Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages 41/2 (2015), pp. 95-122 Susandra J van Wyk (North-West University) PROSTITUTE, NUN OR “MAN-WOMAN”: REVISITING THE POSITION OF THE OLD BABYLONIAN NADIĀTU 1 PRIESTESSES ABSTRACT Present-day scholars debate the status and role of the Old Babylonian nadi tu, describing them as priestesses who served as sacred prostitutes (Astour 1966), and/or living as virgin-celibate devotees of god(s), comparable with present-day nuns (Launderville 2010; Stol 1999; 1995), and/or acting as secluded priestesses outside the normal boundaries of patriarchal control (Diakonoff 1986). However, scholars such as Harris and Stone rather focus on their economic and social roles in the family and in the institutions of the city-states: see Harris (1975, etc.) on the nadi tu from Sippar, and Stone (1982) on the nadi tu from Nippur. The origins of these two scholars‟ textual sources differ, although their studies still show that the nadi tu institutions were not a homogeneous group. In this study, I contend that three nadi tu groups possess a variety of attributes, depending on the type of group and socialeconomic circumstances in Old Babylonian Nippur and Sippar institutions, as well as on the intentions of the paterfamilias and male family members. In addition, the nadītu‟s religious role did not include living a virgin-celibate life such as that of a present-day nun, and these priestesses have erroneously been classified as sacred prostitutes (Roth 1999). Rather, the nadītu institution‟s raison d‘être was to serve as an advantage to her family and society. When allowed to do so, the nadītu could by her wit and labour accumulate property securing to an extent some financial independence. Still, her financial independence from the patriarchal household was limited and in some instances prohibited in the interplay among the different OB institutions. 1 It is my pleasant duty to express my sincere gratitude to Dr Pierre van Wyk (MD) for his comments and suggestions regarding complications in pregnancy and birth in the section ―Distinctive classifications: escaping consequences of childbearing‖ below. The article is a revised version of a paper presented at the Oxford Postgraduate Conference in Assyriology 2015 at Wolfson College, Oxford on the 25th of April 2015. In the article the Sumerian terms are in bold letters. The Akkadian terms and any other foreign language terms are in italics. Abbreviations used in this article are: OB (Old Babylonia/Babylonian), ANE (Ancient Near East/Eastern), LH (Laws of/Law Collection of/Lax Code of Hammurabi) and LL (Laws of/ Law Collection of/Lax Code of Lipit-Ištar). I follow the transcription of the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary. In CAD N, Part 1 the plural for nadītu is nadi tu or nadâtu (Reiner 1980:63). 96 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK In this study I first discuss the scholarly debate on the status and role of the Old Babylonian nadītu, describing the type of priestess as either a sacred prostitute (Astour 1966), and/or virgin-celibate devotee of god/s, comparable to a present-day nun (Launderville 2010; Stol 1999, 1995) and/or a priestess acting outside the normal boundaries of patriarchal control (Diakonoff 1986). I then give an outline of the specialised studies undertaken mainly by Roth (1999), Harris (1975) and Stone (1982). Lastly, I present my conclusions on the contradictory classification of the nadi tu as prostitute or virgin nun, as well as considering the distinctive classification of them as being outside the bounds of patriarchal authority and the families‘ intention of rescuing their daughters from the perils of pregnancy and childbirth. 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY OF THE ROLE AND POSITION OF THE NADI TU 1.1 The nadītu as a prostitute (“sacred prostitution”) Prostitution is a contemporary term and can be defined as ―the practice of engaging in sexual acts for payment‖ (Cooper 2006:13). In the Oxford English Dictionary (OED online), its definition is ―the action of prostituting or condition of being prostituted ... the offering of the body to indiscriminate lewdness for hire‖. Today prostitution is viewed as ―pornographic, sensational and salacious‖ associated with the cliché that 2 ―prostitution is the world‘s oldest profession‖. Prostitutes are ―fallen women‖ and ―the other‖ outside of the traditional family structures, constituting ―moral, social, sanitary, and political threats‖ for society, representing ―disorder, excess, pleasure and improvidence‖ (Gilfoyle 1999:117-122). Unfortunately, the label of present-day prostitution has been applied to the priestess groups of the ANE (including OB) – implicating the nadi tu priestess groups – superimposing upon them, the term ―sacred 3 prostitution‖. This is due to the influence of ancient historians, 4 Christianity, classical and ANE scholars. 2 3 Lerner (1986:236) refers to Iwan Bloch, a physician who considers prostitution as a ―by-product of the regulation of sexuality‖. See the discussion by Lerner (1986:237-239): the nin-dingir priestess in ancient Sumer belonged to the class of women who annually participated in the ―sacred marriage‖, impersonating or representing the goddess. The basis for the ritual of the sacred marriage was the belief that the fertility of the land and of REVISITING THE NADI TU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 97 For instance, the ancient Greek historian Herodotus – sometimes called the father of History – in his Histories at §1.199 mentioned an incident of 5 ―the most shameful custom‖ which he came across during his travels. Herodotus gave this account before the war between ancient Greece and Persia (part of the ANE). The ancient Greek historian elaborated on the presumably illicit sexual behaviour which occurred at a temple of Ishtar in Babylon where every woman, before she could marry, had to sell her body for a silver coin for the coffers of her goddess. This was one of Herodotus‘ five Babylonian ―customs‖ described in his Histories, reflecting the ancient Greek historian‘s bias towards the presumed 6 ―customs‖ of the Babylonians (Roth 2008:22). Later, the ancient Greek 4 5 6 the people depended on the celebration of the sacred marriage being performed in temples (Lerner 1986:239-240). I discuss the sacred marriage later in this section. See Assante‘s (1998:5-9) outline of the history of superimposing present-day prostitution onto ANE priestess classes. The scholarly myth of the orgy of prostitution as practised by the ANE priestesses is incorporated in gender studies (Pollock 1992:22-24). Some studies of feminine sexuality and constructions of gender roles in the priestess classes include Budin (2008), Bahrani (2006, 2001:1-27, 96-120), Frymer-Kensky (1992, 1981), Lerner (1986), Gruber (1986, 1972) and Fisher (1976). Here follow selections from Herodotus‘ version (for a full version, see Roth 2008:21-39): ―The most shameful custom the Babylonians have is this: every native woman must go sit in the temple of Aphrodite, once in her life, and have sex with an adult male stranger ... some arrive while others depart. Once a woman sits down there, she does not go home until a stranger drops money in her lap and has sex with her outside the temple … The money can be of any value at all – it is not to be refused, for that is forbidden, as this money becomes sacred. When ... she has performed her religious dues to the goddess ... [she] goes home ... some of them wait for a three- or four-year spell‖ (Roth 2008:21-22). Herodotus‘ four other customs cover the two topics of ―illness and death‖ and ―sex and marriage‖, which include a description of a bride market with two auctions in §1.196; the custom of treating the sick by laying them in the public square and having to take the advice of others passing by, at §1.197; the accusation that Babylonians bury their dead in honey; and ―post-coital ritual purification‖ of ―incense and washing‖ at §1.198 (Roth 2008:22). 