tour', where performing arti†s came to diƒplay their talents to the touri†s who ƒwelled the city to twice its normal population and opened their purƒes for every ƒort of diverƒion. The popularity and ƒucceß of the fir† opera encouraged the opening of other theatres; opera was †ill ƒupported mo†ly by the nobility, but now their contributions took the form of ƒubƒcriptions for boxes in the public theatres, which they rented on an annual baƒis. The paying audience was diverƒe: patricians and commoners, Venetians and foreigners, gondoliers and courteƒans. Nouri‡ed by theƒe economic and ƒocial conditions peculiar to Venice, opera was well on its way to becoming international. Aureli’s early libretti were modelled on the romance-type developed in Venice in the 1640s by Giovanni Fau†ini. The plots of theƒe were not taken from myth or hi†ory but freely invented uƒing a †andard mould along the lines of the commedia dell’arte.70 Set in exotic foreign lands (uƒually Africa), they involved charaers of widely contra†ing ƒocial levels: uƒually two pairs of nobly-born lovers attended by various comic ƒervants – nurƒe, confidant, ƒquire. The plot follows the romantic adventures of the lovers who through various complications and coincidences become ƒeparated and reunited. Mo† of the events that help propel the drama (and contribute to the confuƒion), ƒuch as diƒguiƒes, overheard or mi‡eard converƒations, miƒdelivered letters and ƒleeping potions, are †andard comic devices borrowed from pa†oral and Roman comedy. Fau†ini’s libretti were quite indi†ingui‡able from one another as far as plot or charaers were concerned – one imaginary charaer could eaƒily replace another without much being noticed. Sartorio and Aureli created their Orfeo not as a Florentine re-diƒcovery of claßical Greek Tragedy, nor with reforming zeal to re†ore ƒuch a lofty goal, but rather to ƒatiƒfy a paying audience who expeed brilliant ƒinging and †ock charaer types with a generous comic element, and who inƒi†ed on being titillated by novelty. Thus, the conventions of not ‡owing violence off†age goes out the window, the chorus is diƒpenƒed with, the five-a †ruure gives way to three as. The ƒerious and high-minded intentions of the creators of 69 70 In Monteverdi’s L’incoronazione di Poppea (1643), there are two ƒuch Nurƒes, one each for Octavia and Poppea! For more information, ƒee Salerno 1967. 34 opera which had given birth to Monteverdi’s L’Orfeo were now two generations in the pa†; the era of abuƒes which eventually cried out for Gluck’s reforms had ju† begun. For the modern muƒic lover, familiar with the purity of viƒion which informs both Monteverdi’s and Gluck’s verƒions of the myth, the Sartorio-Aureli Orfeo may ƒeem quite perverƒe. However, if we are prepared to ƒuƒpend judgement to meet the work on its own terms, we find an inƒpired ƒcore and a diverting, though complex, drama. By the late 1660s, opera had become ƒo popular in Venice that as many as five new works could be ƒeen during any ƒingle Carnival ƒeaƒon – uƒually in three or more different theatres.71 Increaƒingly jaded ta†es of the audiences meant that thinking up new ways to entertain them became ever more difficult. With this ƒituation, it was increaƒingly trying for libretti†s to create new works with regularity. In 1657, Aureli found a formula for a ƒolution to this dilemma: embroidery of claßical ƒources. An hi†orical or mythological core and ambience, provided by authors ƒuch as the Greek dramati†s, Virgil, Ovid, Tacitus or even Ari†o, are developed in accordance with operatic conventions inherited from comedy and the pa†oral.72 Fig. 26 The Orpheus Myth, woodcut from Ovid