Journal of Sociolinguistics 15/3, 2011: 398–428
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SINFREE MAKONI AND ALASTAIR PENNYCOOK (eds.). Disinventing and Reconstituting
Languages. Clevedon, U.K: Multilingual Matters. 2007. 249 pp. Pb
(1853599231) £21.95.
Reviewed by CHRISTOF DEMONT-HEINRICH
Disinventing and Reconstituting Languages, edited by Sinfree Makoni and
Alastair Pennycook, is a deeply thought-provoking volume which challenges
conventional notions about language, the study of language and language
policy. It’s a must-read for anyone interested in the many complex sociological,
ontological and epistemological questions that swirl around language, culture,
globalization and identity.
All of the volume’s ten chapters, which range in topic from language politics
and ideology in Indonesia to the question of indigenous cultural education in
Brazil, are engaging and well-written. Particularly rich in terms of their ability
to inspire thought are those chapters authored and co-authored by the editors
themselves. That noted, I frequently found myself troubled by a tendency on
the part of Makoni and Pennycook as well as some of the other authors in this
volume:
a. to fail to sufficiently ground their arguments about the hybrid, Creole, fuzzy,
shifting, dynamic nature of language within the matrix of socially produced
relations of power;
b. similarly, to push toward sometimes largely uncritical celebration of
hybridity and hybrid language forms, for instance, urban vernaculars and
to valorise individual agency.
Why, for instance, do social agents make the decisions they do about language,
or, to use Makoni and Pennycook’s preferred framework, why do they perform
identity(ies) in the ways that they do? What are the larger, complex, but also very
specific and inevitably hierarchical social relations that, for instance, motivate
individuals to use a particular dialect, hybrid, Creole, or standardized language
form in context A, B, or C – and not to use it in context X, Y or Z? These are some
of the crucial questions this volume does not address.
Disinventing and Reconstituting Languages begins with a thoughtful Foreword,
‘Intervening discourses, representations and conceptualizations of language’, by
Ofelia Garçia. As Garçia notes, on a broad level, the volume’s focus is twofold.
First, it aims to deconstruct, or disinvent, contemporary notions of language.
Second, it seeks to push the study of language as well as the teaching of languages
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away from a focus on language itself and toward how real people use language
and what they do with it.
Makoni and Pennycook lay out their basic arguments and outline the overall
aim of the volume in Chapter 1, ‘Disinventing and reconstituting languages’.
These revolve around the charge that languages are historical inventions and
that those interested in the study of language and the teaching of language(s)
need to recognize this fact and act based on this recognition. Makoni and
Pennycook focus in particular on Africa and the ways in which colonial
constructions of Africa have shaped (mis)understandings of language in that
context. The authors reserve special criticism for scholars and advocates of
linguistic diversity (Skutnabb-Kangas, Romaine and Nettle, etc.), charging the
latter with dealing in ‘reductive’ strategies or ‘enumeration’. Makoni’s and
Pennycook’s claims that language boundaries are constructs, that language is
constantly changing, and that those categories used to organize understandings
of, and policies in relation to, language(s) are on the mark. However, it’s unclear
what specific, concrete, workable policies Makoni and Pennycook would propose
to replace those they view as reductive.
Chapter 2, ‘Then there were languages: Bahasa Indonesia was one among
many’, by Ariel Heryanto, examines the historical invention of ‘Bahasa’ in postcolonial Indonesia. Heryanto introduces some of the major features of vernacular
Javanese and Malay, looks at some of the contemporary characteristics of Bahasa,
offers some preliminary interpretation of how developmentalism as one form of
universalism and practice came to the fore in the historical process, and notes
some of the resistance the process has provoked. Heryanto also draws attention
to the important role formal, written forms of language play in the development
and definition of languages.
In Chapter 3, ‘Critical historiography: Does language planning in Africa need
a construct of language as part of its theoretical apparatus’, Sinfree Makoni and
Pedzisai Mashiri advocate for the adoption of what they call a ‘human linguistics’.
Among other things, such an approach involves foregrounding how individuals
use language as well as conceiving of, and approaching, language in the African
context in a holistic fashion that acknowledges the widespread reality of the
multiplicity, dynamism, fuzziness and overlapping nature of communication
practices and modes. According to Mashiri and Makoni, the key to cultural
and communicative justice lies not in protecting small minority languages from
disappearance, but in creating spaces and places for the new hybrids that are
emerging to thrive – in particular in urban areas where a mixing of languages is
perhaps the most pronounced.
As does Mashiri’s and Makoni’s chapter, Pennycook’s Chapter 4, ‘The myth
of English as an international language’, forces critical introspection. Drawing
on Foucault and Judith Butler, Pennycook seeks to construct language as a
performative act of identity. But is this performative act essentially free-flowing,
creative, and inherently agentive in the sense that individuals can basically do
what they want with language? Or is it largely a bounded performance, one in
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which users must adhere to essentially rigid linguistic practices and roles based
on the context, with the power contexts such as international academia and
publishing – which, for instance, requires Pennycook to write in an AngloAmerican standard form of English – one of the most rigid of all of these
performative contexts? Finally, how does what is (not (allowed to be)) performed
in this social context and that one affect the range of (im)possibility elsewhere?
Unfortunately, Pennycook does not address these crucial questions, though we
are treated to thought-provoking but also primarily abstract theorizing.
Chapter 5, ‘Beyond “language”: Linguistic imperialism, sign languages and
linguistic anthropology’, by Jan Branson and Don Miller, delivers compelling
and important critique of traditional historical and contemporary linguistic
(mis)approaches to sign language. In addition to biting – and, in this reviewer’s
estimation, mostly spot on – critique of conventional approaches to thinking
about sign language, Branson and Miller provide a useful overview of key historic
developments in terms of linguistics and sign language. The authors conclude
the chapter with a series of recommendations for linguists and linguistics on
how to approach the study of sign language, with perhaps the most important
of these being the admonition not to assume that that which appears to
hold true for spoken and written language necessarily holds true for sign
language.
Chapter 6, ‘Entering a culture quietly: Writing and cultural survival in
indigenous education in Brazil’, by Lynn Mario T. Menezes de Souza, examines
some of the larger questions of the volume through the lens of academic
perspectives on, and policy approaches toward, indigenous languages and
indigenous groups in Brazil. De Souza draws in particular on the work of Homi
Bhabha. She focuses on the ways in which the practice of writing – and its
imposition on indigenous languages and language groups – can potentially
affect, often in negative fashion, attempts to maintain small, less powerful
indigenous languages.
Chapter 7, ‘A linguistics of communicative activity’, by Steven L. Thorne and
James P. Lantolf, aims to describe historical antecedents that strongly shaped
what the authors interpret to be a debilitating and ongoing construction of
language as a natural object independent of lived communicative activity. The
authors also seek to provide a synoptic exegesis of models of language that provide
usage-based and meaning-centred characterizations of linguistically-mediated
human activity. The chapter is well written and provides a good summary and
synthesis of the work of a number of key thinkers vis-à-vis language.
Elaine Richardson’s case study approach in Chapter 8, ‘(Dis)inventing
discourse: Examples from Black culture and hiphop rap/discourse’, focuses on
hiphop discourse as a subgenre and discourse system within ‘the universe’ of
Black discourse. The central question she explores is how rappers on one hand
display orientation to their situated, public role as performing products and, on
the other, connect their performance to discourses of authenticity and resistance.
She devotes the first part of the chapter to defining AAVE as a genre system
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within Black diasporic discourses. The second half focuses on a case study of a
rap performance by the African American Southern rap group OutKast (CDA).
Chapter 9, ‘Educational materials reflecting heteroglossia: Disinventing
ethnolinguistic differences in Bosnia-Herzegovina’, by Brigitta Busch and Jürgen
Schick provides the best illustration of what a specific instance of disinvention and
reconstitution might look like. It does so by way of a close examination of a school
manual developed by an Austrian NGO that was (and perhaps still is) being used
as a multicultural teaching aid. The manual, called Pogedi: Open Teaching and
Intercultural Learning, rejects the neat, ethnic and language boundaries often
projected onto the population in Bosnia-Herzegovina in favour of a teaching
approach that highlights hybrid language and cultural forms while also situating
these forms socially, historically and culturally.
Suresh Canagarajah concludes the volume with Chapter 10, ‘After
disinvention: Possibilities for communication, community and competence’.
He delivers an inspiring call for more democracy and egalitarianism vis-àvis English. Of course, he does so in an academic book chapter written in
a comparatively rigid, standardized English. When international academic
journals begin accepting articles written in something other than American
or British Standard written English and when advocates of greater democracy
and fluidity of language start pushing for this, and creating more egalitarian
language contexts (for instance, at academic conferences), then perhaps it
won’t feel quite so much like the postmodern etherealism it does here and
more like real, concrete, meaningful social change. Why limit disinvention to
others and other contexts outside the academic realm? Why not also disinvent
and reconstitute language in the least pliable, most hegemonic communicative
contexts, including international (English) publishing? These contexts
are arguably disproportionately dominating in terms of their influence on the
hegemonic rules of language practice in many other contexts. After all, it is these
power contexts that are inevitably referred to in arguments about ‘correctness’
and in which, for example, the educational documents and items used to teach
language are produced.
CHRISTOF DEMONT-HENRICH
School of Communication
University of Denver
2490 S. Gaylord St.
Denver, CO 80208
U.S.A.
cdemonth@du.edu
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ESPERANÇA BIELSA AND SUSAN BASSNETT. Translation in Global News. London:
Routledge. 2009. 162 pp. Pb (9780415409728) £24.99.