98 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK writer Strabo supplemented Herodotus‘ statements in his Geography (11.14.16, 16.1.20, 17.1.46). 8 This is followed by the ―fascination‖ of 19th-century classical authors such as Frazer, Tylor and Robertson Smith with the so-called ―ritual prostitution‖ of ancient Babylonians (Assante 2009a:27-29; Hackett 1989:68, 74; Westenholz 1989:261). Western Christianity has contributed to the ―bad reputation of Babylon‖, as the Book of Revelation states that Babylon is the ―mother of harlots‖ (Westenholz 1989:261). Adding to accounts of the so-called illicit behaviour of the ancient Babylonians, ANE scholars, for instance, refer to the rite de passage of 9 the first night in the OB Gilgamesh epic (Stol 1995:138). Astour (1966:187) – quoted and criticised by recent scholars for his bias and unfounded statements10 – referred to Babylonia as the ―classical land of 7 7 8 9 10 Westenholz (1989:264-265) thinks that it was the Greeks‘ ―denigration of the female sex‖ and considerations of the other as ―barbarians‖ which led to the ―negative attributes‖ of Mesopotamia. Roth (2008:21) states that there are no validations from original sources for these negative assumptions, but they are accepted by some in today‘s literature. See in this regard discussions by Oden (1987:131-153). Assante (2009a:27-29) discusses the perceptions of classical scholars such as Fraser, Smith and Tylor (considered to be the father of anthropology) of illicit behaviour in the ANE, as well as the influence of the Darwinian theory on scholars‘ interpretations of representations of gender and sex in the ancient world. Astour (1966:185-196, esp. 185) examines the story of Tamar in Genesis 38, considering Tamar as a ―heroine‖ and ―temple harlot‖, and comparing her position with the ―legal and ritual prescription for temple harlots in Babylonia.‖ See Westenholz (1989:248). Westenholz (1989:251) thinks that the qadištuwomen, together with ―other classes‖ such as ―the nadītu, kulmašītu, ugbabtu‖ were regulated by ―codes‖, ―organised into special groups‖ having a ―special relationship‖ with a god; and their sexuality was either controlled by celibacy or marriage. However, the ―classes‖ of the arimtu, šam atu and kezertu were not regulated by the ―codes‖, as they had a ―special relationship‖ with a goddess; and their sexuality was ―unregulated‖ (Westenholz 1989:251). Westenholz (1989:262) states that there was a priestess group who worked as commercial prostitutes and this included those working in the taverns. This led to the unfortunate association by some scholars of the tavern with commercial prostitution. Westenholz (1989:256) thinks that ―controlled coitus within the REVISITING THE NADI TU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 99 sacral prostitution‖. Astour (1966:187) goes so far as to state that there were ―numerous categories‖ or at least ―terms‖ for ―various kinds of prostitutes‖ and divided them into two groups: the ―common street harlots and the temple prostitutes‖. Astour (1966:188) even includes the nadi tu as ―sacral prostitutes‖, giving the literal meaning of the word nadītu as ―abandoned‖, as well as meaning ―fallow, unsown field‖, a symbol of barrenness. Astour‘s reflections on the priestesses of the ANE (OB inclusive) were standard for much of the twentieth century. Also, Brooks‘ (1921:54-79) dissertation on the ―moral practices‖ of ANE priestesses refers to some types of priestesses as temple prostitutes who were devotees in service of a god.11 Kramer (1963:490) discusses the so-called sacred marriage ritual and thinks that at the New Year feast a ―ritual practice‖ of a marriage ceremony took place, performed between ―a specifically selected hierodule from Inanna‘s temple in Erech‖ and the king. Scholars interchangeably refer to this as the hieros gamos or sacred 12 prostitution. Diakonoff (1986:230-231) contends that the hieros gamos literally take place and in a later period were performed with statues or dolls. Even the Encyclopedia of Religion (1987), with an entry for ―hierodouleia‖, explains that present-day scholars refer to the expression ―sacred prostitution‖ as a sexual rite practised in the ANE in the temples of Ištar, Astarte, Ma, AnŠita and Aphrodite, where women, often virgins, offered themselves sexually to strangers. It states further that sometimes ―sacred prostitutes‖ were part of the temple staff (see Westenholz 1989:261). More recently, Cooper (2006:12-21, 13), in the discussion of 11 12 sacred sphere‖ cannot be regarded as ―prostitution‖ and ―ritual promiscuity‖. Lerner (1986) and Fischer (1976) attempt to classify the cultic sexual services as practices accepted in society, in contrast to those sexual acts involving commercial prostitution for payment. Brooks‘s contribution is based on her dissertation (1921:54-79). Brooks (1923:190) makes a distinction between the sal me (nadītu), uncloistered priestess with the freedom to conduct business dealings, and the nin an, a ―virgin high priestess‖, who was cloistered, as well as ―temple prostitutes‖ such as the zermašitu and qadištu. Brooks (1923:192) considers the arimtu as a ―common prostitute‖ from Hammurabi‘s time and the temple prostitution acts as the ―legalised vice‖ of the qadištu. See discussions by Assante (2009:23-29), who thinks that the notion of sacred prostitution largely derived from 19th-century theories of ―cultural diffusion and social evolution‖. See also the detailed discussion of sacred prostitution in Assante (2003). 100 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK prostitution in the ANE, refers to the arimtu (Sumerian KAR-KID), as a ―prostitute‖ whose profession was brought, as a me (norm), by the goddess Inanna to society. Cooper (2006:13) also considers the locus classicus for ―representing prostitution in the ANE‖ as the Enkidu‘s ―Curse and Blessing of Šaḫatu‖ in The Epic of Gilgamesh VII, as well as the warning in the Instructions of Šurruppak not to ―purchase‖ a kar-kid 13 ( arimtu), for it is ―dangerous‖. Assante (1998:5-95), in a detailed discussion, rejects this theory and claims that the word ―prostitute‖ was unknown in Mesopotamia. Nowhere in the sources is there any mention of a priestess who was part of sacred prostitution for their cult (Assante 14 2009a; 2006:118; 1998:95; Roth 2008:22). The ANE scholars translated and assigned the present-day term to the different priestess groups and with biased interpretations translated the texts to convey today‘s meaning of prostitution (Assante 2009a, 2003, 1998). The only debatable exception is the ―sacred marriage‖ from which the term ―sacred prostitution‖ was 15 derived and overgeneralised to other priestess groups. In this debate, Roth (2008:22) claims that the sacred marriage ritual was presented by the 13 14 15 Assante (1998:36) states that a arimtu is a woman who is not under the direct control of a man, which includes her finances, sexuality and offspring. Assante (1986:26-36) shows, with reference to case studies and a discussion of some paragraphs from LL and the LH, that the arimtu‘s