The Host and the Guest

TIl E HOST AND THE G UEST: O;";E HUNDRED R ULES IN R UR AL [\.'IONGO Ll A or GOOD BEHAVIOU R Caroli ne H umphrey In rural Mongolia any visitor, even a passer.by, should be treated as a guest, which entails certain actions both on the part of the 'guest' and the 'host'. These actions can be stated in the fonn of rules (yos) , such as might be g;"c:n as instru.ction or correction to children or to foreigners. The grammatical fonn such rules take IS the repclltive or customary form or the verb (-do$, -dog, -de,), i.e. what happens posItively as a norm. It is understood that any adult Mongolian WIll know these rules, and indeed such is the unstated assumption that they will be followeO that people sometimes play with them; for ･ｾ｡ｭｰｬＬ＠ a lama, a respec!Cd person, ｭ ｩｾｨｴ＠ begin his visit by acting according to the rules for juniors or women, thereby mdicating his humI li ty. only to be entreated by his ｨｯ ｾｴｳＬ＠ of course, to follow the respected and respectable line of action. Such rules need nonnally never be Stated among adUlts. However, the fact that I WlIS provided with a collection of onc hundred rules , unsolicited. b)' a Mon golian teacher friend, indicates not onl)' Ihall as a foreigner should know them, but also perhaps that they are today fallin g into disuse and that some Mongols are conscious of this and regret it. The one hundred rules given below of course do not e>::haust the customs of behaviour betwt":Cn hosts and guests which are numberless, nor do the)' provide much which is new ethnographicall)' Most of these 'rules' can be found in the scattered literature on Mongol society illready published. All of them can still be found in use in dail)' life. But what is new ｩＮｾ＠ their presentation in this fonn. as a kind of code of manners. The very idea which m)' friend had, of 'one hundred rules ', turns what had been unstatcd as su mptions about correct behaviour into prc:cepls, that is rules stated from a certain point of v;ew. It occurred 10 me that such a catalogue of precepts could be compared with the well-known mediaeval codes of civility. such as the "Fifty Courtesies" of Bonvivio da Rima as discussed by Elias in his work on the history of manners (1978.53). T his paJXr will use the Mongolian material firstly 10 question Elias' fundamental th eory,. and secondl)' to point to significant differences between the earl)' European and current Mongolian codes of manners. Elias' theory reSts on the notion of an original state of barbarity, or absence of manners. akin to that of the child as ),et untutored in the wa),s of civility. The individual civilising process undeq;onc by the growing child is a function of the social civilising process. "Thereforc", he write s, "the Structure of the child's affects and consciousness no doubt bears ｾ＠ eenai n resemblan« to that of 'uncivilised' peoples, and the same applies to the psycho!ogical stratum in grown· ups which ... is subject to more or less heavy censorship and eonsequentl)' finds an out!et in dreams, for e>::amplc" (197!:i, >::iii). Obviousl), Elias realises that the individual does not actually pass through the stages of a presumed historical social development (mediaeval warfare, the emer£cnce of classes, the rise of the stale etc ), but he does hold the obverse, tnat the social process of civilisation should be st":Cn as similar to the passage from wild childhood to civilised (and repressed) adulthood. a view. Countless ethnosraphic! o f Very few anthropologists would today agree with ｳｵｾｨ＠ societies whIch could be judged by a "ariet), of critena as 'undeveloped ' demonstrate Ihat III (1986) mdeed peoples have manners, courtesies and civilities . . The work of Brown and ｌ･ｶｩｾｳｯｮ＠ proposes a sophisticated modcl of verbal meetinG courtesies which they claIm are Un1\"crsa\ in struCture. It remains ｾ･＠ thal some cultures have very ｭ ｾ ｣ｨ＠ more elaborated ｾｯ､･ｳ＠ of mannen than olhers. Elias attrIbutes thIS to tn.:, as it wcre, parucularly vehement mIddle Stlge of the devc:1opment of civilising ｲ･ｓｉｾ｣ｴｩｯｮｳＬ＠ whic h constantl), jack up the thresholc of ｳｨ｡ｭｾ＠ and embarrJssrnent, after which c!viinies are gr-dduall)' incorporated and interiorised b)' the indlVldual, so that b), the twen tieth century they are assumed and need no longer be st:lled ( 1978 , 53, 65-6, 96). 42 Now it might seem more plausible t'? explain the floresence of etiquette no t so much by the determined suppression of 'savage insuncf as by the emeTgence of class, and the distancing of the polite class from the other.>, which are conceived as rude and uncivilised, This point is made by Elias, as a subsidiary to the one earlier stated ( 1978, Ch, 2), The problem here is that some highly stratified societies ha\'e less fonnalised systems of etiquette than others which are nOt as internally divided by class, and vice versa, In other words, class appears as a necessary but not sufficient explanation for elaborate codes of civility. Mongolian society used to be just such a case in the past, ｨ｡