Le traƒformationi, trans. Lodovico Dolce (Venice 1561). Dolce's tranƒlation was the mo† popular after Anguillara's. The popularity of the Orpheus myth through operatic hi†ory allows us to uƒe it as a fixed point of reference in the continuouƒly ‡ifting ground of compromiƒe that charaeriƒes the hi†ory of the genre. Aureli’s treatment of it ƒets into relief with particular clarity the di†ance which opera had travelled from Florence and Mantua in ƒeventy years. Unlike Rinuccini and Striggo, who baƒed their plots eßentially on Ovid (or Anguillara), but like Buti and Poliziano, Aureli derives the core of his plot from a combination of Virgil and Ovid, hence the preƒence of Ari†æus. Around this, as is his cu†om, he weaves a ƒeries of inventions, explaining in his Argomento: 71 This †ati†ic is taken from Thomas Walker’s “Seventeenth Century Venetian Opera: An Annotated Catalogue” (unpubli‡ed typeƒcript). 72 ƒee Roƒand 1983, 21. 35 E perché Ari†eo fu Marito d'Autonoe figlia di Cadmo Re di Tebe. Si finge: Che Autone tradita ne gl'affeti da Ari†eo, e penetrate le di lui nuove fiamme amoroƒe verƒo Euridice, ƒdegnoƒa abbandoni il Padre, e la Reggia, e ƒi porti ƒconƒciuta in habito di Zingara nel Regno di Tracia per ritrovar il ƒuo infido.73 Autonoe thus completes the ƒecond pair of lovers. Next, Aureli fills out the ca† with: Aeƒculapius, who as as a liaiƒon between the two pairs of lovers, and ƒome conventional comic ƒervants, Orpheus’ young page, Orillo (ƒoprano!), and Eurydice’s laƒcivious old nurƒe Erinda (tenor!). To the interƒeing love plots, Aureli appends yet another ƒubplot, whoƒe conneion to the myth is even more tenuous: Che Chirone dotto Centauro, qual inƒegnò la medicina ad Eƒculapio, ad Ercole l'A†rologia, e la Geometria, e la Muƒica ad Achille, ƒiaƒi dal Monte Pelio della Teßaglia tranƒportato ad habitar ne le Campagne de Traci; Averti corteƒe Lettore, che l'Auttore di que†o Drtama per maggiormente arrichirlo d'intreccio ƒ’ha preƒa Poetica licenza di commettere un condonabile anacroniƒmo coll'unire Ercole con Achille in un tempo medeƒimo diƒcrepoli di Chirone.74 The preƒence of Achilles allows the opera to end on a ƒpeacular note – he gets whisked away by his mother Thetis to Sciros, no doubt by means of ƒome machinery. Further conventionaliƒing his treatment, Aureli explains his charaers in mundane terms – ƒo much for the myth! With few exceptions, his libretti reƒolve in the ƒame way – Orfeo could ju† as well have been Giulio Ceƒare or Perƒeo. What di†ingui‡es each from the others, and what mu† have intrigued his audiences, are the gyrations he had to perform to make all his †ories end up exaly the ƒame way. The opera opens with a conventional wedding celebration in a ƒala illuminata in tempo di Notte75, derived direly from the myth. Aeƒculapius’ peßimi†ic remarks are analogous to Ovid’s guttering torch. Immediately, Erinda ru‡es in with news that Ari†æus is on the verge of death. To an audience familiar with the myth, a meßenger, even if a comic charaer, who brings news of an imminent death, may have had a certain reƒonance – a parody, almo†. Orpheus ru‡es off to aßi†, Erinda tries to explain to Eurydice, without ƒucceß, that ‡e is the cauƒe of Ari†æus’ di†reß. According to convention, a ƒolo ƒcene follows, in which Erinda refles on her own lo† youth and the pleaƒures of promiƒcuity. Next, in a rocky landƒcape, Autonoe appears, dreßed (like ƒo many of her Venetian forbears) as a gypƒy, ƒearching for her unfaithful Ari†æus. She meets Orillo, both of them hide to obƒerve the boar-hunt of Hercules and Achilles. Soon the two young heroes notice her and, dazzled by her beauty, make overtures to her. She