or kar-kid‘s status was lower than the woman who was under the control of her father or husband. The ḫarimtu was thus a class of woman who fell outside the control of a man. She was considered not controllable, too independent and disobedient (Assante 1998:55). See also comments by Roth (2008:24-34) and Assante‘s (2007:128132) reply. Assante (2006:184) states that the post-Darwinian notion of ―survival of the fittest‖ and other post-Enlightenment views contributed to the acceptance of the ancient woman‘s role as a ―child bearer‖ as part of the ―cycle of pregnancy and nursing until her fertility dried out‖. In the instances where aspects of women‘s (and goddesses‘) representations in the ancient sources did not fit this mould, negative connotations were superimposed on the women (and goddesses) of the ancient world such as cults of sacred prostitution and secular prostitution. These negative connotations are by-products of ―nineteenthcentury social conditioning‖ (Assante 1989:180). Hackett (1989:75) theorises that scholars emphasise fertility (indirectly ritual prostitution) and ―mothering‖ traits as part of the so-called fertility goddesses, because such traits are ―non-threatening‖ in relation to the goddesses‘ volatile and contradictory personality traits. REVISITING THE NADI TU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 101 ēntu priestess in the late third millennium BCE as a ―sacred marriage ritual between the king and goddess Inanna‖. Assante (2007:118, 125-31) disagrees that the ēntu was engaged in the ritual itself. However, Roth (2008:22) states that ―at least we have consensus‖ that this does not classify it as prostitution in our normal sense of the word and that kar-kid and arimtu were erroneously translated as ―prostitute‖ in its present-day meaning. The topic of sex and marriage was further pursued in scholars‘ studies of the nadi tu (Roth 1999:22). Assigning prostitution to the kar-kid and arimtu – the single women who lived outside the ―male ancestral home‖ – implicated the nadi tu (Assante 1998:38-39). Also, in their interpretation of LH §110 scholars ―accused‖ the nadi tu of performing 16 possibly illicit sexual behaviour. A translation of LH §110 by Boecker (1980:97) reads: ―If a hierodule (nadītu) or a nun (ēntu) who is not living in a convent has opened (the door of) a wineshop or has entered a wineshop for a drink, they shall burn that woman‖ [my emphasis is underlined]. Boecker (1980:97) interprets this section as meaning that both these priestess classes were expected to ―lead blameless lives and going into a tavern‖ to drink ale was ―an unheard-of crime‖. Lerner (1986:242) translates Boecker‘s ―wineshop‖ as an ―alehouse‖, which implies ―a brothel or an inn which was frequently visited by prostitutes, and thus warranted the death penalty for an uncloistered nadītu who ‗entered‘ such a place‖. Lerner (1986:242) added that the nadītu was forbidden to ―associate‖ with such a place, indicating that she must have ―lived respectably‖ and ―guarded her reputation‖. Also, the ―need for recording such a law‖ reflected ―looseness of morals among the cultic servants‖ and showed that the society had ―respectable‖ and ―non-respectable‖ women. Even Harris (2000:228 n. 30) thinks that LH §110 is a reference to the ―chastity‖ of the nadi tu which was ―called into question‖. Renger (1967:156) comments that the reason for the paragraph was to ensure the 16 See Roth‘s (1999:445-462) discussion of the scholars‘ viewpoints. Roth (1999:447) negates the claims of Driver & Miles (1952:202) that LH §110 has a connection with LH §112, which they consider the ―lodging needs‖ of the ―travelling salesman‖. Rather, LH §112-126 is the regulation of the relationship between two persons ―engaged in a manner of economic trust‖ (Roth 1999:447). 102 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK financial independence of the nadi tu by preventing them from choosing prostitution in order to supplement their financial needs, and this is why the nadi tu were protected by living in the gagûm. On the other side of the debate, Assante (2007:127) propounds that 17 scholars misinterpret the bīt sībum for the present-day tavern/brothel/inn. Roth (1999:456) gives an insightful commentary on LH §110, stating that the nadi tu are erroneously implicated with prostitution in scholars‘ interpretations of the terms in italics: the nadītu‘s entry or opening up of the tavern and the harshness of the type of offence: burning. Roth‘s translation is as follows – and I added some of Boecker‘s translation in brackets [ ] – with my emphasis shown in the underlining: ―If a nadītum, [hierodule] (var. adds: and/or) and ugbabtum [nun], one who does not reside within the cloister [convent], should open a tavern or enter a tavern (bīt sībum) [wineshop] for 18 some beer, they shall burn that woman (var.: nadītum).‖ Roth (1999:457) thinks that LH §110 has nothing to do with prostitution and the regulation and guarding of the chastity of the nadi tu. LH §110 is only concerned with the uncloistered nadi tu who are those of the god Marduk. Roth (1999:445-448, 456) disagrees with the translated term of 17 18 Assante (2007:129ff), discussing the term bīt sībum, translated it as either a ―tavern,‖ ―alehouse‖ or ―brewery‖, which some scholars associate and translate with ―brothel‖ or ―bordello.‖ ―Tavern-keeping‖ in the earlier periods was a ―common and respectable female occupation,‖ but was later taken over by men. In the Old Babylonian sources there are numerous ―restrictions and regulations on tavern owners,‖ although none could be proved to involve illicit behaviour. Mesopotamians drank an ―estimated 4 to 5 litres of beer daily‖ and therefore places considered as ―beer stalls, home breweries and taverns‖ were a common OB feature. Men, women and children of all ages drank beer. Female ―tavern keepers‖ were ―grand figures‖ – for instance, Kubaba, who became ruler of Kish, as well as Siduri, the ―paragon of wisdom‖ in the earlier OB version of the Gilgamesh epic. The terms currently used for brothels or bordellos, prostitutes and prostitution are unknown in cuneiform and constitute present-day interpretations (Assante 2007:129ff). See Assante‘s (1998:65-72) discussion of the misinterpretations of the role of the s bītu and the translated term ―tavern‖ and my interpretation of her role in Van Wyk (2015:109-145). Roth‘s (1995:456) transcription of the text reads: šumma nadītum (var. adds u) ugbabtum ša ina gagîm la wašbat bīt sībim iptete u lu (var. ulu) ana šikarim ana bīt sībim īterub awīltam (var. nadītam) šu ti iqallûši. REVISITING THE NADI TU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 103 the bīt sībum, which she considered as a biased reflection with presentday connotations. Roth (1999) advocates that we must read §110 in context with LH‘s other paragraphs, which indicated that LH §110 was 19 part of the regulation of the s bītu (a tapster) from paragraphs LH §10820 111, as illustrated in Table 1. LH §100-126 were about the regulation of ―economic ventures‖ and/or economically-based personal relationships (Roth 1999:447). Thus, LH §110 regulated the business affairs of the 21 nadītu and not her ―morality, chastity or sobriety‖ (Roth 1999:458). 