ｶｩｾｧ＠ elaborate honorifics in language, for example, and yet being comparatively lacking i.n stratificallon as judged by the Marx ist criteria for class (sce Oledsld 1968 for a discussion of thIS poin t in relation to culture and an). In his second volume (1978) Ehas diKusses the role o f the centralised polity, and in particular the existence of a court, as crystallising the code o f civility: the minute observance of rank becomes the essence of good manners. It is true that the Mongols ､ ｵｾｮ ｧ＠ lhe Manchu period had exposure to an elaborate ranking system, which may largely account for the use of verbal honorific; ,. since they have died with it, but this does nOt ex"lain the very developed rules of JX)1i teness whIch still obtain today, over SIXty years after the socialist revolution. It is impossible to see these in Elias' terrru;, either as the developmental internalisation of thresholds of shame which emerged under the Manchus, or as a return to the 'earlier' type of explicit soc:ielal repression. The whole evolutionary scheme in my view is a mistake, at least in respect of non-Europellnmanners The Mongolian 'roles', if we consider them carefully, rather than proscribing some raw instinctual behaviour which is beyond culture' can be seen to rely on a vast amy of cultural elements, which in various combinations are used to make up the correc t action (yosJ. T hese underlying elements are ways of categorising physical movement in time and space (see the fundamental work done on this subject by Hamayon (1971) and Beffa and Hamayon (1985». As Hamayon's paper "P rotocole Manuele" (1971) shows, these elements arc elaborately classified and in mos t cases have specific names, but when combined in sequences, as for example in one of the simplest o f our rules (no, 7) " WheT) cnteri ng the. yun one should step over th e threshold with the right foot", thcy can correctly be seen as lIItcrionsed and unconscious. No Mongol would ever deliberately touch the threshold or step inside with the left foot, Such categories do not represent a class-based imposition, - they apply to all, - nor can they be understood in relation to "shame and embarrassment", as Elias would have it. Rather, they are representations in action of much deeper conceptualisations?f ｉｾｦ･＠ and death, self and other, activity and repose, and so on. Vasilewski's ］ｶｫ･ＺｾｦｩＧＭ［｡ｧｴｮ｢ｉ＠ reference of some of these cultural elements (1978 and 1980), As Levi-Strauss notes, 'manners arising from such basic concepts are standards o f measurement, which assign a correct duration and space to each activity. They impose a domesticated, peaceful, sober rhythm on the world, and they have the function of relating en tities wh ich, if too close together or 100 far apan, would "leave man exposed to powerlessness and unreason" (1979, 506), These symbolic acts cannot be seen as ahistorical, even if many of the categories they are built from seem to have been present in Mongol culture for centuries, (Vilcbsky, 1974). If we look at their social functions il is clear that they should be sccn as obligations. In other words, their enactment is a creative part of the social process. 'Manners' in this sense are nOI some frill on a basic structure consisting of something dse, but themselves make up the organisation of social1ife. In these rules we see an imponanl indication of how rural Mongol society is meant to be: the household is the locus of the rules because the family,based household is the basic social unit of interaction. What correct behaviour is can only be understood in relation to the lonely herding camp, the constricted space inside the yurt, the requirement of nomadic movement which makes each place of settlement 'home' (Szynkiewicz, 1986), the absence or immediate help, and ｴｾ｣＠ posSibility that any Stranger represents danger, ｉｦｴ ｨ･ｾｴｲＮｬｮ ｧ･ｲｬｳｮ ｯｴｾ｡ｧｵ･ｳＬｨＨｉＩｬ＠ 43 nOt a guest but must be whatever he is designated by the way people behave to him · in effect, because of Mongol binary classifications. an enemy. As guest, the strange r is incorporateO. into the microcosm of the host family with this veT)' role of guest, which of course places him under some restrictions _ This is the reciprocal of the fact that the host is ｾ＠ to give hospitality, even to passing households making a nomadic move (no 78). Thus, although the code of manners places high value on restraint and calm, this should be seen not so much as the repression of primordial instinct as a positive valuation of directed, efficacious movement enjoined by the nomadic economy (which is never anan.:hic. Hamayon. 