Reassessing the ‘Blasphemous’ Graffito: Christian and Pagan interactions in Severan Rome 5,913 words. Simon Collier, 1127318 University of Warwick List of Figures: Figure 1: The Alexamenos Graffito, Paedagogium, Rome, 3rd century C.E. (Wikimedia commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Alexorig.jpg) Figure 2: Tracing of a drawing of the Alexamenos Graffito, Paedagogium, Rome, 3rd century C.E. (Wikimedia commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:AlexGraffito.svg) Figure 3: Coin of Septimius Severus with Noah and the ark on the obverse, Apamea, 3rd century C.E. (M. Tameanko: http://www.theshekel.org/article_noahs_ark.html) Figure 4: Coin of Alexander Severus with Noah and the ark on the obverse, Apamea, 3rd century C.E. (M. Tameanko http://www.theshekel.org/article_noahs_ark.html) Figure 5: Copy of inscription from the front of Prosenes sarcophagus, original in Villa Borghese, copy in Pio Cristiano Museum, Vatican, 3rd century (Photo by author) Figure 6: Copy of side of the Prosenes sarcophagus with griffin and Christian inscription, original in Villa Borghese, copy in Pio Cristiano Museum, Vatican, 3rd century (Photo by author) Figure 7: Licinia Amias inscription with Christian and pagan elements, from the Epigraphic museum, Rome, 3rd century (Photo by author) Figure 8: Fresco of the Good Shepherd from the St Callixtus catacomb, 3rd century (Wikimedia commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Good_shepherd_02b_close.jpg) Figure 9: Moschophoros statue from Athens, currently in Acropolis Museum, Athens, 560 B.C.E. (Wikimedia commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:ACMA_Moschophoros.jpg) Figure 10: Late Roman copy of a Greek kriophoros statue from 5th century B.C.E., currently in Barraco Museum, Rome (Wikimedia commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Hermes_crioforo.jpg) Figure 11: Strigilated sarcophagus with philosopher, orant and kriophoros good shepherd, currently held in Torlonia Museum, Rome, early 3rd century (Bovini, I Sarcofagi Paleocristiani, page 93-4) Figure 12: Strigilated sarcophagus with kriophoros good shepherd on the right, originally from tomb 39 Isola Sacra necropolis, currently held in Museo Ostiense, late Severan period or slightly later (Ostia Antica: http://www.ostiaantica.org/vmuseum/marble_4.htm) Figure 13: Fresco of Orpheus from St Callixtus catacomb, 3rd century (Bisconti & Braconi, La catacombe di San Callisto, page 79) Figure 14: Fresco of Orpheus from Pompeii, House of Orpheus, Pompeii, 1st century (Pompeii in Pictures: http://www.pompeiiinpictures.com/pompeiiinpictures/R6/6%2014%2020.ht m) Figure 15: Quiriacus Sarcophagus with Orpheus on central panel, Ostia, 3rd century (Ostia Antica: http://www.ostia-antica.org/regio2/7/7-1.htm) Figure 16: Christ the teacher at the Hypogeum of the Aurelii, Rome, 3rd century (Archivio Pontificia Commissione di Archeologia Sacra: http://www.archeologiasacra.net/pcas-web/home) Figure 17: Scene of Ulysses returning to Ithaca, Hypogeum of the Aurelii, 3rd century (Romapedia: http://romapedia.blogspot.it/2014/02/hypogeum-ofaurelii-family.html) Figure 18: Front cover of Charlie Hebdo Magazine, 3rd November 2011 (Wikimedia Commons: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Charliehebdo.jpg) This essay will seek to re-examine the so-called ‘blasphemous’ graffito of the Palatine Museum through a study of the relationship between paganism and Christianity in the Severan period. Through looking at the tolerant interaction and a cross-pollination of ideas in this period, this essay will argue that the graffito should not be seen as simply ‘blasphemous’ and hostile to Christianity, but instead as part of the dialogue of a multi-cultural society. It is important to define the parameters of this study before continuing further. The graffito has been variously dated; Lanciani dated it to the 1st Century C.E.,1 while most modern scholars agree that it comes from the Severan period,2 but are hesitant to be any more precise than this. I shall treat the graffito as within the cultural context of the Severan age, rather than of any specific emperor’s rule, and thus this essay will limit itself to material dating between 193 and 235 C.E., and to literary sources of or discussing this period. In addition, I shall predominantly study material from Rome and Ostia. As the home of the emperors and the centre of the empire, Rome itself would best display the ethos of the imperial family; thus the toleration found at Rome may not be representative of an empire-wide attitude, and so a localised study seems most appropriate. Finally, I shall use the term ‘pagan’ throughout this essay, despite it being problematic as a polemic creation by Christian writers. Having acknowledged it being a problematic piece of terminology, I shall follow Salzman’s suggestion that the term has become so widely used in scholarly circles that it has been stripped of its derogatory meaning.3 1 Lanciani (1888) 122. Guarducci (1958) 355; Tomei (1997) 104; Beard (1998) 57; Boldrighini (2014) 227. 