19 20 21 Roth (1995:446 n. 6) explains her ―unfortunate‖ translation of a womaninnkeeper in her 1995 translations in Laws of X §1, Laws of Ešnunna §15, 41 and LH §108-111. Roth (1999:145) affirms that the more suitable translated term for s bītu is ―tapster‖, so as to remove any anomalies of misunderstanding which were associated with other translations such as ―barmaid‖ and ―tavern inn-keeper‖. The table is based on Roth‘s (1999:446-447) conclusions of the relation of LH §110 with the other paragraphs of the LH. See Van Wyk (2015:109-145). I expand on Roth‘s comments regarding the severity of the penalty of burning. I propose that LH §110 is a fiscal regulation, prohibiting the uncloistered nadītu from committing the secret transgression of tax evasion, which warrants public execution through death by burning. Unfortunately, the scope of this article does not allow for elaboration of this discussion. 104 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK §100-§103 International trading §104-§107 Local trading §108-§111 §112-§126 Individual business and trading s bītu‘s business 22 relations (tavern): §108: s bītu & customers – payment in grain for beer §109: s bītu conspiring with criminals (palace authorities) §110: unilateral = uncloistered priestess §111: s bītu & borrower Two persons in an economic trust relationship §127f. Marriage, marital infidelity, etc. Table 1: LH § 110 in context with adjacent sections 1.2 The nadītu as a nun (religious devotee of a god) Some ANE scholars extended their preoccupation with the regulation of the sexual behaviour of the nadi tu to the priestesses‘ presumed celibacy. Due to limitations in the length of the article, I have only outlined some of the main arguments of two scholars: Stol (1998; 1995) and Launderville (2010:261-273). Stol (1995:137-139) and Launderville (2010:270) disagree with scholars who claimed the nadi tu was involved in illicit behaviour, including prostitution. Stol (1995) applies the term ―nuns‖ to the nadi tu, while Launderville (2010) maintains the transliterated term nadi tum, although both scholars associated the nadi tu with present-day nuns as better-known from medieval Christianity. Throughout their discussions it seems that the nadi tu share at least two main characteristics of the present-day Christian (Catholic) nuns: their chastity as virgins in a lifetime of celibacy and their ―calling‖ to become cloistered devotees to their god(s). Stol (1995:139) and Launderville (2010:264-265) think that the cloistered nadi tu were sent off to a secluded place by their parents – who were rich and sometimes royal families – to pray on their behalf and make 22 Only LH §110 refers to a unilateral offence, with an ―actor‖: the priestess and ―no explicit victim‖ (Roth 1999:452). In the other three sections (LH §108, 109 and 111), two or more people are involved regarding the business affairs of the s bītu: §108 between the s bītu and a customer paying in grain for beer, §109 regarding the s bītu, criminals and palace authorities, and LH §111 between the s bītu and a borrower (Roth 1999:452). REVISITING THE NADI TU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 105 sacrifices, as deduced from the nadi tu‘s letters to family and friends. Launderville (2010:264) proposes that the nadītu‘s religious role also involved the performance of various rituals when entering the ―cloister‖, her position being similar to that of a kallatu, a betrothed young girl who was housed in her father-in-law‘s household before the 23 consummation of her marriage (Launderville 2010:264). Both scholars‘ opinions of the predominant goal of the nadi tu leading a religious life derived from their interpretations of business and legal cuneiform texts in which the nadi tu were directly and indirectly involved. Both scholars discuss the business role of the nadi tu in their family and society. Launderville (2010:266-270) mentions and outlines the studies of Harris (1975) and Stone (1982) with regard to the different groups of nadi tu involved in real estate transactions, economic institutions and family life. Stol (1998, 1995) outlines various business and legal texts of the nadi tu, especially in his 1998 contribution, adding value to the interpretations of the nadītu‟s role in her family and society. However, neither Stol nor Launderville considered the presence of the nadi tu‟s economic role as the rationale for the existence of the institution of priestess. Stol (1998; 1995) believes that the nadītu‟s role was religious and also that the institution did not represent an economic motive to preserve the family capital. Launderville (2010:264) considers that the rationale for the institution was based on a calling of the cloistered and uncloistered priestesses to serve their god(s). It was an ―escape route‖ for those who could not marry – by intent or through circumstances – by accommodating them in cases where they could not find a suitable husband and by exempting them from the ―burdens of childbearing‖. In addition, the cloistered priestesses had a ―special calling for a lifetime‖ to 24 make a ―sacrifice of virginity‖ (Launderville 2010:269). Overall, the nadi tu in their rituals and duties show a special relationship with a deity, 23 24 Launderville (2010:264) refers in this instance to the fact that the nadītu was the daughter-in-law of Šamaš and his wife Aja or the betrothed of Šamaš. Launderville (2010:262-264) outlined the different scholars‘ opinions about the so-called chastity and the virginity of the nadi tu. Landsberger (1986:58) considers the priestesses to have lived a chaste life. Finkelstein (1970:246) affirms that there is no textual reference to any ―vow of chastity‖ and that the nadi tu and qadištu cannot be associated with the Sumerian lukur. Harris (1964:107) claims there is no ―reliable‖ technical equivalent for lukur. Lambert (1992:154 n.14) thinks that the nadi tu were prostitutes and that their business dealings were in effect prostitution. 106 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK underscored by acts such as a ―standard use of salutation‖ and acting as an ―intercession‖ for their city, family and ―other interested parties‖ (Launderville 210:265). 25 1.3 The nadītu as a man-woman Diakonoff (1986) explains that if an OB girl could not be married by her 12th or 14th year, she became either a priestess or a arimtu and was not ―under the patriarchal authority of the family house‖. Diakonoff (1986) based these assumptions on ―cited and similar documents‖, including LH §178-182. Diakonoff (1986:234) translates the nadītu literally as ―the cast off, the laid down or away, perhaps the lying in barrenness‖. For Diakonoff (1986:234) there were different types of nadi tu and they were present in only some of the city-states. The nadi tu groups differ in their dedication to different gods and rules regarding marriage, but Diakonoff (1986:234) contends that they had the advantage of not falling under the patriarchal household. In their role as devotees of certain gods, they acted independently in society (Diakonoff 1986:234). 2. SPECIALISED STUDIES OF THE NADI TU From recent scholarly contributions such as those of Roth (1999), Stone (1987, 1982, 1977) and Harris (1975, etc.), we can agree that the textual sources give us information reflecting different categories of priestesses. This includes information about whether they were allowed by their cult to marry and have children, where they lived, whether cloistered or uncloistered, how they received money and property from their families, and even what their contractual abilities were (Roth 2008:22). Harris made a qualitative study of thousands of cuneiform tablets, mainly from the gagûm of Sippar in northern Mesopotamia. Harris‘s main work is captured in Ancient Sippar (1975), preceded by contributions in 1961, 1963, 1964, 1968, 1969 and followed by 26 contributions in 1976, 1977 and 1989. Harris‘s studies mainly cover the 25 26 For instance: ―May Šamaš and Aja, the bride, keep you well.