quickly enli†s their aid in finding Ari†æus and they leave together, leaving Orillo to intercept Chiron, who is in purƒuit of his two errant pupils. Next, in Ari†æus’ room, Erinda tries to comfort Ari†æus. Aeƒculapius diagnoƒes Ari†æus’ ƒickneß to be cauƒed by love and leaves in diƒgu† (not, however, before ƒinging an exit aria). Eurydice arrives and innocently inquires about his health; Ari†æus confeßes that his illneß is cauƒed by love for her. Feigning innocence, ‡e tries to get out of the ƒituation, and Orpheus, jealouƒly overhearing their converƒation, bur†s in. The overheard converƒation is another 73 And ƒince Ari†æus was married to Autonoe the daughter of Cadmus king of Thebes, it is here imagined that Autonoe, being betrayed in love by Ari†æus and diƒcovering his new love for Eurydice, angrily leaves her father and the palace and travels unrecogniƒed in the co†ume of a gypƒy to the kingdom of Thrace in order to find her faithleß man. (tr. Carlotta Dioniƒotti) 74 And Chiron, the learned centaur who taught medicine to Aeƒculapius, a†rology to Hercules and geometry and muƒic to Achilles, is imagined to have moved from Mount Pelion in Theßaly to the Thracian countryƒide. And note, gentle reader, that the author of this drama, in order to enrich it further in its plot, has taken the poetic licence to commit a forgivable anachroniƒm by making Hercules and Achilles both pupils of Chiron at the ƒame time. (tr. Carlotta Dioniƒotti). 75 a hall illuminated at night. 36 conventional means of plot complication. Ari†æus tells Orpheus that he feels ill, as if he were a mon†er: Ogn’alito ch’io ƒpiro È letale veleno, E crederei Co’ fiati Miei, S’io più qui †aßi, Infettar l’aure e avvelenar i ƒaßi.76 This text ƒeems to refer ironically to Orpheus: Ari†æus’ power is the oppoƒite of Orpheus’. Ari†æus infes the breezes and poiƒons the rocks, while Orpheus charmed them. Eurydice prote†s her fidelity but he ƒends her away. Next, in a ƒpring landƒcape, Achilles and Hercules argue as to which of them will avenge Autonoe’s honour. Achilles ru‡es off to find Ari†æus, but Autonoe urges Hercules to follow him in order to avoid blood‡ed. She then meets Eurydice walking in the fields and, learning who ‡e is (i.e. her rival), contrives to tell her fortune. uƒing this a pretext for a private audience where ‡e reveals her identity and implores Eurydice’s help. Meanwhile in the palace, Achilles is about to †rangle Ari†æus, and only the ƒudden arrival of Autonoe ƒaves him. Ari†æus recogniƒes that the gypƒy is his former love and that Eurydice does not love him, but he is powerleß to alter love’s courƒe and vows to purƒue Eurydice. The fir† a ends with Erinda’s relief that her fo†er-ƒon (Ari†æus) is ƒafe and a ballet of nymphs and ‡epherds follows. The myth has been left far behind (only the opening ƒcene derives from it), being ƒubmerged under the conventional love plot. A II is ƒomewhat different, opening in a courtyard with Orpheus lamenting the de†ruion of his happineß by jealouƒy, explaining to Aeƒculapius: [...] co’i canto Move le piante, e fermo il corƒo a i fiumi, Ma non poß’io, ƒu que†i affliti lumi, Tragger la gioia ed arre†ar il pianto.77 Here is a ƒign that this conventional jealous lover is indeed our legendary Orpheus. Aeƒculapius reminds him of his earlier prophecy at the wedding: “...