3 Salzman (2008) 187-8. 2 In terms of structure, I shall first introduce the ‘blasphemous’ graffito itself, discussing the image and the accompanying inscription, as well as its context and the scholarship surrounding it. Following this I shall present the literature of the period and how this presents the Severan period as a tolerant era. In doing this I shall look at both Christian sources, such as Tertullian and Minucius Felix, and pagan sources such as the Historia Augusta. After this, I will move on to the material sources, presenting a comprehensive account of material from the era, such as Christian sarcophagi and catacomb art. Finally, I shall return to the blasphemous graffito and draw conclusions as a result of the detailed study of pagan-Christian interactions and relations in the Severan period. For the first part of this essay, I will give a thorough overview of the graffito itself to facilitate the re-assessment made at the end of the essay. The graffito [figs. 1&2] is a roughly made depiction of a person on a crucifix with the head of a donkey. The crucified figure is facing away from the viewer, presumably to display the cross behind his back, and he wears a short tunic that shows off his buttocks (perhaps to add to the mockery), legs and arms. The cross is T shaped, with the protrusion behind the donkey head seeming to be a mistake.4 On the left is a second figure, fully human, wearing the same tunic and seeming to worship the crucified figure. Below is the Greek inscription ALEXAMENOS SEBETE THEON, which is widely translated as ‘Alexamenos 4 Palmer (1900) 57. Figure 1: The Alexamenos Graffito from the paedagogium, Rome. 3rd century C.E. Now held in the Palatine Museum. Figure 2: Tracing of a drawing of the Alexamenos Graffito from the paedagogium, Rome. 3rd century C.E. worships god’.5 On the upper right of the graffito a Y is drawn; Guarducci asserts that it symbolises the Pythagorean choice between truth or falsity at a split in the road,6 an excessively symbolic reading for this simple piece, Tomei that it is either a pitchfork or a cry of pain,7 and Balch that it is not part of the original graffito.8 Since its discovery, scholars have generally agreed that Alexamenos is the figure on the left, a Christian, worshipping Christ depicted with a donkey’s head. This agreement has been consistent, having been established in the 19th century by the likes of Palmer and Lanciani,9 and still agreed with in the 2014 publication of the Palatine Museum’s collection.10 A few scholars have argued that the figure may represent a Gnostic Christ-Typhon-Seth fusion,11 or Anubis.12 However, Tomei is probably correct in asserting that these more esoteric attributions can be disregarded in favour of the simplest, original, and most convincing argument: that this graffito mocks Christians and depicts Christ with a donkey’s head.13 It is also important to note that if this identification is correct, this graffito is the earliest existent representation of the crucifixion.14 The literary sources of the time show us that depicting Christ with a donkey’s head was a common slur aimed at Christians. In Minucius Felix’s Octavius, the pagan character Caecilius states that, ‘I am told that under some 5 Beard (1998) 58. Decker points out that the verb ‘SEBETE’ is plural and could be indicative or imperative (Decker, R., The Alexamenos Graffito). This may mean that Alexamenos is representative of a group, or could simply be a misspelling. 6 Guarducci (1958) 348&355. 7 Tomei (1997) 104. 8 Balch (2003) 103. 9 Palmer (1900) 57-8; Lanciani (1888) 121-122. 10 Boldrighini (2014) 227. 11 Catholic Encyclopedia, The Ass. 12 McLean (2002) 208. 13 Tomei (1997) 104. 