‖ Harris (1961) outlines the nadi tu, and their rights in LH. Harris (1962) presents some bibliographical notes on some of the nadi tu priestesses. Harris (1962:4) refers to the text VAS 9 144/145. This text records the division of the paternal estate between three brothers, with a maintenance clause (inheritance) in favour of their nadītu sister. The parties agreed that the inheritance of their nadītu sister belonged to them on her death. Harris (1969, 1968, 1964, 1963, 1961) discusses the nadi tu women in general and gives a general overview of REVISITING THE NADI TU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 107 cloistered nadi tu of Sippar and, to a lesser extent, the uncloistered nadi tu of Marduk and other types of priestesses. Stone‘s (1982) studies are focused on the nadi tu of Nippur with genealogies of four to six generations in the examination of five hundred private contracts predominantly consisting of recordings of transfers of privately-owned fields, houses and temple property, mainly concerning sale and 27 inheritance transactions. The social and economic circumstances in northern and southern Mesopotamia differed and influenced the roles of the nadi tu groups in their society and family life (Roth 1999:450; Stone 1982). Interdependent and interacting economic, social and ecological factors and conditions resulted in different forms of ownership in the management of property and for the survival of the city-states‘ inhabitants (Renger 1995:269-270; Ellickson & Thorland 1995:329). In northern Mesopotamia there was the uncloistered nadi tu group of 28 29 Marduk, living outside the secluded areas of Sippar and Babylon, and 30 the cloistered nadi tu of Šamaš living in the gagûm of Sippar, while in southern Mesopotamia, the cloistered nadi tu of Ninurta from Nippur lived in the ―place of the nadi tu‖. Stone (1982:62-63) considers the differences and similarities between the nadi tu groups as ―superficial‖ and compares only the two cloistered 27 28 29 30 the organisation and administration of the cloister. Some general notes on kinship and inheritance are given by Harris (1976), in addition to notes on slave names in Harris (1977). Harris (1989) has written an overview article on the named independent women in ancient Mesopotamia (OB), which elicited some responses from other scholars. Stone‘s (1982:53) study of OB Nippur society in a broader context conveys in the social role of the nadi tu in these texts that 10% included a nadītu as a contractual party (Stone 1982:51-52). In contrast with Harris‘s textual sources, which derive mainly from OB Sippar gagûm, the Nippur contracts were found in the houses of the Nippurians (Stone 1982:51 fn. 3). With his wife Ṣarpanītum (Harris 1975:315). Text references to this group in Sippar date from the reign of King Hammurabi in the OB period, probably as a result of bringing the god Marduk as a religion figure from Babylon to Sippar. In the text CT 8 49b there is a reference to a nadītu coming from Babylon, hence the reference that the group could come from Babylon (Harris 1975:315, 325 n. 36, 317-318). With his bride or fiancée (kall tu), Aya (Harris 1975:315). 108 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK groups with one another. However, I add the uncloistered nadi tu of Marduk in the following comparison. The cloistered nadi tu groups were unmarried priestesses, forbidden to have children. The uncloistered nadi tu of Marduk were allowed to marry, but not to have children (Roth 1999:449; Harris 1975:315, 317). The uncloistered nadītu may provide her husband with a second wife 31 (šugītu) whose children are considered the nadītu‘s children. The second wife can be a younger sister, a free woman, or a slave girl (Harris 1975:317-322). The nadi tu institution provided the opportunity for the family to advance their position in society, both socially and economically. The nadi tu were from the ―upper strata of society‖, coming from the powerful, rich and even royal families. It was a position of prestige. For a cloistered nadītu, entry to the institution could be secured if she had an aunt or great-aunt who was already a nadītu. For the uncloistered nadītu, an added advantage to secure entry to the institution was having an elder 32 sister as a cloistered nadītu (Stone 1982:62; Harris 1975:307, 315-316). The Marduk nadi tu, notwithstanding their uncloistered marriage status, had some temple duties – daily or for periods – similar to those ―services‖ a young bride would have to fulfil in her father-in-law‘s 33 household duties (Harris 1975:308, 322). The cloistered nadi tu had 34 religious duties and Harris (1975:316) considers the nadi tu of Šamaš‘ 31 32 33 34 See LH §144-147 dealing with the uncloistered nadītu‘s marriage and its financial implications. Harris (1975:306) thinks that the oldest sister as the cloistered nadītu was of a higher rank than her younger sister, who was the uncloistered nadītu. It seems that the uncloistered nadītu‘s religious role was lesser, for there was no regular reference to renaming her to associate her with her temple and only one letter contained a salutation address (Harris 1975:315-316). Also, in only one text reference (a marriage contract) were the second wife and adopted sister obliged to bring the uncloistered nadītu‘s chair to the temple (Harris 1975: 320, 322). Harris (1975:307) outlined the religious rituals of the cloistered nadi tu of Sippar when the entering the gagûm. In a symbolic act, the ―rope of Šamaš‖ was placed over the nadītu‘s arm as a symbol of her relationship to the god. Funerary rites were conducted, symbolising her deceased parents. The nadītu could assume a new name to express her ―devotion‖ to her god(s), which included prominent names such as Amat-Šamaš ―the servant of Šamaš and Eristi-Šamaš‖ or Eristi-Aja ―requested by Šamaš or Aja‖. However, the REVISITING THE NADI TU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 109 religious role to be the same as that of the Sipparians in their temple: both the cult and temple had to be ―magnificently and lavishly maintained‖ to declare their ―concern and care‖ in ―guaranteeing‖ the god Šamaš would retain an ―abiding interest‖ in the citizens‘ ―welfare and well-being‖. The Nippur nadi tu acted – in a symbiotic relationship with the family and temple group – as officials of the temple, providing status to their family 35 lineage group (Stone 1982:55). 