è d’Imeneo la face Fiamma Infernal, che †rugge a i cor la pace,”78 again a ƒubtle reference to Ovid (or Anguillara). Orpheus counters with an aria invoking (proleptically and ironically, in view of the ƒubƒequent events) the name of Pluto, certain that not even Pluto could not infli pains greater than the jealous ƒuffering he is undergoing. Meanwhile, Orillo and Chiron arrive at the palace and make inquiries about the runaways. A comic interlude follows, where Erinda falls in love with the handƒome Orillo in a conventional love duet between young page and old nurƒe, but, being a reali†ic woman, during a diatribe again† old age, ‡e accepts that ‡e will have to pay for her love. Having convinced Eurydice to help her, Autonoe conceals herƒelf to allow Euridice to repreƒent her ju† as Ari†æus arrives. Eurydice takes Ari†æus †ernly to task about his behaviour. Ari†æus miƒunder†ands her veiled wordings and thinks ‡e refers to his love for her. In the meantime, Orpheus alƒo arrives and ƒeeing his wife in converƒation with Ari†æus, he too conceals himƒelf to overhear them. This ƒort of ƒcene, in which two concealed charaers interpret the ƒame overheard converƒation in completely different ways, is a familiar comic device. Thinking that ‡e is ƒpeaking for herƒelf and that he has at la† caught her in an a of infidelity, he †eps forward to confront her and threatens to kill Eurydice, at which point ‡e runs away. Autonoe confronts Ari†æus, who pretending not to recogniƒe her, ridicules her as 76 "Each breath I exhale is deadly poiƒon, and I ‡ould think that by my breathing, if I †ayed longer here, I would ƒicken the air and poiƒon the †ones." 77 “... by my ƒong I move even the plants and †op the courƒe of the rivers, but I am unable to be†ow joy upon theƒe afflicted eyes and arre† my tears." 78 “...Hymenæus’ torch is an infernal flame, which wre†s peace from the heart." 37 an impo†or, again, a conventional ƒcene which exploits the various levels of reality in which theatre can deal. He too, runs away, and ‡e concludes the ƒcene in deƒpair. The next ƒcene is ƒet in a hall, adjoining which are Aeƒculapius’ library and Orpheus’ muƒic room. In the reunion of Hercules, Achilles and Aeƒculapius, Aeƒculapius asks Achilles about his †udies and Achilles explains that he is †udying muƒic, whereupon Aeƒculapius invites him to ƒing. Whereupon Achilles ƒits down at Orpheus’ harpƒichord and ƒings. The ƒinging ƒcene is another favourite operatic convention, a game played with an audience – when is a ƒinger a ƒinger, when is a ƒong not a ƒong? This peace is ‡attered by the entrance of Eurydice, followed by Orpheus in hot purƒuit, ƒword in hand. When Hercules re†rains him, he ‡rieks after her: “Sin colà ne gli Abißi ti ƒeguirò”79 (another alluƒion to the future courƒe of the myth) and departs angrily, ƒwearing vengeance. Autonoe appears, in her true †ate, as a princeß. The young heroes admire her beauty even more and pledge their continued help. Chiron finally catches up with his pupils and, ƒcolding them for ignoring their †udies, †ernly leads them back to ƒchool, leaving the †age to Erinda and Orillo for yet another comic interlude. In a fore†, Orpheus diƒcloƒes to Orillo his deadly, and decidedly unmythological, plan of aion, ordering Orillo to kill Eurydice. Orillo, being a coward, like mo† of his fellow ƒervants in Venetian operas, doubts if he can do it. He approaches Eurydice but hides when he ƒees Ari†æus approaches from the oppoƒite direion. Ari†æus purƒues her and ‡e tries to eƒcape. his culminating line, too, is ironically alluƒive: “Ti ƒeguirò ƒ’anco il mio piè doveße ƒcender per te ƒu la Tartarea porta.”80 Another reference to the future of the myth – this time from the wrong mouth!81 Everyone, it ƒeems, wants to follow her to Hades! Finally, Eurydice fulfils her de†iny, being bitten by a ƒnake and dying. Here, three-quarters of the way through the drama, we find a ƒecond ƒcene drawn from the myth. Becauƒe of the lively pace, rhythm and