Reviewed by CHRISTOF DEMONT-HEINRICH
Language and translation are central to global media. Yet, to a large extent,
media, cultural and globalization studies have essentially ignored questions of
language and translation. Translation studies have also largely failed to examine
the crucial intersection between media, globalization, language and translation.
This significant and troubling gap in scholarship on globalization and media is
what makes Translation in Global News by Esperança Bielsa and Susan Bassnett
so refreshing – and important. Bielsa and Bassnett step expertly into this gap and
begin to close it quite nicely with a book of considerable theoretical depth and
breadth.
Translation in Global News is easily accessible and relevant for scholars
from all disciplines interested in global information flows, global hierarchies
and inequalities, and questions of language and power as these relate to
the complex, ever-changing and frequently cross-cutting social phenomenon
typically referred to as ‘globalization’. This is due in part to the inherently interdisciplinary nature of examining the role of language and translation in news
and in part to the authors’ writing, which does not slip into the use of exclusive
disciplinary jargon.
The book opens with an ‘Introduction’ chapter in which the authors lay out
the rationale for the book, namely the dearth of research into translation and
news as well as the general lack of inter-disciplinary research and awareness in
this area.
Chapter 1, ‘Power, language and translation’, lays out some of the basic
debates about translation and how to define it. The chapter also draws attention
to the central and often overlooked role of the translator in news, who the authors
persuasively contend, does far more than engage in direct and literal linguistic
translation (something which Bielsa and Bassnett, in any case, rightly reject
as impossible). Especially interesting is the authors’ discussion of two different
approaches to translation – domestication and foreignization. Domestication
entails customizing a translation so that it is considered a good fit for the
local culture and language into which it is being translated. This approach
renders invisible the translator, the translation process and, potentially, cultural
difference as well. Foreignization is a counter-hegmonic approach to translation.
It seeks to remain true to the original cultural frame of the translated work
and, because it does, ideally ends up drawing readers’ attention to significant
differences in cultural paradigms.
Bielsa and Bassnett devote Chapter 2, ‘Globalization and translation’, to an
overview of various theories and definitions of globalization from some of the wellknown theorists including: Manuel Castells, Anthony Giddens, David Harvey,
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Scott Lash and John Urry, and Saskia Sassen. Bielsa and Bassnett latch in
particular onto Sassen’s work on ‘global cities’, which they favor because of
its focus on the concrete instances in which the local and global intermix. In
fact, Bielsa and Bassnett’s case study of two international news agency offices
in Latin America later in the book clearly reflects their affinity for a Sassen-like
conceptualization of globalization.
As the title indicates, Chapter 3, ‘Globalization and news: The role of the
news agencies in historical perspective’, offers a detailed historical overview
of the rise of global news agencies with a special concentration on Reuters, a
British-based agency, and Agence France-Presse (AFP). Drawing in particular
from the work of Oliver Boyd-Barrett, Bielsa and Bassnett chart the material,
political-economic and technological contours of the rise of large news agencies
such as Reuters and AFP and their eventual transformation into truly global
media agencies with their own network of journalists situated around the
globe.
In Chapter 4, ‘Translation in global news agencies’, Bielsa and Bassnett
examine and outline some of the basic practices and norms of journalists, in
particular those of the editors who work for international news agencies in
foreign bureaus. The authors also establish a typology of major features in news
translation as well as a list of different types of textual intervention performed by
journalists who translate news.
Chapter 5, ‘Journalism and translation: Practice, strategies and values in the
news agencies’, forms the empirical core of the book. Here, Bielsa and Bassnett
discuss the case studies upon which much of their book is based. The AFP Latin
American bureau located in Montevideo, Uruguay and the Inter Press Service
(IPS) Latin American bureau in the same city, serve as the comparative case
studies. While AFP represents a global mainstream news agency, IPS stands
as an example of an alternative media organization. Despite the fact that they
spend a good portion of their time translating, journalists, especially those at
AFP, typically do not conceive of themselves as translators.
Also in Chapter 5, the authors discuss an example of the difficulty the
Montevideo AFP editors had in translating stories originally written for an
American/European audience about the death of Ronald Reagan, which
occurred during the time the case study was conducted. The copy that came
across the wire in English to the bureau editors portrayed Reagan in warm,
fuzzy terms. However, this was not necessarily the way many in Latin America
thought of the former U.S. president. Thus, the translation process involved
taking out some of the fluffier information – for example, information about the
last look Reagan gave his wife Nancy before he died – and adding historical
background about U.S./Latin American relations during the Reagan era entirely
missing from the original content. This example clearly illustrates the authors’
maxim that news translation involves both linguistic and cultural translation
and adaptation.
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Bielsa and Bassnett move from news production research in Chapter 5 to
textual analysis in Chapter 6, ‘Reading translated news: An analysis of agency
texts’. Here, they compare different language versions of the same news story
and reflect on some of the differences and similarities. The book’s final chapter,
‘Translation and trust’, focuses on the question of veracity in relation to both
translation and to cultural reinterpretation/framing, drawing in particular from
Habermas’ ideas of truth, appropriateness and sincerity.
Translation in Global News is a very good book. However, it would be
strengthened by the addition of a couple of components. First, given the authors’
general reflexivity and their insistence on the significance of drawing attention
to the translation process, it would have been nice to see Bielsa and Bassnett
discuss and reflect on their own language backgrounds as well as the processes of
translation they went through in producing the book. Second, given the authors’
call for additional research into translation and news near the beginning of the
book, it would have made sense for them offer some specific suggestions on areas,
questions, issues, problems for future research at the conclusion. Certainly, there
is much research potential in global media and translation. For instance, Bielsa
and Bassnett never really get to the fascinating issue of the increasing prevalence
of English as global auxiliary language in global media. What is the history
of – or the potential cultural, political and economic ramifications of – a trend
which can see, for example, a German-speaking journalist interview a Russian
source in English and translate the information and quotes he or she gleans
from the source back into German? Or, alternatively, what are some of the
political economic as well as cultural considerations that come into play in
terms of large news organizations and their decisions to publish content in
particular languages on their web sites? Which languages do they use, why,
how much of their content gets translated into which of these languages, or
which languages see more content translated from a source and/or auxiliary
language?
In the end, Translation in Global News is both an informative and enjoyable
read. It advocates for, and practices, interdisciplinarity, and it focuses on
an extremely under-studied and far too often overlooked aspect of global
news production, distribution and consumption: language and translation. It’s
shameful that globalization, media and international communication scholars,
on the whole, tend to gloss over, pretty much completely, the crucial issues
of language and translation. Much of this lack of interest in language and
translation may be rooted in disciplinary parochialism. Language, in the minds
of many media and communication scholars, is the province of linguistics.
In fact, as Bielsa and Bassnett so persuasively illustrate, the study of media
and globalization is fundamentally interdisciplinary. Hopefully, some of the
globalization and media and international communication scholars who should
read this book will indeed encounter it and read it. They will not be disappointed
if they do, and it may well inspire at least some to reconsider their previous
perspective on language and translation, a perspective that views language
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and translation in terms which render them essentially, and problematically,
invisible.
CHRISTOF DEMONT-HENRICH
School of Communication
University of Denver
2490 S. Gaylord St.
Denver, CO 80208
U.S.A.
cdemonth@du.edu
GEOFFREY HUGHES. Political Correctness: A History of Semantics and Culture (The
Language Library). Malden, Massachusetts: Wiley-Blackwell. 2010. 320 pp. Pb
(9781405152792) £17.99.
Reviewed by DEBORAH CAMERON
‘Political correctness’, writes Geoffrey Hughes in his opening chapter, ‘is not one
thing and does not have a single history’ (p. 3). This book is not one thing either:
ranging widely in time and space (from mediaeval England to post-apartheid
South Africa) with a multi-stranded approach that takes in history, language,
literature and culture, it is certainly more ambitious than most studies of PC.
Ambition, however, has its drawbacks. The way Hughes constantly shifts the
focus of attention from historical events to words to literary texts gives Political
Correctness an episodic quality that detracts from its overall coherence. Ironically,
too, given the remark I quoted above, he does seem to want to present a unified
history of PC thought and language, and in trying to construct a single narrative
from such heterogeneous material he does not always make clear distinctions
between different societies, eras and political commitments.
The main body of the text (excluding the preface and conclusion) is divided
into four parts of two chapters each. The first part deals with PC as a cultural
phenomenon, first attempting to define the concept and then tracing the history
of the ‘PC debate’ that began in the early 1990s. The second and third parts
focus on language, or more exactly terminology. The second part, titled ‘The
semantic aspect’, contains one chapter about the codification of word meaning
in dictionaries and usage guides, and a second, much shorter one in which a
politically correct ‘word field’ is identified. In the third part, ‘Zones of controversy’,
Hughes goes on to examine the development of specific terms, beginning in
Chapter 5 with expressions relating to race, ethnicity and nationality, then
moving on in Chapter 6 to gender, sexuality, disability, religion, the environment
and animal rights.
The fourth part takes up a theme that has run throughout the book – the
idea that the political correctness of the late-20th/21st century has parallels in
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earlier periods of history. Drawing on canonical works of English literature from
Chaucer to Dickens, Hughes shows that the attitudes targeted by modern PC
go back many centuries, and points out that some writers in all ages contested
or satirized the orthodox beliefs and verbal shibboleths of their time. His focus
on literature does not however give him much scope to examine more direct
historical antecedents to modern PC, such as John Stuart Mill’s objections to the
generic masculine in the mid-19th century, and a series of campaigns relating
to racial nomenclature in the U.S. before the Civil Rights era (Kennedy 2002).