1971, 194). The prevalence of manners positively ind icating respect, and relative unimportance of gestu re s of equa li ty and indifference. maintains the hierarchised social universe which obtains as much illside the family as outside it. The whole code of manners functions to regulate relations in a panicular cultural-economic type (nomadic pastoralism). and is quite adaptable to major organisational changes within it, such as the development of cooperatives, but becomes largely irrelevan t for a quite different economy, such as that of present-day urban Mongolia. Let us now look at the rule s. The manger begins to present himself as the guest as soon as he approaches the domestic spaee of a herding family . If on horseback, he should, before dismounting, eaU out in a loud voice "Mind the dog!". even ifJhere is no dog, upon which the wife or children will co me out and hold the dog if there is one (no 1). The gues t should not step over any working tool. such as a lasso or tethering-rope, which might be lying outside the yun (2) (no 2). Arriving at a yun the guest should never knock at the door, which is considered an 'animal" i.e. thoughtless, act (3), but should clear his throat so that the people inside can hear (no 6). To display his lack of hostility, the guest must leave his gun, whip or other weapons outside (no 4) and should wear his knife hanging down from his belt (not tucked into it), and he must not touch his knife with his hand (no 5). As a sign of respect to his hosts he should button up his clothing, pull down his sleevcs and cuffs, and keep on his hat, unless he intends to stay for the night in which case he may remove ｨｩｾ＠ hat inside the yun (no 8) The host fOf his pan should lift the door fell for his guest (no 3), and should ask his children to tether the guest's horse in such away that it can graze, unless the visitor specifically asks tha! it nOt be allowed to feed (no 41). The host assumes responsibility for a visitor's horse, and ifby chance a wolf attacks it, the host should offer another good horse, saying euphemistically, "T he mountain god took your horse" (no 42). The threshold symbolises the boundary belween the host's domestic space and the out<;ide world. Stepping into the yun, the guest should use ｾｩｳ＠ right fOOl (no 7), and he must offer his gqoe wishes to the hos t only when he is inside - 11 is not customary to greet the hosts across the with the threshold. When a guest steps in, whatever the threshold. Several omens are ｡ｳｾｯ｣ｩｴ･､＠ host is thinlcing, saying, o r reading assumes a particular importance as a sign (no 54). If someone, panicularly a child, trips on Ihe threshold this is a good sign for the people inside. who say "We have a gain" (no 52). If the tea is boiling orarkhi being distilled when a guest arrives these are also good signs (nos 50 and 51). If. on the other hand. a child trips whcn going out, people say there will be a loss, and the child is required to come back in and take an argal (dried dung fuel) from the bo;o; and put it on the flIe {no 53) "The fire represents the feniliry , success and longevily of the family. The f;re is a three -year old son waiting for you. It can be given butter and mea!, but never (gurban nQ5/ai khiikhed), a god, ｡ｬｷｾ＠ wi\! go ｢ｬｩｾ､＠ (galyn mid milk (because of the watery content of mi.lk) or the eyes of the ｦｩｾ＠ sokhorno, no 65). The fIre must be left undIsturbed and nothing taken away from It when a guest arrives, • there should be no cleaning out of ashes or rubbish (no 27). '!be fuel bo:w:. must be kepI over half fu ll (no 56) and the fire should be ｭ｡ｾ＠ nOt on a completely Oat bit of ground but sloping slightly to the north-west (xoimor). whe re the holy objects of thc family are kept (no 67). The othcmess of the guest is marked by the instruction that he must on no account sit on the fuel ｢ｯｾＬ＠ 44 which is the offering vessel (san) of the fire. If the guest turns out to have been a thief, the women of the family take OUt their cooking pots and turn them upside-doWTI and bang them and scrape off the SOOI. The d irt and noise and the reversal of the COlTect position of the pot are a magical aCllO make things go badly for Ihe thief (no 72) Aftcr entering and grecting the hO!\t, the guest muSI si t in the place indicated and not change seats or move around (no 10). He must not only avoid the fuel-box. but must also never hold on to the roof-poles, because this is what a woman does when she is giving birth (no 58). If one is visiting one's own father, one should bow to his holy objects (shUlccn) on entering and leaving (no I I). A ne w bride entering her parents-in-Iaw's yurt should bow three times to the flfC (no 12), and in the past when visiting one's lord or a lama, one should bow to them three times (no 13). These las t three rules represent acknowledgement of specific relationships between host and guest. ｲ･ｬｩｧｌｯｵｾｳ｣｡