36 The nadītu received her dowry and ring-money during her initiation to the institution. She is afforded some opportunity to obtain property for her own means with her wit and labour. At her death, her dowry returns to her family, securing the continuation of her family‘s patronage estate (Van Wyk 2014a, 2014b; Stone 1982:59-60; Harris 1975:307, 316-318, 1968:119). The cloistered groups‘ structures of enclosed places of living differ. The cloistered nadi tu of Sippar lived in a gagûm. This was a walled enclosed area, consisting of buildings where administrative staff and workers lived and carried out administrative tasks and chores, so that the Sippar nadi tu could focus on their business dealings (Harris 1975:3837 208, 306, 310-312). The cloistered Nippur nadi tu lived in a structured area called the ―place of the nadi tum‖ (ki-lukur-ra), where men, for instance, were not owners of houses (Stone 1982:56). Another difference between the groups is the manner in which a nadītu received and managed property for herself and to the advantage of her family and institution. The Marduk uncloistered nadītu provides for her own support, but Roth (1999:457) reasons from LH §110 that she was not allowed to compete economically with other occupations such as the s bītu. The uncloistered nadi tu owned property (Roth 1999:458). However, she was not completely independent, for in an anomalous text – the only sales text – she appears as a party in the sale of land, represented 35 36 37 uncloistered Sippar nadi tu of Marduk seem to have no ―pious names‖ (Harris 1975:309). In FN 17 P 56 in PBS 8/2, a nadītu receives a considerable amount of gudu4ship from the temple of Ninlil (Stone 1982:55). The text illustrates the ―degree of freedom from economic constraint‖ enjoyed by the nadi tu, and the secular nature of temple offices (Stone 1982:55). ―Ring money‖ is a phrase found in the sale contracts. This was jewellery that the nadītu‘s father gave to her at her initiation (Harris 1975:316). Harris (1963:122-124, 125-126) gives a concise description of the layout of the cloister and of the type of houses within the walled area. 110 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK with her brothers (Harris 1975:317). The cloistered nadi tu of Sippar and Nippur in certain instances did acquire property such as fields, houses and slaves, and some of these purchases were next to or near their father‘s holdings – thus, the nadi tu could increase their ownership in an area (Stone 1982:68; Harris 1975:310-311). In various Sippar gagûm records, the cloistered nadi tu obtained and leased property without the assistance of male family members (Harris 1975:310-312). In Sippar the cloistered nadi tu received property via inheritance from their father or other nadi tu. In Nippur, the nadi tu received gifts of property (Stone 1982:57). In contracts between the Nippur family members – during and after the lifetime of the father – the nadītu received property and benefits in the form of a dowry, gifts of various properties and maintenance (Stone 39 1982:57-58). In the Sippar division agreements and the Nippur contracts, the brothers agree with their cloistered nadītu sister, on the death of their father, to provide for their sister‘s maintenance needs for the rest of her life (Van 40 Wyk 2014a, 2014b). The cloistered nadītu only received some of the 38 38 39 40 The text, Szlechter Tablettes 45 Mah 15935, gives a confused picture of the property rights of the uncloistered nadi tu. Harris (1975:317) thinks that either she was limited in selling her property (probably family property) or she could not, like the cloistered nadītu, sell land without male family representation. In text ARN 29, three types of property were awarded to the Nippur nadītu, Beltani. This included a list of goods in the form of a dowry, consisting of household goods, grain and a slave girl, then a ―substantial plot‖ of an eighteen-iku field coming originally from her nadītu aunt‘s estate (Stone 1982:57) and a three-iku plot provided by her father and her eldest brother. (1 iku is 3600m2.) A third group of property consists of her maintenance support, which the nadītu by agreement received for a lifetime. In a later agreement, CBS 7112, PBS 8/2, her maintenance was reduced and Beltani received from her brothers a monthly ration of grain, oil and an annual ration of wool for life (Stone 1982:58). In my contributions on the nadi tu, I focus on the maintenance and inheritance provisions for the nadi tu from Sippar (Van Wyk 2014a) and those of Nippur (Van Wyk 2014b). Also, LH §178 states that, if the father does not give his nadītu daughter the freedom to alienate the property, then the brothers must support her by managing her property and allotting the proceeds to her. This form of maintenance consists of food, oil and clothing allowances in accordance with the value of her inheritance share. Furthermore, the onus is on the brothers to ensure that she is satisfied with the allowances. In the instance REVISITING THE NADI TU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 111 fruits and income derived from her maintenance property. Thus, during the lifetime of the nadītu the family – father and then his sons – was the representative owners of the nadītu‘s maintenance property and upon her death became the ultimate owners of such property (Van Wyk 2014a, 41 2014b; Harris 1976:133). However, in the Sippar texts the cloistered nadi tu of Sippar was sometimes involved in conflicting roles with their family members by adopting and bequeathing their maintenance property to their beneficiaries (Harris 1975:335-357; 1963:152-154). Still, at the best of times the cloistered nadi tu of Sippar and Nippur and their family members played mutually supportive roles (Van Wyk 2014a; 2014b). Furthermore, in Nippur, three social institutions played a dynamic role in defining the nadi tu‘s role and contained risk-sharing attributes for the advantage of the survival of its inhabitants (Stone 1987:133; 1985:55; 1977:283-287).42 These institutions were the patrilineal lineages, the temple office group and the nadītu institution (Stone 1982:55). The 41 42 of non-compliance, the nadītu is given the power to appoint an agricultural tenant who can then make better use of the land to provide her with maintenance from the proceeds of the fields and orchard. LH §179 states that if the nadītu‘s father gives the land-dowry as a free disposition, the nadītu has the freedom to bequeath it to whomever she pleases, otherwise the land is her brothers‘ land and they must support her. The following paragraphs of LH and LL give a glimpse of the property rights of the nadi tu. In LH §180, the cloistered nadītu shall, as a lifetime maintenance, ―have a share of the property of the paternal estate comparable in value to that of one heir‖. However, ―her estate belongs only to her brothers‖. LH §181 states that a nadītu who did not receive her dowry shall, upon her father‘s death, ―take her one-third share from the property of the paternal estate as her inheritance‖ for a lifetime maintenance and ―her estate belongs only to her brothers‖ (translations by Roth 1995:180). Thus, the nadītu keeps a close connection with her family. The property gained by the nadītu was ―at least partly‖ controlled by her brothers (Stone 1981:18). Then §22 of LL reads that a nadītu shall share as equal heir with her brothers in her father‘s estate (Roth 1995:31). Whereas LH §180 and 181 specify that the nadītu sister has only the use of the property, because the property belongs ultimately to her brothers, LL makes no such statement. Thus, Jackson (2008:121) states that in LL §22, there is a ―slightly different attitude‖ towards female inheritance. In Van Wyk (2014b:457-480) I outlined how the OB Nippurians managed property through institutions which resulted in spreading different risk-sharing attributes among these institutions. 112 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK Nippur nadītu had a symbiotic relationship with her family lineage and retained ―close economic ties‖ with her family (Stone 1981:19), which is extended also to her welfare (Van Wyk 2014b). Her family utilised her position as part of the temple office group to control and extend family property, whereby she acted as a party in the transfer of property from one lineage to another. In this way, the family obtain property from other lineages rather than through the traditional means from their minor branch (Stone 1981:24). Thus, the Nippur nadītu institution served the family‘s interests and acted as a link between the patrilineal lineages and the temple office group, while being protected by her family (Stone 1981:18). Still, in Sippar, although the nadītu institution once had a ―spiritual and social role‖, in time the function of the temple office became of lesser importance (Stone 1981:69; Harris 1968:117, 119). The emphasis in Sippar developed towards some independent economic advantages which a cloistered and uncloistered nadi tu might or could gain, especially in the later period of OB (Van Wyk 2014a, 2014b; Stone 1982:69). 