In relation to Hughes’s account of recent/current PC verbal hygiene, the
first and most intractable difficulty I had concerned the perennial problem
of definition. Hughes offers a number of general definitions for the concept
of political correctness, but there is no parallel definition of politically correct
language. Instead he offers, in Chapter 4, an indicative list of some 200 lexical
items which are said to constitute the PC ‘word field’, explaining that these
terms belong to the lexicon of PC by virtue of being ‘used in the [PC] debate . . .
associated with it . . . [or] showing characteristics of PC language’ (p. 106). The
first two of these criteria are relatively straightforward (leaving aside arguments
about whether some of the terms were ever actually used without irony by
anyone), but the last is more problematic. Theoretically unsatisfactory (because
the characteristics it appeals to have not been clearly specified, giving it a circular
or tautological quality), in practice it leads to the inclusion of many terms
whose ‘PC’ status is far from obvious. It is obscure to me, for instance, what
‘characteristics of PC language’ are shared by ASBO, bioethics, carbon tax, global
warming and passive smoking.
Hughes might reply that the terms on his list show one or both of the
characteristics most often identified by commentators as key features of PC
language, namely abstraction and euphemism. But even if one accepted that
all PC terms are abstractions/euphemisms, it would not logically follow that
all abstractions/euphemisms are PC. If PC is understood as an umbrellaterm for a collection of basically left-wing ‘-isms’ – socialism, feminism, antiracism/imperialism and (increasingly) environmentalism – then many of the
euphemisms on Hughes’s list could not be further from PC. Ethnic cleansing, for
instance, was the creation of ultra-nationalists in former Yugoslavia; collateral
damage and rendition originated as military jargon; genetically modified, according
to Guy Cook (2004), was promoted by corporate interests looking for a bland
alternative to genetically engineered; freedom fries was coined by U.S. conservatives
as a patriotic substitute for French fries after the French proved less than
enthusiastic in their support for the post-9/11 ‘war on terror’. Perhaps Hughes
wants to show that he himself has no political bias by taking examples from across
the global political spectrum. But a category of PC which can accommodate
positions as disparate as those of Susan Sontag and Slobodan Milošević is not
so much even-handed as incoherent. If the P in PC does not stand for any
particular kind of politics, does the concept not become so elastic as to be
meaningless?
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Hughes never spells out where in the above-mentioned spectrum he would
place himself, but his views can be inferred from his paraphrases of and comments
on other people’s. He is in favour of civility (thus, in his view, it is no bad thing
if we are less tolerant than we once were of racist epithets and other expressions
of gross prejudice), but opposed to censorship, euphemistic obfuscation, and
coinages which he regards as ‘curious’ or ‘absurd’ (e.g. ableism, significant other).
He persistently takes it that the reader will share his own understanding of
what is offensive and why. He or she will simply agree, for instance, that the
acronym DWEM (‘dead white European male’) is no less objectionable than
any term habitually used to disparage a non-white group. If you don’t happen
to share Hughes’s assumptions, you may well find his treatment of the relevant
lexical items long on assertion and short on actual analysis. (I should, in fairness,
point out that Hughes has similar reservations about my own treatment of PC
language in Verbal Hygiene, Cameron 1995.)
Political differences aside, though, Hughes makes some assertions about
current English usage which I think are just factually wrong. Here, I will pick
out one example where it seems to me that a closer examination of the linguistic
facts could have led to a more nuanced analysis: it comes from a table contrasting
‘acceptable’ with ‘unacceptable’ expressions in the domain of sickness and injury
(p. 286). ‘Living with AIDS’ is in the ‘acceptable’ column, whereas ‘living with
cancer’ is categorized as unacceptable. ‘Clearly’, Hughes comments, ‘there is no
longer a free choice in the use of natural language in relation to disease because
of certain agendas which have developed around AIDS’.
The first thing that is wrong with this analysis is that ‘living with cancer’ is
by no means unacceptable. A Google search for the phrase produces 352,000
results, with the vast majority of examples occurring in texts produced by
and/or for cancer patients. Quite possibly (though the speculation would need
to be confirmed by historical investigation) ‘living with cancer’ was coined by
analogy with the already-established ‘living with HIV/AIDS’. But their apparent
equivalence in contemporary discourse points to the second thing that is wrong
with Hughes’s analysis: he does not entertain the possibility that these ‘living
with . . .’ formulations might be neither politically-motivated denials of the
catastrophic effects of the AIDS epidemic nor euphemisms sanitizing the reality
of incurable disease, but acknowledgements of a new reality brought about by
recent medical advances. HIV and some cancers are among the illnesses which,
though they still cannot be cured, can now be successfully managed: rather
than facing imminent death, many patients diagnosed with these conditions
will stay alive, and perhaps well, for long periods. People in this position are
more accurately described as ‘living with X’ than ‘dying of X’. If the first is
no more than a euphemism for the second, then maybe we should classify all
references to people ‘living’ as euphemisms, since they obscure the unpleasant
but indisputable truth that everyone currently alive is in the process of dying.
That said, it is pretty clear when you look at the Google examples that ‘living
with cancer’ has become a shibboleth in certain kinds of discourse, used pointedly
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and repeatedly where other expressions would have been more natural. In short,
I agree with Hughes that this usage carries ideological baggage. But whereas he
supposes that this baggage must be PC, the fact that it is as noticeable in discourse
on cancer as in the much more politicized discourse of HIV-AIDS reinforces my
own suspicion that it is not political in the manner of PC, but has more to do with
the cultural pervasiveness of therapeutic ideologies which promote self-help and
‘positive thinking’. In her recent critique of positive thinking (which was partly
inspired by her own experience of cancer treatment), Barbara Ehrenreich (2009)
traces its origins to the 19th century ‘New Thought’ movement, which arose
as a reaction against the dominant puritan strain in U.S. culture (it produced,
among other things, Christian Science). This does suggest an abstract link to
PC, which has often been described as a modern secular Puritanism. But if
PC and positive thinking at some level spring from a common root – which
may explain why some of their surface manifestations, including their verbal
hygiene practices, look similar – they are nevertheless different branches of the
tree. A good scholarly history would get beneath the surface to probe their
similarities and differences, rather than treating them as self-evidently ‘the
same’.
Finally, though, we should not underestimate the difficulty of writing a good
scholarly history of PC. All attempts to date have been open to the charge
of having some sort of political axe to grind, but whereas that problem will
presumably disappear given time, there will always be a non-trivial problem
with the sources available to historians. Much of the evidence concerning, for
instance, when PC terms were first introduced and how they were used, is
simply not accessible: this applies not only to the unrecorded speech of countercultural communities of practice, but also to many written sources – political
ephemera like letters, diaries, flysheets and pamphlets. Even where these texts
have survived, they have tended not to be sampled by dictionary-makers and the
compilers of major research corpora, precisely because they are not considered
representative. Hughes takes many of his examples from reference sources to
which this point is relevant, such as the OED and the BNC; others come from
news archives. The result is that his claims about, for instance, feminist usage,
based largely on media reporting of feminism and books written about it for a
general audience, are not always convincing to a former grassroots activist
like me. In some cases my scepticism is justified by documentary evidence
from my own personal archive, but in most it is my counter-cultural memory
against Hughes’s mainstream sources, and both have obvious inadequacies and
biases.
Hughes cannot reasonably be criticized for not transcending the limitations of
the evidence-base he had to work with. But I do not think it is unreasonable to
want a subtler analysis of the available source-material than this book provides;
and I hope that in time, when the political dust has settled, someone will rise to
the challenge.
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REFERENCES
Cameron, Deborah. 1995. Verbal Hygiene. London: Routledge.
Cook, Guy. 2004. Genetically Modified Language. London: Routledge.
Ehrenreich, Barbara. 2009. Bright-sided: How the Relentless Promotion of Positive
Thinking has Undermined America. New York: Henry Holt.
Kennedy, Randall. 2002. Nigger: The Strange History of a Troublesome Word. New
York: Vintage.
DEBORAH CAMERON
Worcester College
University of Oxford
Oxford OX1 2HB
deborah.cameron@worc.ox.ac.uk
ANDREAS SEDLATSCHEK. Contemporary Indian English: Variation and Change
(Varieties of English around the World General Series, Volume 38). Amsterdam,
The Netherlands/Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: John Benjamins. 2009. 363 pp.
Hb (9789027248985) €105.00/$158.00.
Reviewed by CLAUDIA LANGE
When the International Corpus of English, Indian Component (ICE-India) was
released in 2002, this was probably heralded in the World Englishes community
as another welcome addition to the growing family of ICE-corpora. The author
of Contemporary Indian English: Variation and Change might have felt differently
at the time. Andreas Sedlatschek had been compiling his own corpus of Indian
English (IndE) for his study, and the release of ICE-India must have caused a
serious crisis of doubt in the purpose of his project. However, Sedlatschek decided
to carry on regardless, and he has made the most of his predicament.