handling of the ƒcenes lending a comic flavour to the drama up till this point, the death ƒcene, one of the muƒical high points of the opera, is ‡ocking. The mood ‡ifts abruptly and Ari†æus tries to kill himƒelf out of grief and deƒpair, being thwarted by his fo†er-father Bacchus who offers him the conƒolations of drink in a drinking ƒong. A Bacchic ballet cloƒes the a. Fig. 27. Orpheus playing the lyre, engraving by Virgil Solis, Ovidii Metamorphoƒes Illu†ratæ , Frankfurt, 1563. A III plays with the myth more, opening with Orpheus, lyre in hand. When Orillo arrives to announce Eurydice’s death, he plays “meßenger” in a paßage ƒomewhat reminiƒcent of thoƒe in earlier operas. Conƒidering he planned Eurydice’s death himƒelf, Orpheus’s ‡ocked reaion 79 "Even down there, into the Abyß, I ‡all purƒue you"! "I would purƒue you even if I had to deƒcend for your ƒake to the doors of Tartarus." 81 La† time it was for the wrong reaƒon! 80 38 ƒeems quite inappropriate. He ƒings a lament expreßing his ƒadneß to the plants, rocks, birds and winds as various animals and inanimate objes gather round to hear him – finally he realiƒes ƒomething of his mythological ƒelf! Soon tiring, he provides the conventional ƒleep-ƒcene. This typically ƒanioned all ƒorts of dramatic and muƒical liberties, not only ju†ifying the lullaby but alƒo attempted ƒeduions and murder; allowing ƒupernatural, unreal or dreamlike events to occur. In this caƒe, Eurydice appears as a gho†, exhorting him to go to Hades and uƒing his powers, plead for her return – an idea that emphatically belonged to him in the myth, but that in this drama would have been unthinkable. Orpheus awakes and ru‡es off to anƒwer her call. Meanwhile, Chiron is again looking for his pupils, finally give up trying to corre them and moraliƒes (for the third time) on the †upidity of love and lovers. Ari†æus ƒpurns Autonoe again, and loƒing her patience, ‡e implores Achilles and Hercules to avenge her. By the time we enter Hades and meet Pluto, the real drama is already over, as his opening lines make clear: Orfeo, vince†i. Il canto tuo ƒonoro Placò le Furie e raddolcì l’Inferno; Tu ad onta puoi d’alto decreto eterno Piegar Pluto a tornarti il tuo teƒoro.82 His prayer apparently took place while we were watching Hercules and Achilles at their leßons with Chiron! It is the height of irony, but hardly an accident, that the central muƒical event of the myth, Orpheus’ plea, in which he mobiliƒes all his muƒical powers, ‡ould have been left out by Aureli. To add to the irony of this, Pluto is given the mo† florid and expreßive muƒic in the entire opera. In the return trip, it is in ƒpite of Eurydice begging him not to do ƒo, that Orpheus looks back. Although the Orpheus †ory ends here, with Orpheus vowing never to love again, Aureli †ill manages the obligatory lieto fine for his other pair of lovers. In the final ƒcene, a repentant Ari†æus and Autonoe renew their pledge of love and Tethys arrives to ƒpirit Achilles away, ƒupplying the opera with a ƒuitably ƒpeacular finale. Deƒpite the title, very little of the plot derives from the myth. However, the con†ant ƒubtle ironic referencing in the dialogue to the courƒe of †ory clearly ‡ow that Aureli was aively playing with the well-known details of the myth. Though we witneß Eurydice’s death rather than hearing about it from the †andard meßenger (as in earlier verƒions), the ƒignificance and impa is minimiƒed. Not only is it po†poned till nearly the end of A II, but it occurs as a ƒort of ironic, anticlimaic accident: ironic for ‡e had been much cloƒer to death twice before.83 By attributing the idea of reƒcue to Eurydice, taking away