＠ Vari?us rules serve to delineate further the guest's role in relation to hislher own age. se,., and status. For example, if the guest is old, and therefore a respected person. the hosts chtldren w.i11 be sent outside (no 47), while if, on th e other hand, the guest is a child, he or she will not be gLven the respectful sequcnce of tea and ceremonial meat ()'QSQ"l makh) o ffered to an adult (see below), but will just be offered some meat (no 35). In the old days urkhi (spirits) was only offered to old people. once white hairs had appeared, but now all adults may receive it (no 49). If children under eighteen are allowed to stay in the yurt they are not allowtd to sit further north than the fire, while adu lt guests, if at all respected, are always seated in the northern part (no 76). A male guest should never sit on a woman's bed, and no-one should sit on a lama's bed. In eneral it is best not losil on beds at all, but on the ground on a felt mat (shirdeg) or on a stool (no j 8). Sitting dOWTI, the guest mUSI adopt a polite posture (sce Harnayon, 1971). Ofpanicular importance is the rule Ihat if there is a holy object on the domestic altar, one should not sit cross-legged with the outside foot pointing towards the shrine (no 73). In the presence of one's father, a lama. or an aged person, a younger guest should sit with his left palm over the right (alag k},a,·sarlaklt. ) as a sign of respect (no 75). Young men and especially women should not sit with their thighs visible (no 60). Once seated, the guest offers his snuff-bottle to the host, a ritual which is obligatory, and for which o ne should carry a snu ff-bollle even if onc is nOI a snuff-taker. The aClion is repeated when the host offers his snuff-bottle in return (for analysis of this custom see Hamayon. 1970, 137-49). If one is nOI a snuff-taker one should not try a litlle and sneeze, but one should fake the bottle in both hands and gently sniff a( the lOp, leaving il unopened, or take out a 1iule and PUI it in the hollow of one's thumb and. press it 10 a point in the centre of the forehead (no 96). Similarly, if it is pipes which are offered and one does not smoke, the mo uthpiece should be pllt to the dimple in th e right cheek, and then wiped on on e's sleeve and returned to the other with the stem facing him (no \4) Wh ile Ihis is going on conversation should be only of the most general kind, health, weather, etc (no 14). Meanwhile, tea is being prepared. For each arrival of a guest. new tea must b: made Fm is only not offered in the case of a most fleeting visit. Tea and food are offered in sequence: fint tea, then if it is summer ururn (clotted dried cream), then dried cheese (aruul ) and sweet things. The first and best tea or cooked food (detj) is offered \0 the hoSl ｢ｾ＠ his wife berore the ｾＸＩＮｳｴｬＺｉｦＢｩ･ｯ＼［ｲﾷ｡Ｈｮ＠ ｾＡ＠ ｾｓｵ［ｉｲｩｴＺ＠ ＱｾＺｙＨＰＳｴｮ＠ over 10 the host family 10 be filled, and his OWTI knife, except in the case of a lama, who should not bear arms (no 32). If food is to be eaten, a small table is put in front of the guest (no 66). When the host offers tea it must be circling in the bowl clockwise. The bowl should not be completely full, nor half-empty, but nearly full (no 16). The guest should receive the bowl with his 45 right han? placed underneath (never on top of the bov.:l), and with his left hand supporting hi$ right at the wnSt as a sign of respecl The fingers of the nght hand should be evenly spaced apart (no 17). After two or three sips, the guest putS the bowl down, and the host offers some food on a plate:. The guest should receive the plate with both hands, ｳｬｾｧｨｴｹ＠ raising it as a sign of thanks. If he does not wish to eat, he touches the plate with his fingertips, both hands turned palm- upwards, and bows slightly in thanks (no \8). No word is uuered: verbal eltprcssions of gratitude (Poppe, 1978, 399-401) are appropriate only when the thing T1:ceived IS not to be eltpetted. The movements of the eyes :ue very important, and it is a sign of respect 10 move the eyes very softly (no 19). When taking food, the guest should first take a morsel and put it in his mouth, bUI chewing in a very obvious way to make itlooi: like a large piece (no 21). The bow! is used for four Idnds of food: tea, airag (fenncnted mare's milk), cooked food, and tGrag (yoghurt). Of these , no tea should be left in the bollom of the bowl (no 22), but, if one drinks up a whole bowl of airag. on the other hand, one ""ill be 'fined' - a jolting fine which is to drink another bowl (no 25). If cooked food or yoghurt have been eaten, the bowl should be licked OUt, but nOt in the case of tea or airag (no 24). A plate should never be licked (no 64). Meat is the most respectful food to offer a guest, and for a high guest from far away a sheep will be kil1ed even in summer. In Ih is ease, they say, "to put 01.11 a sheep" or "to do a sheep" as l euphemism, instead of using the word "to kill". Normally meat is eaten only in winter, and summer it is said Ihat the stomach must resl (no 26), Highly respected meal is the shoulder-blade and the four largest ribs. rather than the haunch or shin. The thigh is not so good, The best of all is Ihe fattest part, round the sacrum (I'II/S ) (no 27). As soon as he is offered meal. a guest will have a good idea how his host regards him. Not only this. but the placing of the meat on the plate is imponanl. If leg meat is offered, the parts lowesl to Ihe ground should be directed towards the guest. If bod)' meat is offered, then the parts facing upwards, such as the tOp of Ihe ribs, or the part facing the head must be placed tOwards Ihe guest 10 indicate respect (no 29). When eating meal, the guest should use his own knife to CUI slices towards himself (no 33). In general, the Mongols know the allatOmy of animals well and think it wrong to cut meat againSlthe grain like Europeans. It is beSI 10 cut meat in very thin slices, going with the anatomicallayen (no 34). A polite gues t will not just eat by himself (the hostess may well eat aflerw:uds) but will offer slivers of meat to the host's children. This is called kheshig ,. 