14 Bevan (1949) 97. idiotic impulse they [the Christians] consecrate and worship the head of an ass’.15 We find something similar in Tertullian, who discusses the pagans’ ‘dream that our god is actually the head of an ass’, how ‘Tacitus first launched this fantasy’ against the Jews, and that the Christians ‘being linked to the Jewish religion, are associated with the same image’.16 These Christian references from the Severan period, make it clear that it was a common slur to claim that Christians worshipped a donkey-headed Christ at this time; and so identifying the graffito as depicting Christ seems the most sensible possibility.17 The graffito was found in 1857 at the paedagogium, along with a number of other pieces of graffiti.18 Our knowledge about the paedagogium is somewhat lacking. The building itself comes from the reign of Domitian,19 and Lanciani states that by the Severan period it was a residence and training school for the imperial court pages.20 Marucchi agrees, and posits that this would be the final place of education before young men were admitted to the royal palace for service.21 This contextual evidence, along with the potential spelling mistake [note 5], and the fact that the inscription is in Greek, implies that the paedagogium would have been a perfect spot for religious discussion; a space full of young men with a degree of education from different parts of the empire. In addition, other graffiti were found in the paedagogium, indicating that this graffito was part of a cultural exchange. Marucchi describes an inscription saying 15 Minucius Felix, Octavius, 9.3. Tertullian, To the Nations, 11. 17 For further discussion of the donkey-headed Christ and its origins as an insult against members of the Jewish faith see Benko (1985) 57-60. 18 Lanciani (1888) 121. 19 Boldrighini (2014) 227. 20 Lanciani (1888) 121. 21 Marucchi (1906) 320. 16 ALEXAMENOS FIDELIS, ‘Alexamenos [is] faithful’, was found in another part of the building.22 Tomei expresses hesitation over identifying this as the same Alexamenos due to debated authenticity and its visual difference;23 but perhaps the visual difference is due to it being in a different, Latin, hand. This may indicate a response to the ‘blasphemous’ graffito by Alexamenos or another resident of the paedagogium. Another Greek inscription from this room that translates to ‘help [comes] from [the] God King’ may also indicate a Christian reaction to slanderous pagan graffiti.24 If these inscriptions do indicate a response, this could be seen as evidence of a religious exchange rather than a one-way attack, as we find in the Christian reaction to pagan insults in the roughly contemporary Octavius. Having given an overview of the ‘blasphemous’ graffito, I shall now move on to an assessment of the tolerant nature of the Severan period through studying the literary sources. First, I shall touch on the debate over the hostility, or lack thereof, of Septimius Severus’ rule. The Historia Augusta only mentions Christianity once in his Life, saying that ‘he forbade conversion to Judaism under heavy penalties and enacted a similar law in regard to the Christians’.25 Eusebius also depicts Septimius Severus as hostile to the Christians, as he ‘began to persecute the churches’,26 which was once widely taken as evidence of a general persecution in 202/3 as mentioned by Sulpicius Severus.27 Platnauer and 22 Marucchi (1906) 325. Tomei (1997) 104. 24 Marucchi (1906) 326. 25 Historia Augusta, Septimius Severus, 17. 26 Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 6.1. 27 Sulpicius Severus, Sacred History, 2.32. 23 Keresztes both take these statements as evidence for Septimius Severus’ antiChristian attitude.28 Sordi points out no contemporary pagan or Christian source mentions this persecution,29 and argues that we should see these ‘persecutions’ as local anti-Christian actions happening outside of Rome, which seems a more tolerant place.30 Barnes argues similarly and shows the ignorance of Eusebius of Latin Christianity, thus arguing we should use Tertullian to refute Eusebius.31 Turning to Tertullian, we find him stating that the Christians were faithful to Septimius Severus during the civil wars of 192/3,32 and that in response Septimius Severus ‘was mindful’ of Christians, and spoke in praise of Christians when the crowd were against them.33 Thus, for Tertullian his reign was a peaceful period.34 From the scant evidence, we can summarise that while there was anti-Christian violence during his reign, Septimius Severus himself was favourable to Christians at court, and Rome itself was less hostile than the provinces. The reigns of Septimius Severus’ successors are less complicated, as the sources are overwhelmingly positive. I shall first analyse what the Christian sources have to say. Sulpicius Severus claims there was ‘an interval of thirtyeight years’ in which ‘the Christians enjoyed peace’;35 probably meaning the emperors between 211 and 249, except Maximinus. Although this may not be 28 Platnauer (1918) 152-6; Keresztes (1970) 565-70. Sordi (1994) 80. 