3. CONTRADICTORY AND DISTINCTIVE ATTRIBUTES OF THE NADI TU In our evaluation of Mesopotamian data by period and area, religious and other types of symbols and titles undergo continuous changes and replacement, giving way to different meanings (Westenholz 1989:251). It is these different meanings that can elude historians when we superimpose with a contemporary bias our ideals and present-day meanings onto OB concepts and institutions. In this section, I give my concluding remarks on the contradictory attributes of the nadi tu as prostitutes or celibate-virgin nuns. This is followed by conclusions on the distinctive attributes of the nadi tu, namely, the considerations of the family to save the nadi tu from the consequences of pregnancy and childbearing and the presumptions that the nadītu acted as an independent person, outside the bounds of patriarchal authority. 3.1 Contradicting classifications: prostitutes versus virgin nuns In historical studies, there is a tendency to discuss women of ancient times in terms of their sexual functions. Women are seen as wives and mothers based on their ―biological function‖ such as fertility, maternity and sex, and placed in roles such as ―wives, mothers, witches, midwives, nuns or whores‖ (Hackett 1989:65-66). This limited view is extended to the priestesses of the ANE and, more specifically, the nadi tu groups. As REVISITING THE NADI TU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 113 previously discussed, there is no valid reason to impose on the nadi tu the label of illicit sexual behaviour and prostitution. I disagree with Launderville (2010) and Stol (1995, etc.), who believe that the cloistered nadi tu‘s ultimate destiny was to live a virgin-celibate life – similar to that of a present-day nun – in religious dedication to their gods and having no sexual intercourse. Although the nadi tu performed religious duties for themselves and their family, we should recognise that to reconstruct the sexual life of ancient Mesopotamians is ―fraught with many uncertainties‖. At least we know from the sources that ancient Mesopotamians had fewer prohibitions against sex than our own 43 civilizations (Bullough 1971:191). The nadi tu groups‘ celibacy can only be limited to vaginal sex to prevent pregnancy, for there are no textual sources stating that the nadi tu were forbidden from conducting 44 other forms of sexual acts. However, the focus of studying the priestess groups should not be directed towards the priestesses‘ alleged sexual and virgin-celibate lives, or the topics of prostitution and sex. Attributing to the nadi tu sexual acts or abstinence from sexual acts does not add to our understanding of their role and position in society, but rather reveals biased presumptions and the superimposing of present-day sexual taboos and sexual behaviour onto classes of women who did not fit the mould of the wife/mother. In addition, the bias and negative connotations of superimposing present-day translated terms such as ―prostitutes‖ and ―nuns‖ contribute to the misreading and misunderstanding of ancient texts – in the quotation and re-quotation of translated primary sources. We should rather in our 45 translations retain the terms ―nadītu/nadi tu‖ and follow the slower and more complex road – communicating in debate – for at least some common understanding of cuneiform terms. 43 44 45 See discussions of ANE (OB) sexual life, customs, eroticism, conceptions of the male/female body, etc. by Bahrani (2001), Asher-Greve (1997) Leick (1994) and Bullough (1971:191). Different forms of sexual conduct, including anal sex, are inferred from texts and from representations of partners coupling (Bahrani 1993:13-14, fig. 1; Bullough 1971:191). This suggestion is extended to all terms which need clarification, such as all the priestess classes, e.g. kulmašītu, ugbabtu, arimtu (kar-kid), šam atu, ēntu, etc. who are mostly classified as prostitutes, while their functions and roles in family and society differ. 114 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK 3.2 Distinctive classifications: escaping consequences of childbearing and acting outside the bounds of patriarchal authority Old Babylonian society was socially/group-orientated and the family formed an integral part of society in maintaining relationships, especially 46 kinship relationships (Claassens 2012/1:35). The nadi tu – cloistered and uncloistered – had a predestined social role to play. For each person had a particular ―juridical relationship in their position in the family‖ by contract (Fleishman 2001:93-97) or birth (Frymer-Kensky 1981:210-214). The individual moves in his/her life through different stages, which has a direct influence on his/her status and position in social and family life (Roth 1998:717). The family structure can be labelled as that of ―patripotestal in authority‖ and ―patrilineal in descent‖ (Frymer-Kensky 47 1981:210). However, there were differences in kinship relationships in northern and southern Mesopotamia with regard to ownership influencing the status of the family members and the roles they play within the family 48 structure and other societal institutions (Forster 1995:442; Stone 1985). In the predestined roles of each individual, women were expected to have children. The OB woman, squatting with her feet on birth bricks and giving birth with only the attention of a midwife, was a different reality from that of the present-day woman who gives birth in the comfort of a hospital bed, with the aid of trained medical personnel and advanced 49 50 medical knowledge (Assante 2009b:1-2). Still, childbirth in the ANE and to a lesser extent in the present day is accompanied by possible serious and painful complications for both the mother and baby, as the 46 47 48 49 50 See my discussion of the nature and characteristics of performative legal traditions of OB Mesopotamians (Claassens 2012/1:29-50). However, two practices concerning the daughter were a ―modification of male succession rule‖: receiving a donation during her lifetime in the form of a dowry and/or receiving as a priestess-daughter support from her family (Postgate 1992:97). Roth (1998:175; 1997) warns of superimposing our present-day understanding of social categories on those of the ancient world. As Assante (2009b:1) puts it, ―we hardly dare to imagine them‖. However, notwithstanding the social and cultural differences, there are similarities in the biological processes of our bodies (Assante 2009b:1). See Stol (2010), who also discusses the diagnosis of complications during and after childbirth in the ANE. REVISITING THE NADI TU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 115 51 stark reality of procreation: starting with the date of conception, 52 53 possibility of miscarriages, complications of childbirth and secondary 54 complications thereafter. ANE civilizations were painfully aware of this and to such an extent that the female body was considered a house to be guarded from entry by demons (Assante 