'luck' or 'blessing', and is mu ch apprecialed. Food must be correctly cooked. There is no concept of the making-up of interesting recipes. The ingredients have their own value, Waler may never be poured on milk, but milk may be poured on waler, because milk is respected (no 71). Boi!ed meat and meat soups should be cooked without salt, but boiled and fried dumplings are salted (no 30). In some parts of Mongolia people put salt in tea, in others they use nalu ral soda (khujir) found on Ihebanks of rivers. Soda IS generall), thought to be superior, and people say. ｾｓ｡ｬｴ＠ has 99 poisons and one jewel, soda has 99 jewels and one poison" (no 31) Wh;le ealing Of drinking onc should notlalk (no 63). r.Iongols do nol like gesticulation and rapid movementS o f the arms and legs (no 45). Nor do they like loud talking, and older people may somctimes admonish young ones with the say ing, .. A bad person's noi se is great, a donkey's groin (ala) is great" (no 46). During all the time the guesl is In the yun, no-one should cross in front of him or her, Le. between the guest and the firc. tfncedbe, they pass bchind(n048). The guest (or his part mUSt lake care not to Step over any domestic object,large ｯｲｾｭ ｡ｬ Ｌ＠ such as a hammer. scissors, or the fire-tongs, even though lhe (Irt-Iongs are considered 'bad' (no 55 (4», No·one should cough openly, but one should turn away and cough into one's sleeve (no 74), Ch3uing with the host il is good to ask the age of an old person. as this shows respect and will be appreciated The respeclful form of this 46 question is: "Taflai fillS sudur khed khuTch bai"a 'T' (no ｾＹＩＮ＠ If ｾｯｭ･ｮＧｳ＠ ear is humming b), itself, he or she asks everyone to guess which one it is, and It is pohte to sa)" "the right ear". This means that the person's relati"es or parents are thinking about them. If it is the left ear, this means you will soon hear of someone's dealh (no 59). In the e,'ening lamps are lit before the hol)' objects on the altar, lamps which must not be used for;m)' other purpose. Ifan)'one goes out after sunset, taking a young child with them, the child's nose or forehead should be marked with soot, to keep away evil spirits (no 80). In winter evenings. eyeryone will go to the yun of an)' neighbour who has invited a singer. and in a given region neighbours should take it in turns to hoSt a red:al (no 43). If the guest Sla)'s for lhe night, he should leave his boots in Ihe southern (i.e. door) half of the lent, but hang.his tlal up in the respectoo northern pan. There is a saying aboulthis: "Even if a hat is bad and old, It should not be put down: Even if boots are new and good, \tlcy should not be put up" (no 81). A man can undress openl)', but a woman should hide her body (no 61). HaYing taken off one's sash, one should not just put it aside, but shou ld wind it up again in the correct clock wise manner and hang it up. If this is not done, there is a danger that the soul may escape during sleep (no 85). Settling down for the .night, one should sleep with the feet facing awa)' from the altar. At night, If there is an empty bed m the yun, a sharp ｯ｢ｾｴ＠ or weapon should be placed on the pillow 10 guard against evil spirits (no 97). If the guest is an old man, he will be askoo if he needs a small pol for urinating .(no 83). In the case of an honoured guest, the dogs guarding the flocks outside will be tethered, In case the guest might wish to go out to relte\·e himself (no 84). While in bed no-one should sing or make a noise. There is a sa),ing. "Though you ma)' be very happy, don't sing in bed, Though you are very sad, don't cry in bed", which has the general meaning that olle should be strong (no 87) "May )'our hearth rm: be peaceful (orae.ons! Ma)' the whole mountainous .... orld be peaceful! Ma)' the grealspirit bring ten thousand blessmgs!" (no 68). In the morning on!)' if the host and guest arc old men ma)' they sit and relu as they drink tea, with their sashes untied. Women mUSI be properly dressed (no 91). If the guest had a good dream in the night, he ｾ ｩｬ＠ te!! it 10 his hosts (no 90), - there are established meanings to many dreams. If the sucst arrives with a present, he should !>Ct it aside and only give il as he is leaving (no 40). Men should gi"e presems 10 men! ｾｮ､＠ women 10 women (no 44). Men sive furs ｡