30 Sordi (1994) 82-5. 31 Barnes (1971) 161. 32 Tertullian, To Scapula, 5. 33 Tertullian, To Scapula, 13-4. 34 Curran (2000) 35-6. 35 Sulpicius Severus, Sacred History, 2.32. 29 accurate,36 it demonstrates a positive attitude towards these emperors. Eusebius describes how Alexander Severus’ household ‘contained many believers’,37 which accords with Tertullian’s discussion of the increasing amounts of Christians in the imperial court.38 In addition, Eusebius describes Julia Mammaea, the mother of Alexander Severus, as a ‘most pious woman’ who led a ‘religious life’ and had Origen come to court and show ‘her many things which were for the glory of the Lord’.39 A Syriac extract quoted by Brent claims that Hippolytus, a contemporary of Julia Mammaea, dedicated his On the Resurrection to her,40 which may also indicate her pro-Christian leaning. Tertullian is quiet on the later Severans, perhaps not feeling the need to praise the more tolerant descendants of Septimius Severus. In a papyrus from Oxyrhynchus dated sometime after 225,41 Julius Africanus, a Christian author, is quoted as saying that there is a ‘beautiful library in the Pantheon which I myself designed for the Emperor [Alexander Severus]’.42 A reference in Georgius Syncellus says that Africanus was ‘serving as ambassador’ for Alexander Severus in Emmaus and dedicated his Kestoi ‘to this Alexander’,43 providing further evidence for Alexander Severus’ close relationship with Julius Africanus. The Christian evidence regarding the later Severans is scant, but overwhelmingly positive. The lack of praise by contemporary Christians should not lead us to find them guilty 36 Barnes (1971) 159-61. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 6.28. 38 Tertullian, To Scapula, 13-4. 39 Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 6.21.3-4. 40 Brent (1995) 84. 41 Grenfell&Hunt (1898) 36-41. 42 Thee (1984) 182. 43 Thee (1984) 19-20. 37 in absentia, but may instead indicate that the tolerance of this period freed them to have more intellectual debates. Having looked at Christian sources regarding the later Severan emperors, I shall now turn to pagan sources. The Historia Augusta offers us some glimpses of the Emperors’ treatment of Christians and Christianity at this time. As the Christian sources pertain to Alexander Severus, I shall limit my discussion to his reign, although there are also passages indicating the favourable sentiments of Caracalla and Elagabalus.44 Alexander Severus ‘allowed the Christians to exist unmolested’;45 had statues of ‘certain holy souls’ including Christ and Abraham in his chamber;46 ‘wished to build a temple to Christ and give him a place among the gods’;47 and gave a building to the Christians whose ownership was disputed by keepers of an eating-house as ‘it was better for some sort of god to be worshipped’ than it being used for secular purposes.48 Barnes argues that this Life is almost entirely fictional,49 with all of the Christian references being invented.50 However, as the Historia Augusta also depicts the ‘bad’ emperors Caracalla and Elagabalus as favourable to Jews and Christians, it seems nonsensical to argue that Alexander Severus is anachronistically made favourable to them in order to fulfil the criteria of a ‘good’ emperor. As we saw in the Christian sources, Alexander Severus was friendly with Julius Africanus, and so was likely friendly with other Christians and may have had general interest in the religion. In addition, Herodian depicts Alexander Severus as ‘mother44 Historia Augusta, Caracalla, 1; Elagabalus, 3. Historia Augusta, Alexander Severus, 22.4. 46 Historia Augusta, Alexander Severus, 29.2. 47 Historia Augusta, Alexander Severus, 43.6. 48 Historia Augusta, Alexander Severus, 49.6. 49 Barnes (1978) 57. 50 Barnes (1968) 42. 