Sedlatschek’s project is to provide a descriptive account of contemporary
IndE that goes beyond what he labels the ‘feature list approach’ to IndE in
being firmly empirical. In order to test the validity of many statements about
‘typical Indianisms’, he compiled his ‘Primary Corpus’ consisting of overall
180,000 words, with roughly 80,000 words of press texts from national Indian
newspapers and another 80,000 words of broadcast transcriptions representing
the ‘standard usage range’ (p. 42) of written and spoken IndE. The selection
of press texts was also made to allow comparison with the earlier Kolhapur
corpus of IndE as well as the LOB and FLOB corpora of British English (BrE)
and the BROWN and FROWN corpora of American English (AmE) – the relevant
‘prestige varieties’, as Sedlatschek calls them. Such a corpus design further allows
him to include a diachronic perspective (LOB and BROWN contain texts from
the sixties, FLOB and FROWN from the nineties of the last century) as well as to
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consider possible shifts in exonormative orientation, away from BrE to AmE. The
remaining 20,000 words were supplied by student essays ‘to strike a balance
between the heavily edited press genres and the broadcast material’ (p. 43). This
corpus forms the empirical backbone of the study. Additionally, Sedlatschek
occasionally draws on data from ICE-India when it comes to the frequency of a
particular feature in spoken vs. written IndE. He has further used ‘“snapshots”
from the Internet’ (p. 44) to supplement his Primary Corpus when it proved too
limited in size. These internet ‘snapshots’ are also highly useful to assess the
status of a particular form as ‘Indianism’, ‘South Asianism’ or as belonging to
the common core of contemporary international English.
One minor point mentioned several times (e.g. on pp. 1, 18, 62 and 64)
in the introductory chapters in connection with L1 interference as a possible
explanatory parameter should not go uncorrected: Hindi is not India’s national
language; the Indian constitution proclaims Hindi merely to be the official
language of the Union – a more than nominal difference particularly for Indians
living below the Hindi belt.
The individual IndE features to be investigated are distilled from an exhaustive
survey of available descriptions of IndE, including Indian usage guides for English,
handbooks of varieties of English as well as more in-depth studies of particular
phenomena. The corpus evidence concerning these features is then discussed
in the three main chapters of the book, ‘Vocabulary’ (96 pages), ‘Lexicosyntax’
(47 pages), and ‘Morphosyntax and grammar at the sentence level’ (112 pages).
The chapter on vocabulary deals with loanwords derived from Indian languages,
neologisms such as speedmoney (‘bribe’) and timepass (‘pastime’), patterns of
word formation said to be typical for IndE and some instances of semantic
change concerning individual lexical items. A subchapter deals with ‘lexical
style variation’, that is the preference for specific expressions (e.g. amid vs. amidst,
lectureship vs. lecturership) and the use of contracted forms. Finally, the impact of
BrE vs. AmE with respect to spelling and vocabulary (e.g. rubbish vs. garbage) is
considered. The chapter offers a wealth of individual observations about the IndE
lexicon. Many of Sedlatschek’s findings prove earlier accounts to be downright
wrong or at least sloppy in that they claim a much wider usage range for a specific
expression than attested in actual language use across registers. However, some
of his concerns in this chapter may fail to fully impress the reader, such as
the observation that lathicharge (‘police attack with a bamboo baton’) occurs
without a hyphen in the South Indian newspaper The Hindu, but with a hyphen
in the North Indian The Tribune. Whether such differences really are ‘a source
of variation and differentiation in written IndE’ (p. 146) or just indicative of a
specific house style remains to be seen.
The chapter on lexicosyntax is the shortest of the three main empirical chapters
and covers two main topics, namely variation in the realm of particle verbs and
verb complementation patterns. These topics have been tackled by quite a few
quantitative studies over the last years, and Sedlatschek’s data lead him to similar
conclusions, namely that the differences between IndE and other varieties of
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English in this realm ‘are rarely of a qualitative, more often of a quantitative and
register-specific kind’ (p. 195).
The largest chapter on IndE (morpho-)syntax covers an impressive range of
features. Some of the topics included here belong to the most widely discussed
aspects of IndE syntax, for example the variation in article use or the lack of
inversion in questions. Other topics such as the mandative subjunctive have
so far not featured prominently in research on IndE. Some chapters go beyond
a purely quantitative analysis of the distribution of a specific feature and look
closer at the meanings and functions in context. Not surprisingly, forms and
features which are not ‘in line with the codified norms of standard English’
(p. 273) tend to cluster ‘in less heavily edited forms of speech and writing’
(p. 274).
Considering the wealth of data presented in these three chapters, it is perhaps
only natural that such a motley array of different linguistic features does
not lend itself to an analysis from a more coherent theoretical perspective.
Sedlatschek is very considerate in avoiding rash overgeneralizations when
these are not supported by his data, and generally refrains from monocausal
explanations. However, sometimes the cumulative character of his explanations
leads to apparent contradictions. When interpreting the IndE data on verbal
concord with collective nouns such as committee or government, for example,
Sedlatschek first considers the IndE preference for singular verbal concord as
an indicator ‘that IndE, like New Zealand English, is more advanced than
BrE in this process, possibly under the influence from contemporary AmE’
(p. 249). The data showing that BrE press texts display a higher incidence
of variable concord with collective nouns than IndE press texts are then
explained ‘as a repercussion of a BrE “affectation” typical of the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries’ (p. 249), and ‘IndE was independent enough
around that time not to be affected by these developments’ (p. 256). Elsewhere,
however, Sedlatschek explains specific features as ‘remnants of nineteenthcentury English’ (p. 196), calling the IndE ‘independence’ into question.
Similarly, higher proportions of non-standard usages in the student essays are
frequently accounted for by reference to the ‘acquisitional context’, i.e. learner
errors, but when the student essays show lower frequencies of a particular
feature, as is the case with e.g. interrogative inversion in embedded contexts,
this is then attributed to a ‘high degree of exonormatively oriented scholastic
mediation in this particular instance’ (pp. 296–297). Why ‘scholastic mediation’
should be so successful in precisely this realm of English syntax but not in others
is left unspecified.
The conclusion addresses the question of how ‘different’ IndE really is. To put
it differently: what does the evidence accumulated in the book tell us about the
status of IndE as an autonomous variety in its own right? Sedlatschek insists on
acknowledging IndE’s ‘independent development [. . .] it is not a copy of any other
English and should not be treated as such’ (p. 314). He also takes up a proposal
made in the literature to ‘treat IndE as a semi-autonomous variety of English
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shaped simultaneously by local as well as global forces’ (p. 315). Significantly,
contact-induced language change is not included in the notion of ‘local forces’
when it comes to syntax: ‘none of the case studies designed to measure the
impact of L1 interference on IndE supports the view that interference from Indian
languages should be a major driving force for syntactic variation’ (p. 313). This
is a point that is highly likely to be taken up by other researchers working in the
field. After all, Sedlatschek concedes that ‘the impact of L1 interference affects
IndE differently across different text categories and registers’ (p. 313). Studies in
contact linguistics have typically turned to spontaneous conversations as those
contexts which prompt multilingual speakers to draw spontaneously on all the
linguistic resources that are available to them, and this register was notably
absent from Sedlatschek’s corpus.
To conclude: the study puts many of the ‘typical Indianisms’ that have been
handed down from textbook to textbook into perspective and, thus, represents
an invaluable update on the available descriptive accounts of IndE. The book
will also serve as an indispensable point of reference for further corpus-based
research on IndE. Anybody planning a new edition of an IndE usage guide or a
handbook of World Englishes would be well advised to consult Sedlatschek first.
CLAUDIA LANGE
Institut für Anglistik
Justus-Liebig-Universität Giessen
Giessen
Germany
claudia.lange@anglistik.uni-giessen.de
PINGALI SAILAJA. Indian English (Dialects of English). Edinburgh, U.K.: Edinburgh
University Press. 2009. 172 pp. Pb (9780748625956) £16.99.
Reviewed by DAVID DETERDING
Like other volumes in the Dialects of English series published by Edinburgh
University Press, this book on Indian English (IE) has an introductory chapter
setting the scene, followed by one chapter each on the variety’s phonetics and
phonology, morphosyntax, and lexis and discourse. There is then a concluding
chapter on the history and current changes in IE, followed by an annotated
bibliography of the major works on IE and finally some sample texts of IE through
history and also the transcripts of two spoken monologues by Indian women,
Ira and Deepta. The recordings of these two monologues, lasting for 50 and 151
seconds respectively, are available from a dedicated website.
One thing that is a little unusual about this volume is that the history of English
in India is presented in the last chapter. At first glance, this seems a bit strange,
as one might think it is more natural to introduce the history in the initial
chapter, to provide some background for the rest of the material. But perhaps
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it does make sense to combine a discussion of the history with an evaluation of
current changes in IE, and locating this material at the end of the book results in
the concluding chapter finishing quite neatly by offering a glimpse into possible
future trends.
In all of the chapters, there is a careful but succinct consideration of the features
of IE, and most of the material is well researched and presented. However,
one disappointing aspect is how rarely the observed features of IE are placed
in context, particularly by reference to the texts and recordings in the final
chapter of the book. Although it is true that the two transcribed audio recordings
together only last for less than three and a half minutes, which would certainly
be insufficient to illustrate all the features of IE that are discussed in the book,
examples of at least some of them could have been found, particularly the features
of pronunciation outlined in Chapter 2. For example, we are told (p. 21) that /g/
is generally absent and a plosive is used instead, and this observation would have
been enriched by reference to the pronunciation of that with an initial plosive
by Ira (at a location two seconds from the start of the recording). Similarly, in
the discussion of a long monophthong [o:] rather than a diphthong in words
such as no, go and groan (p. 25), it would have been valuable to mention the
monophthongal vowel in spoke as uttered by Deepta (22 seconds from the start).