Orpheus’ legendary plea to Hades and making Orpheus inƒi†ent on looking back, Aureli fatally impugns Orpheus’ heroiƒm. Aureli’s Orpheus is an anti-hero, but his loß of †ature, demythification, is partly compenƒated for by Eurydice’s enhanced †ature, her greater ƒelf-control. It is ‡e, and alƒo her ƒi†er-in-law Autonoe, in whom heroic virtue of fidelity, con†ancy and perƒeverance reƒide. If the opera has any heroes, it mu† ƒurely be theƒe two women. Aureli’s Orfeo is, then, a typical work of its time. Deƒpite its title and dramatis perƒonæ and uƒe of myth, it remains a conventional drama of jealouƒy and intrigue. Orpheus here is not primarily a muƒician but ju† one more jealous husband, an emphaƒis implicitly affirmed by 82 "Orpheus, you have won. Your harmonious ƒong has placated the Furies and ƒoftened Hell. you can, to the ‡ame of the high and eternal decree, bend Pluto to return your treaƒure to you." 83 From Orpheus’ ƒword in Act I and from Orillo in Act II. 39 ƒubtitles appended to the libretto for ƒome of the later revivals: L’Orfeo o ƒia Amore ƒpeßo inganna and L’Orfeo a torto geloƒo. Fig. 28. Orpheus, drawing by Cima da Conegliano, Venice, 1502. However, there is one aƒpe of the myth Aureli treats with great fidelity – the ending. The violent death of Orpheus, we will remember, was a problem for every libretti† who treated the myth. Aureli does not ‡ow Orpheus’ death, but he does ‡ow the ƒecond death of Eurydice and Orpheus’ renunciation of women to †and, relying on his conventional plot to ƒupply the requiƒite lieto fine (or half of one). Although he could have reƒolved his plot ƒymmetrically, given his conƒi†ent manipulation of all other aƒpes of the myth, he choƒe not to do ƒo. Indeed, his refuƒal to reƒolve his conventional plot conventionally – de rigueur in all his other libretti – is his mo† eloquent and mo† unexpeed bow to the power of the Orpheus myth. T Some Concluƒions he myth of Orpheus has continued to appeal to audiences, compoƒers and libretti†s through the ages, up till the modern day; even a partial li† of the compoƒers who have treated this myth reads like a hi†ory of muƒic: Peri, Caccini, Monteverdi, Belli, Landi, Roßi, Lully, Sartorio, Charpentier, Krieger, Draghi, Campra, Rameau, Keiƒer, Telemann, Gluck, Haydn, Offenbach, Milhaud and Stravinsky. We have ƒeen that while the baƒic outline of the plot remained, the details were increaƒingly prone to being reworked to ƒuit the conditions under which the libretti†s worked. Perhaps the enduring appeal of the theme lies not in the muƒical aƒpe of the myth but in its elements of love, grief and loß. At the beginning of the century, Rinuccini and Peri had ƒet out to prove what the new muƒic, newly reƒponƒive to the impulƒes of dramatic poetry, could do. Peri and Monteverdi had focuƒed all their energies on trying to prove that the new hero, Orpheus redivivus could move his li†eners as the mythological muƒician had once moved all Hades. If a Florentine audience in 40 1600 or a Mantuan one in 1607 needed proof from a mythological Orpheus of the power of muƒic in drama, a Pariƒian audience in 1647 did not, much leß a Venetian one in 1673. But Ovid’s – or at lea† Anguillara’s – Orpheus had been a firm believer in the ma†ery of poetry over muƒic: Non fa, che'l verƒo ƒerva canto, e al ƒuono Ma ben, ch'al verƒo il canto, e'l ƒuon riƒponda. Né vuol, che'l gorgheggiar ƒoave e buono L'accento e la parola al verƒo aƒconda.84 And that ma†ery was being ƒeriouƒly undermined by the late ƒeventeenth century. The fate of Orpheus in opera is linked to the power of muƒic, to its increaƒing aƒcendancy in the operatic equation. That power continued to