45 dominated’,51 his mother being the pro-Christian Julia Mammaea previously discussed, and so some of her interest in Christianity may have rubbed off on her son, lending credence to the Historia Augusta. Thus, although we should show some of Barnes’ scepticism, we should also appreciate that it matches up well with the Christian sources, and therefore it has a certain amount of credibility regarding Alexander Severus’ positive relationship with Christianity. To further demonstrate this tolerance, I shall briefly move away from the literary sources to observe an interesting coin type that comes from Apamea. The earliest examples of these coins have the emperors Septimius Severus [fig. 3] and Alexander Severus [fig. 4] on the obverse with their names inscribed in Greek. On the reverse we find two male and two female figures, one of each standing with arms raised, and the other two in a box with two birds above it, on the box the letters NOE are written. The legends on the reverse name the city of Apamea and different local officials.52 Scholars agree that the box represents a boat, and the figures in the boat could allude to either the flood of Deucalion, the citizens of Apamea, or Noah.53 It is now generally agreed that this depicts Noah (NOE in Greek) and his wife in the boat during the flood, and them then thanking God for safety when outside,54 while the birds above may be the raven and the dove from the story of Noah (Genesis 8.6-12).55 Goodenough tells us that local legend had it that Mount Ararat, where the ark washed up, was the hill close to Apamea,56 an important element of self-identity for the local Jewish population.57 51 Herodian, Roman History, 6.9.5. Weitzmann (1979) 383. 53 Madden (1866) 198-200. 54 Madden (1866) 203. 55 Madden (1866) 204. 56 Goodenough (1953) 120. 52 Figure 3: Reverse: Bust of Septimius Severus wearing wreath Obverse: On the left, Noah and wife thanking God for their safety, on the right, Noah and wife in the ark with NOE inscribed on it. Above, two birds, one carrying a branch. Figure 4: Reverse: Bust of Alexander Severus wearing radiant crown Obverse: On the left, Noah and wife thanking God for their safety, on the right, Noah and wife in the ark with NOE inscribed on it. Above, two birds, one carrying a branch. 57 Weitzmann (1979) 383. The majority of scholars argue that the local pagan government probably minted these coins.58 This must represent a ruling pagan class who appreciate Christian/Jewish myths and who do not hesitate to depict them on a coin with the emperor’s. This is indicative of a confidence in the Severan period that the emperors would not take offence to being depicted on the same coin as a Judaic story, further enforcing the tolerant attitude of these emperors. Returning to the literature, we find that contemporary pagan sources refrain from mentioning the Severans’ more positive relationship with Christianity. We do not find any mention of this in either Cassius Dio or Herodian. Even Philostratus’ work, The Life of Apollonius, about a figure often compared to Christ, contains no reference to Christianity.59 Philostratus himself had a close relationship with the Severans, as he, ‘belonged to the circle of the empress’ Julia Domna, wife of Septimius Severus,60 and probably remained with the Severans until 217,61 although he may still have been at court in Alexander Severus’ reign.62 The lack of discussion of Christianity could either indicate a lack of contemporary evidence, proving the scurrilous nature of the Historia Augusta, or may show pagan authors actively avoiding the topic either due to tacit acceptance of Christians or an attempt to not offend the tolerant emperors. A very brief look at pagan literature before and after the Severan period offers a fruitful comparison. In the Antonine period, we find the famous attack on Christianity by Celsus, surviving in Origen’s Contra Celsum; as well as the attack on debauched Christian practices by Fronto referenced in Minucius Felix’s 58 Weitzmann (1979) 383; Goodenough (1953) 119. Hershbell (2004) 169. 60 Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, 1.3. 61 Aitken (2001) xlvi. 62 Hershbell (2004) 170. 59 Octavius.63 Equally, in the latter half of the 3rd century we find a significant attack on the Christians in Porphyry’s Fifteen Books Against the Christians from around 270 C.E., which received reactions by multiple Christian authors.64 Thus, in the periods preceding and following the Severans, we find pagan authors in open polemic against the Christians, something which pagan authors of the Severan period seem reticent to do. This ‘bookending’ of the Severan period by antiChristian polemic adds to our overall impression that this was a tolerant age. The emperors set this mood, and the pagan authors in their silence adapt to the mood of the era, squaring no vicious attacks on Christianity. For the final part of this section, I shall discuss a few passages of Minucius Felix’s Octavius. This will act as a fulcrum between the study of Severan tolerance found in literature, and the study of the material evidence showing increasing Christian confidence. The debate mainly