In fact, in the whole book there seems to be only one single reference to the audio
recordings, in a discussion of the use of and in the chapter on discourse (p. 85).
The failure to make greater use of the audio data and thereby give some context
for the material is not just a missed opportunity to embellish the presentation,
as it results in some of the observed features of IE being rather uncertain out
of context. For example, stir is given as an IE equivalent of ‘strike’ and clever as
meaning ‘intelligent, especially cunning’ (p. 68), but these examples would only
really make sense if they were put in context. As it is, many of the lexical items
end up as lists of words, and in some cases the special nature of the way the
words are used in IE remains obscure. Furthermore, when some interesting
data is introduced to illustrate code-switching between English and Telegu
(pp. 90–91), it would have been helpful if we knew where it came from. Is it
from the transcript of a recording? If so, how was it recorded?
Quite apart from this absence of context for the examples, there are a few
problems with the phonology as presented in Chapter 2. Firstly, representing
an aspirated plosive as /ph/ is not ideal; surely /p/, using a proper raised
symbol to indicate aspiration, would have been better. Then, on page 23, we
are told that ‘sometimes words with wh- are aspirated’, with the result that
why can be pronounced as ‘/vhai/ or /whai/’, and this concept of an aspirated
approximant is rather unusual in phonetic description, where aspiration is more
commonly associated with plosives. Finally, throughout Chapter 2, the selection
of phonemic // slashes or phonetic [ ] brackets seems to be almost random. For
example, we are told that /θ/ may be ‘dental plosives /t1/ or /t1h/’ (p. 21), and it
would have been better if the alternative realisations (allophones) were shown in
square brackets. Then we are informed that ‘[p] in pin, upon, suppose is aspirated’
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(p. 23), but as the sound is a phoneme whose exact realisation is being discussed,
it would have been better to show it as /p/ rather than [p].
In fact, not only might some of the terminology and the selection of slashes or
brackets be questioned, but some of the phonological analysis is a little strange.
It is stated (p. 30) that one type of ‘extra heavy syllable’ is where there is ‘a long
vowel followed by at least one consonant’ and then we are told that ‘stress falls
on the first syllable of a bisyllabic word unless the second syllable is extra heavy’.
Then, to illustrate this, we are given the words mistake, monsoon and concrete,
all with the stress shown on the first syllable, even though all of them clearly
seem to have an extra heavy second syllable. Maybe this is just a typographical
error, and the intention was to show the second syllable as stressed.
One thing that is occasionally troubling is that some features are claimed for
IE when in fact they can be found in many varieties of standard English. For
example:
• we find that rasberry, vocal chords and auxillary are common misspellings
(p. 27), but surely these occur in all varieties of English;
• we are told that words such as fast and missed undergo consonant cluster
simplification (p. 29), but it is well known that this occurs in RP British
English if the next word begins with a consonant (Cruttenden 2008:
303);
• committee member is suggested as a creation of IE (p. 78), but again there
seems nothing unusual about this; and
• maths is given as a clipping from mathematics (p. 83) when this is actually the
norm in Britain.
Despite a few questionable items such as these, most of the material is carefully
presented, and this slim volume represents a valuable overview of the features,
history and status of IE. Inevitably, in such a compact description, further details
might have been valuable, not just to offer some context for the features that
are described, but also to elaborate on various issues, especially in the final
chapter on history and current changes. For instance, it is stated (p. 111) that
‘Hindi became the official language of the country’ and then later in the same
paragraph we are told ‘Most people think that Hindi is the national language
of India and this myth has been continuously perpetrated. In fact, it was meant
to be, and remains, an official language.’ It might have helped to explain this
more fully, particularly to highlight the difference between the official language
and an official language, and also to elaborate a bit on the difference between
an official language and a national language. Then it is stated (p. 112) that, as
part of the three-language policy that was promoted, ‘If the native language was
Hindi, another modern Indian language was to be learnt, preferably one from the
south.’ Although this is certainly accurate, it might have been useful to discuss it
further by noting that in some places the spirit of the three-language policy was
defeated when students opted for Sanskrit or Urdu instead of a southern Indian
language (Amritavalli and Jayaseelan 2007: 76). And a little elaboration would
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also have been useful when reference is made of Boxwallah English (p. 112) but
we learn nothing more about it. If Boxwallah English is worth mentioning, one
might have thought that a sentence or two stating what it is would have been
valuable.
Finally, there are a few places where additional evidence would have helped
to support some of the claims. For example, there is a statement (p. 115) that
‘over the centuries, the linguistic features of IE have been more or less the same.’
Is it really true that there have been few changes in IE over the centuries? This
seems to conflict with much work in World Englishes today which observes
that all language varieties are subject to constant change, and furthermore
that there is a tendency for Englishes to evolve. For example, Schneider (2007:
161–173) traces the development of English in India and suggests that there
are indications that it is moving into the fourth phase of a five-phase cycle of
its evolution into a fully mature, autonomous variety of English. Then, later in
the final chapter, it is stated that Hindi has managed to gain a position as a
useful language throughout the country ‘not because of educational efforts but
almost completely due to Bollywood’ (p. 118), but no evidence is provided to
support this sweeping conclusion. How can we be sure that Bollywood really has
had such a powerful influence and that the educational system has had almost
none?
Despite a few issues such as these, the book contains plenty of valuable
information that is carefully collated – even if some of the phonological analysis
might be questioned, it would have enriched the material throughout the book to
present more of the features in context, and the explanation is rather succinct in
a few places. Overall the material is well presented and the book will undoubtedly
prove a valuable addition to the Dialects of English series.
REFERENCES
Amritavalli, R. and K. A. Jayaseelan. 2007. India. In Andrew Simpson (ed.) Language
& National Identity in Asia. Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press. 55–83.
Cruttenden, Alan. 2008. Gimson’s Pronunciation of English (7th edition). London:
Hodder Education.
Schneider, Edgar W. 2007. Postcolonial Englishes: Varieties around the World.
Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.
DAVID DETERDING
Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (FASS)
University of Brunei Darussalam (UBD)
Jalan Tungku Link
Gadong, BE1410
BRUNEI
dhdeter@gmail.com
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MA. LOURDES S. BAUTISTA AND KINGSLEY BOLTON (eds.). Philippine English: Linguistic
and Literary Perspectives (Asian Englishes Today). Hong Kong: Hong Kong
University Press. 2008. 405 pp. Hb (9789622099470) $60.28.
Reviewed by DAVID DETERDING
This book consists of an introduction by the editors followed by eighteen chapters
that provide an overview of the current status and use of English language
and literature in the Philippines, and finally an extensive list of bibliographical
resources. It is divided into three parts:
• the first offers a sociolinguistic context, in particular discussing attitudes
towards English in the Philippines;
• part two has the title ‘Linguistic Forms’, and it gives a linguistic analysis of
some of the features of Philippine English; and
• the final part deals with Philippine English literature.
The first part consists of six chapters. In Chapter 1, the late Andrew Gonzales
gives a sociolinguistic and historical overview of the use of English in the
Philippines. In Chapter 2, Allan Bernardo discusses English in the education
system, describing the implementation of the bilingual program and also current
controversies over the use of English. Chapter 3, by Danilo Dayag, considers
English-language media in the Philippines and shows how lots of published
material involves code-switching. In Chapter 4, Ruanni Tupas discusses issues
with postcolonial discourse, while Chapter 5 by D. Manarpaac challenges the
adoption of Filipino as the national language of the Philippines, particularly
because it favours the native speakers of Tagalog around Manila in the north,
and instead suggests that English offers a far more egalitarian option for the whole
country. In the final chapter of the first part, Vincente Rafael discusses the role
of Taglish – Tagalog sprinkled with various words from English – in literature,
films, and comics, especially how it can provide a voice for the non-elite members
of society, often as a means of protest against those in power.
The second part of the book consists of five chapters. In the first, Curtis
McFarland provides an overview of the indigenous languages of the Philippines
and then considers how Tagalog has been influenced by borrowing from
English. In Chapter 8, Ma. Lourdes Tayao analyses the vowels, consonants and
suprasegmentals of acrolectal, mesolectal and basilectal Philippine English. In
Chapter 9, Kingsley Bolton and Susan Butler discuss how lexical borrowings from
Tagalog and other indigenous languages are represented in English dictionaries
in the Philippines, and they are particularly critical of the widely-used Webster’s
dictionary which lists many archaic borrowings but fails to include many recent
words with widespread usage. Chapter 10, by Ma. Lourdes Bautista, compares
the frequency of occurrence of some grammatical patterns in the components
of the International Corpus of English (ICE) from the Philippines, Hong Kong,
Singapore and Great Britain. In Chapter 11, Jane Lockwood, Gail Forey and
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Helen Price consider the language used by workers in call centers in the
Philippines and how breakdowns in communication can occur when they are
talking to customers in the United States.
The third part of the book, dealing with literature, consists of seven chapters.