2009b:6). Threats to the mother and baby were personified by the demon Lamaštu, who caused miscarriages, stillborn 51 52 53 54 For instance, a complication is hyperemesis gravidarum, which is the abnormal and excessive morning nausea with vomiting. This may cause electrolyte disturbances and can be fatal if not treated medically (World Health Organization 2003:S1). Some complications in pregnancy that can be fatal without any present-day medical assistance include: ectopic pregnancy where the fertilised egg is implanted outside the uterus. Without any medical and surgical intervention, the mother will die (World Health Organization 2003:S-9). Also placenta previa, where the placenta is situated over the cervix (uterus opening) which can cause vaginal bleeding as the pregnancy progresses and end up in maternal death (World Health Organization 2003:S-18). Placenta abrapsio: where the lining separates the placenta from the uterus, which may cause severe bleeding and is today a major contributor to maternal mortality worldwide (World Health Organization 2003:S-18). Eclampsia and pre-eclampsia: immediate assistance is needed when the woman goes into convulsions, otherwise both mother and baby can die (World Health Organization 2003:S-27, 38). Some complications during childbirth that can be fatal without any present-day medical assistance include the following. Cephalo-pelvic disproportion is a condition where either the mother‘s pelvis is too small or the baby is too big (World Health Organization 2003:97). Fetal presentation: where the foetus is lying in an abnormal position – for instance, a breech baby, shoulder presentation, horizontal presentation etc. (World Health Organization 2003:S74, S-75, S-83, S-74, S-73, S-73, S-75). Umbilical cord issues, where the cord is looped around the baby‘s neck or otherwise entangled, which can possibly cause compression (World Health Organization 2003:S-97). Perineal lacerations: tears in the perineum which is the area between the vagina and anus (World Health Organization 2003:S-97S-136). Infections as a result of unsterilised environment and instruments will make the birth-giving mother and baby susceptible to life-threatening infections. Good sanitation and hygienic after-care of the baby and mother are prerequisites to secure the well-being of the mother and baby (World Health Organization 2003:S-108). 116 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK infants and snatched the foetus‘s life from the woman‘s body (Scurlock 1991). This swamp creature was portrayed in horrendous detail, representing painful and life-threatening conditions. It includes the feet of an eagle; a bird of prey; hands as signs of decay; overgrown fingernails 55 and unshaven armpits (Assante 2009b:13). The prohibition of the nadi tu from having biological children preserved her from the perils of pregnancy and childbirth (Harris 2000:53, 90). The concerned rich parents could choose rather to enter their daughter into the nadītu institution, or at least contemplate the advantages of their daughter‘s childless life. As an added advantage, the nadītu institutions had religious undertones, making the nadītu occupation socially acceptable and one of prestige. The nadītu‘s economic functions refute the emphasis on the religiously-destined life as the sole purpose for the institution. This brings us to the classification of the nadītu as a man-woman, an independent woman acting outside the bounds of patriarchal control. The nadītu never could, as a baby, toddler, adolescent or adult woman, possess 56 personal autonomy to decide her fate. Although the nadītu‘s contractual capabilities exceed the mother-wife woman who was bound to patriarchal control, the nadītu did at best have a limited contractual capacity. Her rights were demarcated by her group, societal rules and her family‘s choices. Also, a person in any society, especially in a group-orientated society, who gains entitlements (rights), carries with those entitlements obligations towards others. With the naditu‘s initiation, she received or should at least receive her dowry and ring-money. The nadītu must as soon as possible accumulate her estate by her wit and labour in order to ensure provision for her old age. A few cloistered Nippur and Sippar nadi tu did own estates accumulated from their dowries, because of favourable circumstances and through using their business skills. On the other hand, some Sippar cloistered nadītu had to resort to adopting someone as a daughter or son in order to secure her financial wellbeing, causing tension in her family by violating her brothers‘ inheritance property rights (Harris 1975:309). The 55 56 See a plaque with figure of the demon, Lamaštu (Harper 1985:4). The likenesses of the Lamaštu were used in two ways: as amulets that warded off her approach and as effigies that were killed, destroyed, buried, sent downstream or dispatched to the desert (Assante 2009b:13). In contrast, Launderville (2010:269) thinks that a nadītu could choose her occupation. REVISITING THE NADI TU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 117 uncloistered nadi tu of Sippar were limited in their contractual independence and even in one instance in a contract represented by male family brothers. The Nippur nadītu was mostly dependent on her role in Nippur‘s society institutions. She was used as a link between the temple group and the paternal lineage to obtain property for a family lineage group. Although the Sippar nadi tu had a greater economic freedom than her Nippur counterpart, all the groups of nadi tu, especially the cloistered nadi tu, were in many instances in dire financial need, depending on their male family members for support. The occasional representation by her male family members, her need for maintenance support, and the nadītu of Sippar‘s problems with her families in choosing her heir to provide her with support show that we should be careful when considering the nadi tu groups as independent women not under patriarchal control. There was a thin line between her dependency and presumed independency. Many aspects shaped the nadi tu‘s role and status, such as the temple group and city-state‘s ownership philosophy. Other aspects included the family‘s hidden or even outspoken motives of seeking prestige in society and/or utilising the nadītu daughter‘s position for the family‘s economic and social advantages and/or pleasing the gods and/or rescuing the nadītu daughter from the consequences of pregnancy and childbirth. 4. CONCLUSION Until recently, the focus in the study of the nadi tu was on their presumed contradictory sexual or ascetic roles and/or religious behaviour, describing them as prostitutes or celibate virgin nuns. Roth, Stone and Harris open up the opportunity for a new look at the nadi tu‘s status and role. The different nadi tu groups possess a variety of attributes, depending on the type of group and social-economic circumstances in space and time, together with the hidden choices and motives of the paterfamilias and male family members. The institution was to the advantage of the family and society and, when allowed, the nadītu by her wit and labour could accumulate property for herself for her own financial independence. However, the nadītu was in many instances a maintenance dependant; and her independence from the patriarchal household was only possible in certain instances. 118 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK BIBLIOGRAPHY Asher-Greve, J M 1997. 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