contains standard attack lines of Christian debauchery and pagan lack of religiosity, but the tolerant tone of the piece is what I shall focus on here. First of all, as an inscription from Cirta naming Caecilius Natalis would indicate,65 the interlocutors in the text appear to be historical figures. Minucius Felix begins by thinking of ‘memories of my good and trusty comrade, Octavius’, who in a ‘discourse of his…converted Caecilius… to true religion’, having ‘come to Rome... to pay me a visit’’.66 Thus this text is recounting a real discourse that Minucius Felix, Octavius and Caecilius had together one day at Ostia. Octavius and Minucius Felix are converts to Christianity, as they once ‘blindly and stupidly’ shared Caecilius’ pagan ideas, and 63 Minucius Felix, Octavius, 9.6 & 31.2 Hulen (1933) 5. 65 Freese (1919) xiii-xvi. 66 Minucius Felix, Octavius, 1.1-2.2. 64 were implicit in the persecution of Christians.67 This shows the tolerance of the current age; these two Christians, despite having seen the torture of Christians first hand, speak openly in a public space without fearing any potential violent repercussions.68 Furthermore, we discover that all three figures in the text are in Ostia as a ‘relief from judicial duties’.69 These Christian figures have important public roles, an increasingly common phenomenon, as we shall see in the next section. To begin the debate, Caecilius asks his ‘friend Octavius’ for a ‘discourse among comrades’, ‘if he is agreeable’.70 Thus, despite the bitterness present at some points of the discourse, it is initiated by a polite request to engage in a conversation about religion; this displays the potential equality that can exist in pagan-Christian relations at this time. Regarding the audience of the text, Powell states that Ciceronian techniques used in the Octavius, are partly aiming ‘to appeal to a presumed audience of pagan litterati’;71 Green agrees, claiming that the refined Latin and the civilised discourse show it as aimed at educated nonChristians.72 Thus, this text can be seen as trying to bridge the divide between pagans and Christians, by offering a model for a tolerant cross-faith relationship, as experienced by Minucius Felix himself, to the educated pagans of the Severan court. Cross-religious interaction at this time need not be constrained to aggressive polemic, but can take the form of a civilised discourse during a gentle stroll on the beach. While this summarises the more tolerant nature of the 67 Minucius Felix, Octavius, 28.1-4. Powell (2007) 179. 69 Minucius Felix, Octavius, 2.3 70 Minucius Felix, Octavius, 4.3-5. 71 Powell (2007) 180. 72 Green (2010) 130. 68 Severan period, it will also frame the discussion of the glimpses we receive into the lives of some Christians through the material sources. Having observed the tolerance of the Severan age through the literary sources, I shall now see what the material sources from Severan Rome can tell us about the position of Christianity within the empire. I shall start by discussing the famous sarcophagus of Prosenes. This sarcophagus has two inscriptions, one on the front detailing his career summary, and a second on the side describing Prosenes as being ‘received to God’ [see Appendix 1]. This first inscription shows that he had a long career as a freedman, serving in posts that would have brought him into close contact with the emperors;73 his role as ‘imperial chamberlain’ was one of the highest ranks an imperial freedman could achieve [fig. 5].74 The sarcophagus itself contains no Christian imagery, having winged figures holding up the central inscription and griffins carved on either side; this was probably due to it coming from a pagan workshop. The inscription even mentions ‘the deified Commodus’, a reference to the imperial cult. However, the second inscription written by his freedman Ampelius, found on upper right corner above a griffin [fig. 6], says that Prosenes was ‘received to god’ when returning to Rome from campaign in 217 C.E. The formula receptus ad deum is not found in pagan inscriptions, but is common in Christian inscriptions from the 4th-5th century, and so should be seen as an early example of a Christian burial inscription.75 Although identification of Prosenes as Christian can be doubted,76 73 Hertling (1960) 190. Lampe (2006) 331. 75 Lampe (2006) 331. 76 Borg (2013) 44n14. 