The first, by Isabel Martin, considers the English literary texts that were
memorized by generations of Philippine students, and the influence that this has
had on their English. In Chapter 13, Lily Rose Tope illustrates how modern writers
in the Philippines use English to explore their local rhythms and cadences, and
she observes that such explorations in the use of English are no longer always seen
as deviant. The next three chapters consider different literary genres. Chapter
14, by Gémino Abad, describes how Philippine poetry evolved through three
stages, from an initial romantic style through a formalist stage and finally to a
mature, post-modern style free from the constraints of formalism; Chapter 15, by
Cristina Hidalgo, deals with the English short story, a medium in which Filipino
writers have excelled; and in Chapter 16, Caroline Hau considers the Filipino
novel in English. In Chapter 17, the literature of the Filipino diaspora is discussed
by Alfred Yuson. Finally, Chapter 18 provides a transcript of three people,
Simeon Dumdum, Timothy Mo and Resil Mojares, talking about the tradition of
creative writing in English in the Cebuano region.
Throughout the book, there is plenty of interesting material most of which is
clearly presented. For example:
• the detailed analysis of the language of the media in Chapter 3 presents
some substantial data and is carefully tabulated to show that, while the more
serious media tends to be in English, popular publications such as gossip
magazines tend to be in Tagalog or other indigenous languages;
• in Chapter 7, there is a substantial comparison of the lexicon, phonology and
syntax of various Philippino languages, including Tagalog, Bikol, Hiligaynon
and Cebuano, and while it is not immediately clear how this is relevant for
English in the Philippines, it does provide some kind of background for the
subsequent discussion of borrowing from English in Tagalog;
• Chapter 9 offers a detailed and authoritative discussion about the failure
of modern dictionaries to reflect current usage in Philippine English
accurately;
• in Chapter 10, careful analysis of some of the different components of the ICE
corpus shows that the widespread use of wherein in the Philippines contrasts
with the almost complete absence of the word in Singapore, Hong Kong and
the UK (p. 210); and
• in Chapter 11, there is an interesting analysis of the breakdown
in communication in call-center interactions, including some valuable
transcripts of problematic conversations between Philippine call-center
workers and their American customers.
In some cases, however, the presentation of the data leaves one wishing that
more details had been given or that there had been greater elaboration of some of
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the issues. For example, on page 19 we learn that there is a tendency to pronounce
/υ/ as /u/, and this can be classified as ‘a spelling pronunciation’, which is a
little mysterious – an example or two would have helped; and on the same page
we are told that there is a ‘variable lack of distinction between the rounded
and unrounded mid-back vowels /o/ and /ɔ/’, which is equally confusing as
both of these vowels are usually regarded as rounded. Then on page 59 we are
told that the editorials in Philippine English newspapers are characterised by
three obligatory moves, namely Establishing Common Ground, Making a Claim,
and Issuing a Counterclaim, but it is a little hard to interpret this fully without
more information about how it differs from the structure of editorials found in
other varieties of English. Finally, on pages 144 and 147 we are presented with
some fascinating extracts of Taglish, illustrating widespread mixing between
Tagalog and English; but are these real examples or are they invented? And if
they are real, why are we not given a few more details about how the data was
collected?
One other issue that occasionally interferes with the presentation of material
is that some of the language used is surprisingly prescriptive for a work that
we assume is intended to describe rather than criticize Philippine English. For
example:
• it is suggested that ‘errors’ committed by the current generation of English
teachers ‘are fossilized’ (p. 22);
• we are told about ‘faulty article usage’, ‘faulty preposition usage’ and ‘faulty
noun usage’ (p. 58);
• there is mention of ‘correct stress’ (p. 164), which syllable ‘stress should fall
on’ (p. 165) and the absence of falling intonation ‘in questions where it was
called for’ (p. 167);
• it is suggested that use of such in Philippine and Hong English ‘appears to be
deviant’ (p. 208); and
• it is observed that Filipina domestic helper speech in Hong Kong can be
‘ungrammatical’ and ‘disjointed’ (p. 273).
A further matter that might be linked with this adoption of a prescriptive tone in
some of the material is the assumption of falling standards in Philippine English.
For example, there is a discussion of efforts ‘for the restoration of English language
competence’ (p. 23), which seems to indicate uncritical acceptance of claims that
standards of English have fallen in recent years; and there is an assumption of ‘the
level of English-language proficiency in the country having steadily deteriorated’
(p. 308). But what actual evidence is there that competence in English has
declined? Was there ever really a golden age in the past when everyone spoke
and wrote better? In fact, given the booming call-center industry which insists
that its workers speak excellent English so that they can communicate efficiently
with customers in the U.S.A., one might assume that standard English with
clear articulation is actually becoming more widespread in the Philippines, at
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least in the region around Manila where most of the call-center industry is
based.
In conclusion, despite a few blemishes such as these, with some cases where
additional information or elaboration would have helped, with inappropriate
prescriptive language cropping up in a few places, and the occasional assumption
of falling proficiency in English with no supporting evidence, this book contains
a wealth of varied material about English in the Philippines which many readers
will undoubtedly find exceptionally valuable.
DAVID DETERDING
Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (FASS)
University of Brunei Darussalam (UBD)
Jalan Tungku Link
Gadong, BE1410
BRUNEI
dhdeter@gmail.com
MATHIAS SCHULZE, JAMES M. SKIDMORE, DAVID G. JOHN, GRIT LIEBSCHER AND
SEBASTIAN SIEBEL-ACHENBACH (eds.). German Diasporic Experiences. Identity,
Migration, and Loss. Waterloo, Canada: Wilfrid Laurier University Press. 2008.
518 pp. Hb (9781554580279) Can$85.00.
Reviewed by NILS LANGER
The concept of Diaspora has received considerable attention in the Humanities
over the last 20 years or so, to the extent that at times it can appear too global a
term to be of any actual intellectual use (Brubaker 2005). But maybe there is good
reason for its wide application to a host of different social setups, geographical
locations, and historical time periods, and this book may be testament to the
validity of this in the context of German communities across the world. Presenting
papers delivered at a conference in 2006 in Waterloo, Canada, the volume
contains 39 chapters organized in three broad sections, ‘Identity’, ‘Migration’,
and ‘Loss’ and providing a rich overview of how people are affected by the process
of migration, either personally or historically. It is therefore no surprise that this
book contains much more than ‘straightforward’ sociolinguistic perspectives but
also includes studies more at home in Film and Literary Studies, Anthropology,
and Social History.
Sociolinguists have a natural interest in diasporas since they often provide
exciting conditions for the empirical study of language-contact phenomena such
as major language change and even language loss. Furthermore, in diasporas we
find evidence for the use of particular languages as markers of personal and group
identities and studying such diasporas allows us to investigate changes in speaker
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communities both in real-time and apparent-time. As sociolinguists we are more
used to speaking of linguistic enclaves or Sprachinseln (speech islands) than of
diasporas when discussing Germans – in itself a highly problematic term when
applied to people, ethnicity, and language, both historically and contemporarily
– abroad, and there is now a significant body of recent research in German
sociolinguistics (e.g. Salmons 1993; Hogan-Brun 2000; Keel and Mattheier
2003; Berend and Knipf-Komlosi 2006; Carl and Stevenson 2009) to elucidate
our understanding of life in the German diaspora. Furthermore, a recent fine
handbook of German communities in Eastern and Central Europe exists in the
form of Eichinger, Plewnia and Riehl (2008). As early as the Middle Ages, German
communities migrated as settlers and moved to Eastern Europe. However, it
was mostly during the eighteenth century that German-speaking people moved
both eastwards to Romania and Hungary, as well as Russia, and westwards to
Pennsylvania in order to practise their religious faiths without fear of persecution.
During the nineteenth century the majority of emigrants left Germany, mostly
for economic reasons, to start a new life in the U.S.A. and also South America.
The twentieth century, too, saw waves of emigration from Germany – during the
1930s because of Nazi persecution and the impending war and during the 1940s
and 1950s because of the aftermath of the war. After 1989 significant numbers
of ethnic Germans moved ‘back’ to Germany from Eastern Europe and the
Soviet Union, obtaining full German citizenship on the basis of their ethnicity,
having left Germany a couple of centuries previously. In addition to these
economically or religiously motivated migrations we have emigration based
on life-style choices, e.g. movements to Australia and New Zealand since the
1970s in order to adopt a healthier and less crowded lifestyle.
It is a significant strength of this book that it does not appear to exclude any
particular time period, location, or group of migrants from its coverage, and
the reader gets a comprehensive, though at times overwhelming, impression
of the diversity of German diasporas. The majority of papers deal with Eastern
Europe/Russia and North America – thus echoing scholarly emphases over the
last decades – but a number of chapters discuss other areas, e.g. Rolf Annas’
chapter on the history of German migration in Paarl (South Africa) or the
two chapters on Germans in Australia by Sandra Kipp and Doris Schüpbach
respectively. More exotic locations include nineteenth-century Turkey (Christin
Pschichholz), where some 3,000 Germans resided and a German-speaking
church was established. However, these Germans integrated rather quickly into
Turkish society, which poses the problem in this chapter and others (e.g. Gisela
Holfter’s discussion of the fate of four German-speaking refugees in the 1930s
Ireland or Anne Ribbert’s piece on syntactic borrowing of German students in
the Netherlands today) of when or whether the notion of diaspora becomes
too stretched: how many migrants do you need to create a distinct community
and how structured/distinct does this community need to be for scholars to
identify it as a diaspora? The title of the volume – diasporic experiences – suggests
that it is justifiable and of merit to include papers which appear to satisfy our
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general understanding of diaspora more peripherally than others but the price
for such a broad-church approach is that readers may be left overwhelmed by
the diversity of scenarios and intellectual angles rather than guided in their
understanding.