ｮｾ＠ ｾｩＱｶ･ｲＬ＠ women silk and jewellery. When Slvmg a gift it should be raised up from below to the recIpIent to indicatc respect (no 97). When a guest leaves, he should turn clockwise just before the door 3nd look 3t the gods on the altar, and sa)" "Well, l'm going now", (no 95). Old people in the hos t's family should turn their prayer-wheels (no 96). lbe idea is that to do a good thing when someone leayes prevents loss The host should put his hand to the elbow of the depaning guest and hold the reins of his horse. If the guest is a junior person, leaving a senior hOSI, he should go out of the tent backwan:!s, bowing (no 98). As the gueM goes away inlo the distance, the host and hostess come outside the tent. and wife should make a libation of milk three times with a wooden spatula or ladle in his the ｨｾｴＧｓ＠ direction (no 99). If the guest is a high lama or otherwise honoured, the host will accompan)' him to Ihe boundary of the district. There they dismount and rituall), offer one another snuff. Shaking hands and wa"i ng good·b)'e are nol Mongol customs (no 100). As this material shows, Mongolian etiquette is very different from European preoccupations. It is 47 httle concerned with the distancing of oneself from the bodily functions, which as Elias §(l eloquently shows is such a large feature of manners in the West. There is no doubt that European ｴｾｯｵｧｨ＠ sees the bodily functions as 'nature' Ｓｮｾ＠ increasingly ,through the centuries ｡ｳ Ｌ ｰｯｬｾｨｮｧＬ＠ a 10 share. But In thc Mongol,an case concepts of bodily pollution VICW which Elias himself ｾ｣ｭｳ＠ are mon:: narrowly focussed on sexuality, especially female ｾｸｵ｡ｬｩｴｹＬ＠ and neitner this nor the body itself are seen as 'natur,tl', . othe r kinds of pollution (e.g. those associated wi th blackness ar'Id SOOt) are equally powerful. It cven may be ques tioned. whetller IlIe term Ｇｰｯｾｬｵｴｩｮ＠ is appropriate in the Mongol eon:ext for a concept which is so closely tied 10 , even subordmate 10, the idea of 'Iow' as opposed to 'lIigll', .as in the numerous injuntions about not stepping o\"er objects, placing things OOTTcctly, etc .. thIngs here. of course, standing for people. Essentially Mongolian manners are concerned witll correct ranking and lIierarehy, with assisning and acee ptingsocialroles,andthe body witll its range of classified geStures is the intimate measure by which this may be demonstrated. The gesture always lIas a re;erem to whom it is addressed (Hamayon, 1971, 194). We 3re reminded of Levi·Strauss' perceptive conclusion on the subject of the: 'origin of table manners'. He states thal unlike ourselves. brought up to fear impurity from without, and for whom 'hell is other people'. the Soulh American Indians assen on the contrary tha! 'hell is ｯｵｲｳ･ｬｾ Ｇ＠ (1979, 507}. Manners consist not in distancing !he ｯｵｾｳｩ､･ Ｌ＠ or ｮ｡ｴｵｲｾＬ＠ but in deferring to it. In IhlS conte:\l. 11 is intcresting to nOle that my Mongolian (nend included III his catalogue of good manners the (011 owing Statement, ., A Mon gol person never covers birds' eggs with his shadow, this would be to cast a spell." (which might prevent the ･ｧｾ＠ from hatching, no 79). Notes I. The guest is referred to as masculine because tills is presumed in the Mongol rules. women sl!ould not go visiling alone, although this, is permissablc in company 2. Stepping over an objeel ｩｾ＠ 10 pollu te It, and IS conSLdered a more serious offence if a woman docJ; it th an a man. 3. Like a goat, as one Mongol said 10 me, the goal being a littJerespcctcd anima I 4. Becausethcy arcSOOly: tile longs should ne,<erbe directcd It the altar or It the sky. Th e RlI les ｢｡ｩｾｧ･ｊｬ､ｵｸ［ｲ｣ＮＱｮＡｃｹＬｎｯｴＶ＠ I. ｍｯｮ ｾｧｯｬ＠ ｾｵｮＳＮ［ｬｩ＠ gadj oiiod, ｭｯｲｩｮＶｳｾ＠ bul.ugei, ｢ｕｾ＠ baiga ail 1101.oiloi ii .bai noxoWgei xonJiogrlOg. 2. Ailda ire,i baigajoC'in ｡ｩｬｦｮｪ･Ｌｾ｢｣ｲｵｧ＠ r:lCleyumand':gcrralaxadagugei 3. Ailin xiin lreji baiga ;OC'ind6n \lden sOxoj'i ogdog. 4. Irej; ｢｡ｩｧｾ＠ 5 xiin bu,ta!iur,jc:bsesbar;J;Orodogilgei Irejibaig.i xiinju{Lyaba ｵｬｧｾｮｲｩｦｯｏ Ｎ＠ 6 Monggol xun allda orox6s6n xeden alaxamin omonOso x610i jasan ｾｩｭＧＺ＠ orodog. 48 Os&!. dlga ｴｯｾｊｩＡｵｧ･＠ ii 7. AildaoroxOO6nbanlnxolZr8nbosogofgalaxa!iorodog 8. . Ailda ＱＰｾｩＶｮ＠ batdag. lobiiloji bii ri n xubcasalai orOOog. ｘｯｮ ｾ ｯｩｧ･＠ 001 oroson ｾｯｩｮＶ＠ malagaitaig<in 9. ｊ ｾｩｮ＠ xun ailin oosogo alaxaJi oroson xoin6n 5ayi amar mcnddg erideg. Gadan<is I!lendelexe yosoiigc i 10. Iresen xii n ｪｾｲｩ＠ oohoiigei ogson ｳｵ､｡ｬｾｮ＠ stiji baidu bisi, ｸ｡ｭｾｩｳ･＠ 11. Aba tJindtn irtd.siiltr.de ini morgodog. ｙ｡｢ｸ､ｾｮ＠ bos"ti ende tende ｾｪｲｩ＠ suri ｾｩ＠ basa siitendc ini morgOdog 12. Sinel>eraildairedbasagaldainigllrbamorg6dog 11 Orin jasag noyoo, lama bagtidan bol gllrba da;>; in sogOdJi morg6dog. 14. Amanf lamaxi tatadag ulus 001 ｧｾｮｳｪ＠ sorul lalar ini solileon tama xiladag. Amanf lamaxi taladagiigei xiinbol xiinigangsafabadergitflcnogdog ｾｵＺ､｣ｩｦ･ｪ｡Ａｉｊｧ＠ xiin ini ejeiigei 001 16. Jel indocai ayagalaxad.1n,cai ini ayagundotor6n narajobergiJi ｢｡ｩ 3Y3gandayixedffriniigei,yixc dumdurogei baixarayagalabal ｾ｡ｩｮＮ＠ 17. ｊ ｾ ｩ ｮ＠ ayagatai caig xoyir ganinin xiindiile n xiiien abad, ｪｾｮ＠ barUngarru-an xamJin xiindiidgeliiJeuldeg ＩＨｾｸ｣､ｲ･ｮ＠ ｸ ｾｲ｡ｹｧｬ､Ｎ＠ cai Caigan garin alagan dcre yor616r ini labiad. 