grow until opera capitulated completely to it. By the eighteenth century, arias had ƒo increaƒed in number, complexity and length, and had become ƒo rigidly conventional in form, that they had virtually de†royed drama. It was to reƒcue opera from this fate, to redreß the balance between muƒic and myth in poetry, that Gluck invoked once more the aid of Orpheus – whoƒe fate it would be, a century later, to ƒuffer yet another antiheroic mythic decon†ruion in the Underworld of Offenbach. Fig 29. Orpheus playing his lyre, red-figure red-figure vaƒe painting, Sicily c. 460 B.C. 84 “It will not do for the verƒe to ƒerve the ƒinging and the ƒound, but it is good that the ƒinging and the ƒound anƒwer to the verƒe, neither wi‡ing that the ƒuave warbling, the accent and the word hide the verƒe.”Anguillara, Le metamorfoƒi, X, 5. (tr. Ilaria Geddes). 41 Bibliography Primary Sources: Poliziano, A. La Favola di Orfeo, Bologna, 1494. Anguillara, G. A. Le metamorfoƒi di Ovidio, ridotte da Giovanni Andrea dell’Anguillara... con l’annotationi di M. Gioƒeppe Horologg, Venice, 1581. Malvezzi, C. Intermedii et Concerti, Florence, 1589. Monteverdi, C. L’Orfeo (Florence 1609), Augsburg, 1927 (facƒimile). Monteverdi, C. L’Orfeo (Florence 1615), Farnborough, 1972 (facƒimile). Peri, J. Le muƒiche ƒopra L’Euridice (Florence 1601), Bologna, 1979 (facƒimile). Caccini, G. L’Euridice (Florence 1600), New York, 1973 (facƒimile). Landi, S. ed. Herzog, S. La morte d’Orfeo, Madiƒon, 1999 (modern edition). Roßi, L. Orfeo, Arles, 1990 (ƒound recording on Harmonia Mundi HMX 2901358-60). Sartorio, A. L’Orfeo, Milano, 1983 (facƒimile of the autograph). Secondary Sources: Condos, T. Star Myths of the Greeks and Romans: a Sourcebook, Grand Rapids, 1997. Dent, E. J. “The Baroque Opera”, The Muƒical Antiquary January 1910. Grout, D. A Short Hi†ory of Opera, New York and London, 1965. Guthrie, W. K. C. Orpheus and Greek Religion, London, 1934, reprinted 1993. Hanning, B. R. Of Poetry & Muƒic's Power: Humaniƒm and the Creation of Opera, Ann Arbour, 1980. Hermann, G. Orphica, Leipzig, 1805 Highet, G. The Claßical Tradition, Oxford, 1949. Kerman, J. Opera as Drama, New York, 1983. Leopold, S. Beträge ƒur Biographie, Hamburg, 1976 Lineout, I. M. L., The Arts of Orpheus, 1941. Moore, Studies in Dante, Oxford, 1896. Pickett, P. Behind The Mask – Monteverdi’s L'Orfeo, London, 1992. Pirotta, N. “Commedia dell’Arte and Opera”, The Muƒical Quarterly XLI (1955). Pirotta, N. “Temperaments and tendencies in the Florentine Camerata”, The Muƒical Quarterly XL (1954). Pirotta, N. Muƒic and Theatre from Poliziano to Monteverdi, Cambridge, 1982. 42 Porter, W. V., “Peri and Corƒi’s Dafne”, Journal of the American Muƒicological Society XVIII, New York, 1965. Reid, J. R. ed. Oxford Guide to Claßical Mythology in the arts 1300 – 1990s, Oxford, 1993. Roƒand, E. L'Ovidio Traƒformato, Milan, 1983. Salerno, R. Scenarios of the Commedia dell’Arte, New York, 1967 Sternfeld, F. “Orpheus, Ovid and Opera”, Journal of the Royal Muƒical Aßociation 113, London, 1988. Strunk, O. Source Readings in Muƒic Hi†ory, New York, 1950. Warden, J. ed. Orpheus: The Metamorphoƒis of a Myth, Toronto, 1982. Walker, D. P. “Muƒical humaniƒm in the 16thand early 17th centuries”, The Muƒic Review II (1941) and III (1942), London. Walker, T. “Seventeenth Century Venetian Opera: An Annotated Catalogue” (unpubli‡ed typeƒcript). Whelan, J. ed. Claudio Monteverdi: Orfeo, Cambridge, 1986. Wor†horne, S. T. Venetian Opera in the Seventeenth Century, Oxford 1954; 1968. Fig 30. Orpheus playing before the animals, engraving by Marcantonio (before 1506). 43

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