The contributions are grouped into three thematic sections mentioned in the
volume’s subtitle and each section is introduced with a more general discussion
providing a guiding framework for at least some of the papers following it. The
section on Identity is introduced by an overview article by Janet Fuller and is also
certainly the one covering topics most familiar or relevant to sociolinguists. The
two other sections also contain linguistic analyses but to a more limited extent
and a number of chapters provide fairly straightforward accounts of ‘historical
facts’ and analyses of emigration in film and literary studies. In the interest of
interdisciplinarity, the inclusion of studies from a variety of fields is of course to
be welcomed, but this can also have a disorientating effect when the common
thread linking such papers is tangential. Here, however, the benefits outweigh the
disadvantages: Natasha G. Wiebe’s paper on the semi-autobiographical writings
of Di Brandt, an English professor of Mennonite Canadian origin, provides some
interesting reflections on what it means to be part of a diasporic community
and to break away from it to join the more mainstream culture and thinking;
whilst Hanno Sowade’s analysis of the portrayal of refugees from the East in
West German films in the 1950s offers a useful reminder of problems faced
by Germans ‘returning’ to the motherland, especially when set in contrast to
Carsten Würmann’s discussion of the figure of the rich ‘Uncle from America’ in
German literature since the eighteenth century.
There is, thus, much to be said in favour of publishing such a wide range of
topics in one volume and, as with many conference proceedings, some chapters
will always appear a little tangential to the main theme or focus of the book.
The volume has one major weakness, however, which is that most chapters
contain little more than seven or eight pages of actual text (plus two to three for
endnotes and bibliography). This would be short at the best of times but, especially
in a volume which addresses such a wide range of scholarly disciplines, the
brevity of the individual chapters does not allow for much more than a general
introduction to the author’s topic. A number of chapters report from studies
with a significant body of data, yet only have space for one or two quotations.
This is particularly, though not exclusively, lamentable for papers presenting
discourse analyses or oral histories. The reviewer understands that, at 528 pages,
this book has perhaps reached its physical limits but with most contributions
appearing merely to scratch the surface of their topics, some readers will
be left unsatisfied with the depth of elucidation derived from reading this
work.
Nonetheless, this book succeeds in demonstrating what an interdisciplinary
approach to a topic can mean and readers will get a genuine impression
of how wide-ranging sociological topics such as diaspora are. In the vast
majority of papers, quotations and examples have been translated into English
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so that this book, which has been meticulously edited and presented, will be
accessible to readers without any knowledge of German. Whilst some individual
chapters may be too brief to be truly insightful, they nonetheless serve as an
excellent starting point for further study and, thus, on the whole this book
can be recommended as a comprehensive introduction to German Diasporic
Experiences.
REFERENCES
Berend, Nina and Elisabeth Knipf-Komlosi (eds.). 2006. Sprachinselwelten: The World
of Language Islands. Frankfurt, Germany: Peter Lang.
Brubaker, Rogers. 2005. The ‘diaspora’ diaspora. Ethnic and Racial Studies 28: 1–19.
Carl, Jenny and Patrick Stevenson (eds.). 2009. Language, Discourse and Identity in
Central Europe: The German Language in a Multilingual Space. Basingstoke, U.K.:
Palgrave.
Eichinger, Ludwig M., Albrecht Plewnia and Claudia Maria Riehl (eds.). 2008.
Handbuch der deutschen Sprachminderheiten in Mittel- und Osteuropa. Tübingen,
Germany: Narr.
Hogan-Brun, Gabrielle (ed.). 2000. National Varieties of German Outside Germany.
Frankfurt, Germany: Peter Lang.
Keel, William and Klaus-Peter Mattheier (eds.). 2003. German Language Varieties
Worldwide: Internal and External Perspectives. Frankfurt, Germany: Peter Lang.
Salmons, Joseph (ed.). 1993. The German Language in America 1681–1993. Madison,
Wisconsin: Max Kade Institute.
NILS LANGER
School of Modern Languages
University of Bristol
Bristol, BS8 1TE
U.K.
nils.langer@bris.ac.uk
MARGARITA HIDALGO (ed.). Mexican Indigenous Languages at the Dawn of
the Twenty-First Century (Contributions to the Sociology of Language, 91).
2006. Berlin, Germany: Mouton de Gruyter. 382 pp. Hb (9783110185973)
€104.95/$147.00.
Reviewed by LILIANA SÁNCHEZ
This volume is an excellent contribution to Language Policy studies in general
and to Reverse Language Shift studies (Fishman 1991, 2001) in particular. The
contributions in the volume range from historical and theoretical approaches
to the study of the maintenance of indigenous languages in Mexico to actual
implementations of bilingual and intercultural education programs that serve
indigenous populations in Mexico. The publication of this volume is very timely
because across Latin America there is a growing impulse among indigenous,
non-profit and some government organizations to reclaim indigenous languages
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as part of the region’s cultural heritage (Sichra 2009) and as a means of
constructing more inclusive national identities that accept multiculturalism as
an integral part of modern democratic societies (Coronel-Molina and GrabnerCoronel 2005).
In a socio-economic context in which multicultural Latin American countries
with indigenous populations are experiencing previously unforeseen and
relatively stable economic growth, albeit with high levels of inequality, the
issue of how to reconcile these emerging economies with social realities that
are linguistically and culturally diverse becomes a pressing matter. This volume
enriches the current debate on how to achieve this goal by providing historical
and contemporary evidence of how language policies have affected and are
affecting the development and maintenance of indigenous languages in Mexico.
In theoretical terms, several contributions in this volume are framed within
the Reverse Language Shift model as a means to understand the stage at which
indigenous languages find themselves at the dawn of the 21st Century in Mexico,
given a complex history of language policy.
Part I focuses on the socio-historic factors that lie behind the current situation
of Mexican Indigenous Languages (MIL). After a well articulated introduction
by Hidalgo, the second chapter by Parodi proposes a historical view of language
shift in Colonial New Spain that shows how the initial policies that allowed the
emergence of an Indianized variety of the New World Spanish koiné, as well as
its coexistence with indigenous languages, spoken not only by the indigenous
populations but also by indianized Spaniards, criollos and mestizos (among them
intellectuals such as Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz), underwent a major reversal in the
late 1700s. Parodi equates these changes to a shift from Stage 2 in the RLS scale
(language use in local/ regional media and governmental services) to Stage 6
(domestic uses of the language). This brought about a language shift that favored
the Colonial language over the indigenous ones, despite the fact that indigenous
languages had been incorporated as part of the new identities formed in the
colonial territories. Hidalgo furthers this view in the next two chapters where
she focuses on the initial stages of the recovery mission undertaken by religious
grammarians and such people as Fray Bernardino de Sahagún whose incredible
body of work has as its main goal the exhaustive documentation of language
and cultural practices as well as the education of indigenous peoples in their own
languages. Hidalgo sees the interruption of the work of such grammarians as
the beginning of an enduring process of language shift from Mexican indigenous
languages to New World Spanish, a language that gained strength from policies
originated in the metropolis in the 1600s. This process is accelerated by
demographic changes and by an ever more-generalized bilingualism among
indigenous peoples that serves both as a means of achieving language
maintenance and adaptation to the hegemonic culture. In this chapter we also
find a very interesting view of resistance and confrontation movements (common
to different regions of Latin America) that begin in colonial times and find in
Mexico a contemporary expression in the neo-zapatista movement of Chiapas.
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Part II of the book is dedicated to contemporary language policy and
demographic trends. Pellicer, Cifuentes and Herrera’s chapter delineates the
extent to which the General Law on Linguistic Rights of Indigenous Peoples
(2003) provides a framework for a more inclusive society in crucial areas
such as education and mass media. Althoff’s chapter compares the centralized
approach to legislation in favor of indigenous languages in Mexico to the localized
approach to indigenous language rights that characterizes legislation in the U.S.
An extremely rich chapter by Cifuentes and Moctezuma provides an overview
of census data from 1970 to 2000 for 27 indigenous languages using four
indicators of maintenance and shift:
• permanence of speakers of indigenous languages in their place of ancestral
settling;
• rate of growth of the number of speakers of the language;
• rate of bilingualism in the indigenous language and Spanish; and
• use of the indigenous language at home.
These four factors combined provide a complex picture of growth in terms
of the absolute numbers of speakers of indigenous languages but also an
inverse relationship between bilingualism and use of indigenous languages at
home.
Finally, Part III of the book is dedicated to the analysis of bilingualism and
bilingual education programs. Messing and Rockwell discuss the role of teachers
in bilingual education programs as promoters of Mexicano (Nahuatl) in bilingual
schools in Tlaxcala and as agents of changes in attitudes towards the language in
the community. This role is of special relevance in a context of advanced language
shift. In a very revealing chapter Pfeiler and Zámišova provide an overview of
language policies to support the Mayan language since 1940 and compare two
bilingual education programs in the Yucatan Peninsula. Their findings show that
a ‘language-in-culture apprenticeship’ undertaken by community instructors
holds the best prospects for language maintenance. Flores Farfán’s chapter
presents an innovative approach to generating culturally-appropriate materials
for bilingual Nahuatl speakers. These materials incorporate the oral traditions of
Nahuatl communities in innovative ways (amate pictographs, videos narrating
traditional stories, riddles). Pellicer’s contribution shows us the complexity of
language shift in a context of Mazahua-Spanish bilingualism (at different stages
in Fishman’s scale) that is further compounded by the superimposition of English.