18. Cain.1sa nige xoyir 6Ci6d, gcrin ejen ta.bag labixada, caigan j810n labi.1d. xoyir ganiran tabagig Ａ ｾ［ｩｘ･Ｚ､ｧｲ＠ ｾ＠ ｾｩ ｾ ［ｾＺｧ､ ｩＺ ｦ［･ｾｬＬ＠ jocin xoyir ganin ddi mi xaratilan , dumda 19. Monggol xiini .0lon xaraca, gar, ｮｾｲ＠ carain j610n ｸ ｏ､ｯｬｧｾｮ＠ baidag. Aradin du, beyelse jergede ti eime j5Jon nomoxon ｾｏ､ yoso xundiilelde yixe uciratai yixe euim baidag ｯｬｧＨｓＢｮ＠ 20. Jocin lilbaglai idenese amsaxadiin urid.1r sologoi garin alagar ini Mti ｾ｡ｲｬｩｮ＠ ｸｕｲｮｦｾ＠ 6nd6gor ini labagla gar xiiriin, job gW"aran jiban ｡ｾｩ＠ amsadag ｪ｡ｮｧｾｩｬｴＮ＠ 2] . locin exelt":d oromontso ini ｾｸ｡ｮ＠ ｾＡ ｩ ･ｦＺｾｮｹ］＠ abC"i amsadag yO>otoi. reime ｵｾｩｲ｡ｳ＠ ｩｾＺｪ｡ｮ［ｦｊＡＷ ｩｾ ｩ ｓｾｩ＠ 22. Ayaganiyoroldocai uld61iigei ｾ｡｢ｸｮ＠ 23. Mongso] xlin ｧ･ｲｴｾｮ＠ ａｩＱｦｮ･ ［ ｣ｧ idtncse ｹｩｾ ･＠ ｾｩ＠ jiban tabag ､ｾｲ･＠ 6romoig amand.1n xfgM, iidag yosoloi xiin biiri or Srin ayagalai baidag. Yabatilin xiin ｾｲｴＸｮ＠ ｬ ･ｩ｡ｹｧｮｾ｣ｸｊＶ､ｯ＠ ｡ｾｩ＠ dumda ayagatai yabadag 24. Monggol xiin dfubOn ayagani xoyirig dolOdog, ｴｾ ｲ＠ xelebd, cain! ayaga, airagin ayaga xoyirig dol6dogiigei. X610ni ayaga. laragin ayaga xoyirig dol6dog. 25. Airagig ｾ｡｢ｸｮｬｩＮｧ･＠ ｾ｡｢ｮ＠ ubala balaj'i daxin ｾｩｪＧ＠ 49 ogdog 26. ｘｩｮ､･ｸｵＡｧ｡Ｌｳｲｦ｢Ｖｏｴｾ ｲ ｩｮ｢ｵｹＬＮｬｲ､｡ｳＡ［Ｖｧｯ＠ 27. Jelin irej; baibal &1&0 ini iiniise. xog atK:i garxaligei. 28. Monggol xiin obOlin diins xiiitcnde, xal aun ｾｩｮ｡ｲｴ＠ ｾ＠ ｾ｡ｬ＠ ｧ･ｾ＠ aduni mua idedeg. ｩｾ｜Ａｪｳｧｴ［､ｉ｡ＶｲＱ･＠ yosotOI. ｩｾ［･ｮ｡ＱＧｳＡｴｕ｜＠ 30. Mua tanaxadan, maxanix.in '1i:i16nd6 dolbaSII xixciigci, buja ｸｵｾ Ａｩｾｬｊ＠ ｩ ｵｲｴ｡＠ bol dabasa xideg 31. larim gajar caind.in dabasa xidcg, jarim gajar caind.in dabasa xidcgiigci. ｍｯｮｧｾｩ､＠ ､｡｢ｳｾｮＮｩｓｬ＠ xuji rig yixe ･ｲｸｩｭｾ､｣ｧ＠ baisan 'yuma. Ei!).1fsc Dabasa nise erdemlei yiren Y050n gemlel. Xuj lrnigegcmtciyircnyos6rJerdemtClgcdcgbaiJit. 32. Monggolere xiin xUlU gataiyabadag,lamaxiin ayagatai yahadag, lama xii nxulUgaabli>·Jbaxa yOSOiigCl. 33. Yuma oglOloxod6n xutug.in &r iinfgen ｾｩｧｬ･Ｈｮ＠ oglolodog. xornl616n xedidegugei, idcxede ebteig bodon manni 34. Monggol xiin man og\Olon ｩ､･ｘＨＺｾ＠ 'SirxesdaguyixenimgexeJInimgexenjiisujiidedeg. 35. TOr:lOxiinde cai illtg orgOn baridag baixada xrrxedte boljiigfrele ogdOg. ｾｩＧＺＡｮｹ｢ｦｧＮｬ｡＠ idfntse ｾｩ＠ lomo xun xaxedtc xetig ogd6g jangtihai, x'uxed t!i 37. Yosoni maJla, sain maXI! jer.geig.. ｴｯｾ ｏ＠ xiinele ｩ､ｾ･ｧＬ＠ xSxed nasanda Xiirlc.!tn cor, tiT j.crge ｾＺｴ［ｦｩｬｯＮｵｮｲ＠ ogson Xdlgig xunedeg. Monggol xun xuxedtn yoro if\! 38. Xa'xedig lomo bol6r ini lomo xiin! biirin xubcasa, lomo xlin! biirin xereg!cllci bolg0d0g. Terc eagtabaS-alomoxiinicleidedcgigidene. 39. Xexed ｾｩｮ･＠ yuma. ｢ＶｯＬｾｩｸｲ｡Ｈｪｬ｣ｧ･､ xu bcasa omosxo iisfn ｡｢ｸｵｪ･ｲｧ＼ｬｾｮ＠ Ａ［ｾｪＯｴｏｲｩｧ＠ gerin ejen buyu ｴＺＮｾｦＬ［ 42. ｾｯｮｩ＠ 43. ｍｯｮｾｧｬ＠ ｾｩｮ＠ mong ｾＰＱｬｏ＠ Ｎ ｸ･＠ aild4n OTOn mi!Algadag. Mil had4n jihan ｯｧＮ＠ 40. lrescn jd;n aild4n ox belegen ｩｲ･ｭｧ｣ｾｮ＠ ｩｾｮ＠ ｸｾ･､＠ oxo yosougei, yabaxad.in Ogdog ｪ｡ｮｧｾｩｨＮ＠ in; argamjiJi ogclOg. ｊｾ ｩ ｮ＠ mori6n uyati xonoxo gcbele baibala XonoulsOtn ail nige sain mori xiin OTOIO x616n idM, ｵＡｩｧ･ｮｾｸ＠ ｾＱ｣｡､Ｎ＠ sam mededeg nasatan balg.i al liin fljllen ＱＰｩｔｬｾ＠ ｏｧｾｩ＠ 1101 jalag iild.lg. ｙ Ｎ ｾｬ｡ｮｧ［ｵｩｹ＠ ｯＡｦｾ＠ ｾｯｮｩ＠ u.rtada ulige r xoglin jalau corn uhger tulls sonosclog 44. Irescn joiindo, ere xl.in bot ge rin ejen ini eme xiin 00) ejcgtel ini IuS IUS belcg baridag ｪ｡ｮｾｬｴｩＮ＠ 50 45. Monggol xiin )'uma ＩＧ｡ｲｩｾｪ･ｧｬｮ＠ 41} M?nggl?' ｸｩｮＢｹＧｾｭ｡＠ gaT ｾｯｬＶｮ＠ ＩＧｾｸ｡､ｮ＠ elJlgenlalaYlxeSCJlugebaldas· ｾ｡ｮｧ＠ 47. ｘｾｸＮ･､＠ ｾＺ ｩ ｾｩＮｬ､｡＠ 48. ｘｾｸ｣､＠ sabliulan xOdol goxo duraiigci. xa1 iga'Ein yarixafg jigsideg. Mu xiini du yixe mural baga xun lama xiin[ ｾｲｩ｡ｮ､＠ｹ ｯｲＱ｣､ｧｩｾ･Ｎ＠ tomo ulus ya.-i.lcaJi baix.ad.a xi!xed ｧ｡､ｾ＠ baidag. ｘｾ･､＠ lIli sui!:ixasan baldag tula !omo xim or6d Iremegce gar4d ｾｩ＠ lomo xiin ｾｩ＠ xiin[ urdaii r gardagiigei. 49. Monggol xiinf jangiiUr dOc; xiirt iige i xlin aTa:<i udagiigei, jarim gajar: ｳ｡ｮｾｩｧｦ＠ ｢ｵｲ｡ｬｾｧ･ｩ＠ xiin arui udllgugei gedeg. 50. Cai bolli baixada om); ireri baig4 xiinfg ini iisii yixe ajatai sain geri ｢･ｬｧＮｾｩＦ＠ 51 . Tog6 nereji baixada oroli irexeig basa ele yue sain gene. 52. Xiin. solell jijig gOOes· ｾ ﾫｸ･､＠ oroJi ｩｲ･Ｚ＼､ｾｮ＠ b050go da ban o itibolo belge!e; sain, orolgo orono 53J. ｾｩＮｮ Ｎ＠ ｧｯｬｾｵ＠ jiban ｸｇ ｽ ｾＬ＠ gadagliAn bo$,ogo dalean ｯｩｾ｢ｬＬ＠ gCJI OICI$On xun bucan oroJlutd salda arsa! xldeg. garalga gama geji beige mutai 54. ｇ Ｎ ｾ｡ｮＴｳ＠ xiin oraJi irexede s eIte baisan liin yu bodoji baisanar, ire]i baig' xiin!g belgejoxi16, joxi6 ugei gcdcgig xelcdeg buyu bododog. &dO yuma u xoimor &so larali!dagiigei. Galin ｸ｡ｩｾ＠ x8tOi tula xiindutei yumaurllbuyuxundiitciyumauruOuyuxiindiileijiigtcxaraulc!agilgeigesenilge. 55. GaI!n xaiErg tenggc 56. Monggol ail argalinxan doroolrfg, ga!in song geJ; dC'rin bailgadllg. 57. DOroolfrg galln sOng geli xiindiitgen dtiroolfjn dc!re suuig yixed ctrledeg. 58. Mongolxiin uninisa bandig ctrelcdeg, ｵｾｩｲ＠ yasobf ini to«:lxOdt'n eme xlin unin4sa baridag nige dam 60. Yamar ｾｩ＠ Kun sene gadol. sliud'n xormoig6rOn ｧｵｹｾ＠ Hegargan suxaigctrledeg. Xol ｡ｾｩｪ［＠ slidasiigei ｾ､ｩ･ｴｦｉＡＺｮｯＮ＠ :<oltn burxen sudag xol, suya, saltol.gAn ｊｾｲＱ Ｌ ｾｴｩＺ｡､＠ 62. Monggol xiin xara onggoig mu Onggo gedeg, cagol.n onggofg sa;n ongo gedeg ucir. xara ooggOfn yumAr del KuOcasa xlxe duraiiscl. 63 ..\1ongsolxiin x616n ideJi baixadan du ugei ideJi (idag. 51 64. Monggol xun 1.3bag dolo6dogugei. 65. Monggol xiin ｧ｡ｬ､ｾｮ＠ niidiisoxomogedeg. oxo, ｾ｡ｲ＠ 10SO, max trgooog bolbOCi, s:I OrgOOOiigci. ｾｵ＠ 66. Jeiindo labag tabixadAn jijig yabagan ti rtn derc tabidag. Ger ini 10110 bol ｾｩｲ｣Ｚ＠ baldag. orgo bOl gaUn im basa 10mo 67. Gal dtrecai x610xixcden, log6g6n banin xoiti inijibanijliimedc:gxajail gasx(ntabidag. ｾｩ､Ｚ［Ｌ｡＠ Ｚｾ［＠ ini: ｾ｜Ａｮｘ［ＸＱ･ｉｩ＠ ｴｾｸｮ｡ ｡ ｬｾＺＢｳＡｩｃｮ＠ ｏＡＺｾ＠ Galgolomtolanigalbadinalnagalangboltugai! ｾ｡ｬｪ＠ ｾ ｩ｡ｾｮＺｧＧｲｴｬＡｵ＠ gedegiigelei. 69. Gerfn erne xiin, x610 cainfdn ､ｾｲｧ＠ jotindo OxOs.$n omono. gerin eje:ldtn Ogdog gerfn ejen ejeOgeibol,dtjlini lusayagandadg6:liiledt.deg. 70. Cainixan dtffg, ula xanggai, burxall ｾｏｴ｣ｬ､･＠ OrgOdog OrgOOOg. Goleu gerln buseOgei xun ini 71. 53n dtre usu xidegiigei. Usun dere sa xixed boldog. Usu(g xara usu gcdeg 72. ｘｵＡ｡ｧｩｾ＠ xereg. ergi xtr tog6g6n ail ail xangginulan xJlooog ini, xulgaitin mong ｸ｡ｲｬｵｾ＠ baiga 7J.JoC:inCigerinejenxiinci,jabi13nsuxad.1n,glllulidnul:iigsOttnOraltarauldagUgei 74. Monggol xUn xaniba bolbol xUnfsc: n::ren ｢ｕｲｬｾ＠ 75. Axa jaxa xiintse iige sonosx0d6n ｪｾｮ＠ xabsaran xtl:ienggiiilen sonosdog. xancai doloron ｸ｡ｮｩｾｧ 76. Arban naiman nasa xiireiigei xiin ailda looofn gol6s0 ｸｯｩｾ＠ 77. ｎｾ＠ baig:i, ｢ｵｾ＠ ｾｩ｡･Ｚ［ｲｪｧ＠ ｳｾｧ｡ｩ･＠ yosoloi. baiga ailda laTabal yixe baga bolbdi lusalakan ogdiig jangsiltai. 78. 1reji ail buxa nudel ti bai,OnggOroxo ｮｾ､･ｬ＠ caiJadag 79. ｾｵ｢ｮｩ＠ Ｎ＠ garindn alagan dere baron garin aJagh xabsaran, alaga ondogon dtrc: ｳｾ､･ｲｮ＠ ti bai ali alinlg irexed losan cai. ｩ､ｾＬ＠ sirdeglei «ifi lusxadagiig. Ondogonl exe «(ubu) ini lImldag gedes. xaxrotg abti garxad.1n xamari"n in; XUn&galn xooooog, ucir illi mu yum anAsa 81. Monggol xOn ooor ci soni ｾｩ＠ biixe ),uma tabixa garanai baidag. GUlullg xejied orcn! xiildo, malgaig xejitd owni lologoi taoidag teimese: "Malaga; mu ti (own!) lIol dtre ta bid.:lgugei. gUlu! 52 Ｑｩｮ･ｾ＠ (omn!) tologoi dtre tabidagiigei" gcdeg. B2. Oron dtre xlin untaxaugei hol, xaili xUlug mele mesein jiiil lal:lidag ini mu yumaig jailaulJi baigoixcreg B3. Nasalai xiinaildaxonobo lxOlo'*i(t6;enisal:la)tabiji6gdog 84. ｬｾｩｮ＠ ｴｩｬ､｡ｲｵｹｾｧＮ＠ ｾｯｮｩ＠ gauas 1>01, ail noxoig6n uya}i xonodog. 85 . Jdin aildas xonoxodon li, gentn xonoxodo fi busen janggida1i xonodog. ｯｧｬｾ＠ lalaxada Ucirinibusendexlinisiildeinibaidaggcdeg. 86. Biis6n biiselexedtn nara job or6dog. 87. Monggol ｾ ｩｪｮ＠ xeblcrltn ｾｯｲｮ､ＶＩ＠ du dulaxafg cerledcg. Teimese. "lirgaltai li orond6n bff dula,jobolonIOlcLorond6nbuul la··. gc.deg BB. Lama xiiniomnderexiin sudagiigei,eme xiinforondtreerexiinsuxaligei. B9. Monggol gajar xiin; naS3 aSUxada bolxoligei yumaiigei. Nas31ai ere erne xiini nasaig asun xiindii\gcxcde,nasataixiinhayanaibaidag 90. Xiin jrrde jSde1cd oglo bos6djhden yarida 91. Gerin ejen, nasatiti xiin. nasatai jotin ｯｧｬｾ＠ bos6d caigan nomogon ｵｾ＠ boldog. 92. ｏｧｬｾ＠ bos6d gad.1 garti ttgCd x6bongdo yuma Li iinese iirn nur gMoin ug1dag. Noiton iiniisug inidar.iinigarganasxadag 93. Xiin ama xamarin ali ti lamaxiir lamaxilal:lal Od8so ini: "'ugei ge1i xeledegiigei, yu {i alugai ab.1d,xamarinumax.ibolxeyirgarir.inbaringadanasainixiindii1exeyangjiriiniirlCdbucanogdiig, aman! lamaxihoJ soroullal11r ini aban, soroulo!.r in; xacartlln xiirgM. soro(Llf ini nudurgo!.rlln ｡ｮＧＱｾ､Ｌ＠ xlindiiteigerbucansoroululiriniogd6g ::d Ｚｾ｢Ｎ［ｩｮｹｲｵ､ｴ｛ｉｳ｡ｸＡ＠ ｾＡｬｩｴｃｮ＠ lir{{ nige xarid, 'la, bi yabaya M' 95. Ail!!sagarxadinxiirdiieinifligeerigeuledgardag 96. Oimoso xiinde beleg oxofg, ddien xarasan sab gel; belgctei sain gene 97. Malagaigd6fionxllrasanbelgeiigeiyumagedeglula,ogbOlyumadagaulfiogdog. 98. Tomoyi xexiinigerese,jaracainibuyubaga xlinu xurangardag ｾｦ［｡ＷｉｩｲＮ＠ Ａｩｧｾ＠ ｾｩｬＺ｡＠ ｾＱｮＡＮｧ｡･ｊ＠ ｙｇｾｩ［＠ ｾｩ［ｊＢＺｧ｡＠ ［Ａｔｲｾ｡ｮ＠ ｾ｡［Ｚ､ｧｵｩＮｮ＠ ｧ｡ｾ 53 ｩＮ＠ eJi ini xoin6so ini ｾ｡ｦｬｧ＠ jaxa xiinel gargan og&l, mori R c re r e ncu Beffa. Mane·Lise & Hamayon. Robcne 1985 'Mongolia n Spatial Categories', £rdem1nijW lkhKI""q/,lIbo(, Ulaanbaatar, Elias. Norben 1978 The CiyiliSinc Process I- Ihe History of Mannre; (1939), Pamheon.NewYon:. ｾ＠ trS, E. Jephcoct, ｅｬｩ｡ｳＮｎｯｲ｢･ｴｉＹＸＳｾＬｂ｣ｫｷｏｦ､＠ Hamayon. Roberte 1970 'Qui Polf11 Ne l'rlse PoiM Nt St Lie; Sur I'E.xCNJf1gtde Tabalierts tf1 Mongo/it '.l.gnCu(t tr r rchni9"(t NEW" re $"';'u cd. J.M ,C. Thomas and L. BemoL Kl incksiec k. Hamayon.Robcrtc Ｑ ＹＷＱＧｐｲｯ｣ｬ･ｍＨｮＢ ﾷ Ｎｾ ＲＬ＠ 145-207. Hamayon,Roberte ＱＹＷＵＧｬ［ｏｳｄｩｲｮ｣ｦＢｉｃｨ｡､ｴﾷＬｾＶ Ｍ ＱＲＮ＠ ｌ･Ｂｩ ﾷ ｓＨｲ｡ｾＵＬ＠ Claud<: 1978 The Origin of Harper. New York. TaW Manncn (1968), U'S, J. and 0, Weightman. Olcdski, heck 1968' Folk Elcmems in Cootemporary Mongolian Nationa! ａｲｴＧＬｾ＠ im,mariQO]I (nngteSS of ａｮｴｨｲｯｰＡｑｾｩｃｪＱ＠ ami Ethnological Sciences. Wroclaw. Poppe. Nieholu 1978 ＢｅｸｾｓＵｩｯｮＰｲｇ｡ 1:lislru:x,MoulOn. The Haguc. ｴ ｩｴｵ､｣＠ in Mongolian', in G.L. Ulmen (cd.) ｾ＠ Stynkiewicz. Sla.voj 1986 'Scl1lement and ｃｯｭＮｲｾｵｮｩｴｹ＠ among the Mongolian Nomads: Remarks on the Applicabihly ofTerms (1)'. East Asian CmlisaripDS, "01 \, no 1 Vitebsky, Piers 1914 'Some Medieval European Views on Mongolian Shamanism',l.!lw:niI.L.of. ｾｯｬＬｮＮ＠ Wasilewski.kny S. 1918 'Symbolk ruchllobrolo"'egoi ry/U/llnejjf1 ...･ t.22. no I. 54 ｲ ｳｪＢＮｅＱｍｾ Ｌ＠