The last contribution in this volume by Hidalgo presents a historical view of
language policy in Mexico. Hidalgo distinguishes three periods: an initial period
that indicates reversal of language shift (ca. 1524 – ca. 1580); a major trend
of language shift (1580–2000) which she subdivided in three eras (Colony,
Independence and Revolution); and what she considers a new era inspired by
the neo-Zapatista indigenous movement that begins in 2003 with the passing
of the Law on Linguistic Rights of the Indigenous Peoples, a significant step in
reversing language shift.
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This book provides us with a general overview of the language policies that
have shaped the history, the present and the future of Mexican Indigenous
Languages. Many aspects of the realities described and analyzed by the
contributors to this volume are shared by other indigenous languages in the
Americas that are in the process of undergoing language shift. In a historical
moment in which the viability of indigenous languages is at stake, this volume
is a major contribution to the understanding of the past and the present as a
means of constructing a future characterized by the maintenance and further
development of the linguistic heritage of the Americas.
REFERENCES
Coronel-Molina, Serafı́n and Lina Grabner-Coronel. 2005. Lenguas e identidades en los
Andes: Perspectivas Ideológicas y Culturales. Quito, Ecuador: Abya-Yala.
Fishman, Joshua A. 1991. Reversing Language Shift. Clevedon, U.K.: Multilingual
Matters.
Fishman, Joshua A. 2001. Can threatened languages be saved? Clevedon, U.K.:
Multilingual Matters.
Sichra, Inge. 2009. Atlas sociolingüı́stico de pueblos indı́genas en América Latina.
Cochabamba, Bolivia: UNICEF and PROIB Andes.
LILIANA SÁNCHEZ
Department of Spanish and Portuguese
Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey
105 George Street
New Brunswick, NJ 08901–1414
U.S.A.
lsanchez@rutgers.edu
YARON MATRAS. Language Contact. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press,
2009. xi + 366 pp. Pb (9780511629761) $38.00.
Reviewed by BRAD MONTGOMERY-ANDERSON
Yaron Matras states at the beginning of Language Contact that his aim is to ‘restore
the centre-stage position of the bilingual speaker as a creative communicator’
(p. 6) in the study of language contact phenomena. Throughout this book
he elaborates the theme that the locus of language contact is the individual
speaker who selects from a complex repertoire of linguistic structures rather
than ‘languages.’ This selection process is guided by the competing motivations
of communicative efficiency and contextual appropriateness. The development
of this theme provides for a fascinating work on language contact from the
perspective of language acquisition processes. Yaron Matras is a Professor of
Linguistics in the School of Languages, Linguistics and Cultures at the University
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of Manchester; his areas of specialization include language areas and language
typology. His expertise in the Romani language also affords him a unique
perspective on various types of language contact phenomena from a synchronic
as well as diachronic perspective.
In the first chapter Matras presents a useful literature review on the subject
and lays out the three central themes of his work. One of the main purposes
is to focus on the role of bilingual speakers as ‘creative communicators’ who
employ a number of linguistic resources. These speakers do not shut on and
off separate language systems, but rather draw from a complex repertoire of
elements. The second theme is the ability of speakers to creatively draw on
this repertoire to fit the communicative context. Third, some structures are less
prone to conscious control on the part of the speaker, resulting in a leveling of
the repertoire; this simplification of the speaker’s repertoire results in the pattern
and form replication known as ‘borrowing’.
In the second chapter Matras exemplifies these processes as he presents a case
study of a boy growing up with exposure to English, German, and Hebrew. The
author shows how the child gradually develops an awareness of the different
settings in which each language is used. During this development the child
has two competing goals: to communicate as effectively as possible using all the
linguistics elements available and to make language choices that are appropriate
for the situation. Learning separate ‘languages’ is more a matter of socialization,
i.e. learning the appropriate domains for employing certain structures and forms.
This case is a good starting point for the rest of the book, and Matras later refers
back to examples from this study.
In Chapter 3, ‘Societal multilingualism’, the author discusses the roles of
languages in society as well as the types of policy that societies use to manage
linguistic resources. This chapter still has an emphasis on the individual bilingual
speaker by starting with a discussion of how the bilingual child gradually
matches different social contexts and domains. Matras extends the discussion
of bilingualism to a societal level and examines how multilingual societies assign
certain languages to certain domains and what kinds of language policies are
found in these settings.
Chapter 4 explores the process of acquiring two languages. Matras offers here
a helpful review of first and second language acquisition, as well as a good
discussion of bilingual language processing. The author again de-emphasizes
the idea of ‘linguistic systems’ in the bilingual’s mind in favor of the development
of a single linguistic repertoire that is sensitive to contextual factors. Matras
best summarizes this emphasis on the individual by affirming what Weinreich
(1953) defined as ‘the only true locus of language contact – the bilingual speaker’
(p. 99). In this chapter the author continues to explore the idea that bilingual
speakers reduce the need to activate the ‘selection and inhibition mechanism’ by
consolidating the structures in their linguistic repertoire.
Matras’ knowledge of Romani allows him to provide a wealth of fascinating
examples for the topic of Chapter 5, ‘Crossing the boundaries: Code-switching in
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conversation’. One example that is illustrative of this discussion is an instance
of a Romani speaker using the German concessive connector obwohl ‘although’.
Matras explains this as an instance where words with grammatical functions can
be part of ‘automated task schemas in the “pragmatically dominant” language’
(p. 109). When speaking German the Romani speaker has a high motivation
to select only words that will be understood by the German addressee, while
when speaking with other Romani who are also bilingual with German the
self-monitoring of repertoire-selection is much more relaxed. As a result of
these two different scenarios, German becomes the pragmatically dominant
language, i.e. discourse markers like ‘although’ may be used in both German
and Romani contexts, whereas Romani words may be used in only Romani
contexts.
Chapter 6 is a general discussion of the phenomenon of borrowing, while
Chapters 7 and 8 focus on lexical borrowing and grammatical borrowing.
Chapter 6 is a good explanation of the two main approaches to borrowing,
i.e. examining factors that facilitate the borrowing, and examining those that
motivate it. Matras also explores the idea of scales of borrowability: some words,
generally with a grammatical function, are less inclined to borrowing than
content words such as nouns. Romani again is illustrative in that it provides an
unusual example of borrowing inflectional endings along with the nouns that
it borrowed from Greek. Chapter 8 focuses specifically on the borrowability of
different grammatical words. Especially intriguing is Matras’ discussion of how
discourse markers are at the top of the borrowability scale. These words are
outside of the conscious control of the speakers who use them; such forms ‘are
often not readily recognised or treated by speakers as genuine word-forms and
are perceived as a kind of para-linguistic inventory of gesture-like devices that
are exempted from context-bound and inhibition constraints’ (p. 193). Discourse
markers are, thus, the example par excellence of using language acquisition
processes to exemplify contact-induced language change.
Chapter 9 discusses pattern replication and shows how the borrowing of
form differs in important ways from the borrowing of structures. This chapter
illustrates these processes on a large scale by describing several well-known
linguistic areas where non-related languages have grown more alike through
centuries of close contact. This examination of convergence provides yet another
example of how language processing on an individual level can lead to language
change. While the borrowing of word forms can be consciously avoided (out of
loyalty to one’s language, for example), the replication of patterns is a process of
which speakers are much less aware.
Chapter 10 shows how both form and pattern replication are at work to
create pidgins, creoles, and mixed languages. Matras offers a well-balanced
overview of the properties of such languages as well as theories on how these
languages emerge. He rightly points out that the study of creoles, pidgins and
mixed languages represents a challenge to the comparative method in historical
linguistics. As most of the world’s languages have no past written records we
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therefore have ‘no proof for past events that may have led to the scrambling of
repertoires . . .’ (p. 307).
In his conclusion Matras reiterates his view on language contact by stating that
repertoire components of a bilingual speaker cannot ‘be shut down wholesale
for the duration of the communicative event’ (p. 308). Language change is the
result of a complex mix of competing processing and communicative factors,
and Language Contact deftly guides the reader through the explanations of these
factors. Matras strikes a healthy balance between synchronic and diachronic
perspectives while at the same time offering a wealth of details from a wide
variety of languages. While his book is excellent in its own right, it is not quite
the comprehensive view of the topic that he presents in the beginning, and the
societal level approach to language contact phenomena at times is neglected. A
good example of the opposite approach is Sarah Thomason’s Language Contact
(2000). Out of that work’s ten chapters, two chapters are devoted to endangered
languages and language death, respectively. It seems that in the current work the
most glaring consequence of language contact – language death – should have
greater emphasis. The role of language attitudes and ideologies also does not
seem to receive enough attention, especially given the author’s own statement
that, ‘[s]ince borrowing is initiated by individuals, their motivation to borrow
is a key toward understanding the process’ (p. 221). Overall there could be
more discussion of societal-wide consequences of language contact and more
examination of language polices and language conflict. These weaknesses,
however, do not detract from this book’s important contribution and the unique
perspective it offers. Matras does indeed succeed in his stated goal of bringing
a much-needed emphasis on the individual bilingual speaker back to language
contact theory.
REFERENCES
Thomason, Sarah G. 2000. Language Contact: An Introduction. Washington, D.C.:
Georgetown University Press.
Weinreich, Uriel. 1953. Languages in Contact. The Hague, the Netherlands: Mouton.
BRAD MONTGOMERY-ANDERSON
Department of Languages and Literature
Northeastern State University
609 N. Grand Avenue Tahlequah
OK 7446
U.S.A.
88miles@gmail.com
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