74 it seems safe to assume that Ampelius was a Christian freedman of Prosenes and made this addition to give Prosenes’ sarcophagus a trace of his Christian faith.77 The unusual position of this second inscription has been much discussed, and has generally been accepted as demonstrating Ampelius’ uncertainty at making this Christian addition to the sarcophagus.78 However, if Ampelius feared reprisals as many scholars assert, he would likely not name himself on the inscription. Instead, it was probably located thus to avoid distracting from the central inscription, and perhaps for practical reasons of the sarcophagus’ placement at the time. An article by McKechnie shows that Prosenes was not alone as a Christian in Caesar’s familia during the Severan period. He demonstrates that six other grave-inscriptions from Rome and Ostia can be dated between 193 and 234, and are wholly Christian in meaning, avoiding pagan phraseology [See Appendix 2].79 This shows that there was a body of Christians within the imperial household who were willing to publicise their Christian faith without fear of reprisals.80 The most striking of these is set up for ‘Marcus… pupil of the Caput Africae training school’, the same paedagogium where the ‘blasphemous’ graffito was found. It asks for ‘you, good brothers, through the one God’ to not damage this inscription.81 This directly addresses the reader in a Christian manner, and would probably have been easily recognised as Christian by a pagan passer-by,82 but it is expected that this request would prevent rather than increase the chances of damage. This 77 Hertling (1960) 190. Lampe (2006) 332. 79 McKechnie (1999) 439. 80 McKechnie (1999) 440-1. 81 McKechnie (1999) 431. 82 McKechnie (1999) 432-3. 78 Figure 5: Copy of inscription on the front of Prosenes sarcophagus, detailing the history of his service to the emperors. Figure 6: Copy side of Prosenes sarcophagus with griffin and inscription at the top from Ampelius including the Christian formula receptus ad deum evidence negates the reading that Prosenes and other Christians of the Caesar’s familia were trying to hide their faith in death, and instead offers material evidence for known Christians at court as described in the Historia Augusta, as well as by Tertullian and Eusebius. Christians had penetrated the highest administrative ranks of the imperial palace, and seemed to have been frequent in number.83 The inscription for Marcus also indicates that Alexamenos was not alone as a Christian in the paedagogium, and that the graffito mocking him was not targeting the sole Christian in a group, but was probably indicative of a wider series of interactions between pagans and Christians. Before moving on to study the emergence of Christian art in the Severan period, I shall discuss one of the oldest Christian inscriptions from Rome. This inscription was found at the Vatican necropolis and is now present at the Epigraphic Museum [fig. 7]. At the top we find a corona lemniscata in the middle of the letters DM (Dis Manibus, ‘for the ghost-gods’). These both refer to pagan funerary customs, the D M especially is conventional in grave-inscriptions.84 Below this is the Greek IXOYE ZONTON ‘fish of the living’, a completely unique epigraph.85 IXOYE means both ‘fish’ as well as being a Christian acronym meaning ‘Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour’.86 Underneath the Greek lettering are the Christian iconographic symbols of the fish and anchor;87 these are ‘translating’ the text.88 This part of the inscription is believed to date to the late 83 Lee (2000) 40. Mazzoleni (2002) 18. 85 Noviello (2012) 568. 86 Carletti (2008) 136. 87 Two of Clement of Alexandria’s acceptable Christian symbols, The Paedagogus 3.59.2-60.1. 88 Mazzoleni (2002) 18. 84 2nd or earliest 3rd century,89 although Carletti argues that the Greek lettering may be later.90 The Latin inscription at the bottom, LICINIAE AMIATI BE/NMERENTI VIXIT, is different in both language and style, and is believed to date to the mid 3rd century.91 This is a neutral inscription that names the deceased, Licinia Amias, uses the generic epithet BENMERENTI, ‘well deserved’, and would have then detailed her age.92 Thus, this inscription has a mixture of both pagan and Christian imagery and lettering. It has been argued that the pagan elements may be to deflect attention from the cryptic Christian symbols to protect from antiChristian sentiment.93 However, this seems illogical. If the aim was to avoid potential persecution, the Christian IXOYE acronym alone would suffice, without the additional risk of the visually striking fish and anchor. Instead, it is likely the purchaser saw the DM and the crown as standard grave-inscription formulae that were not inappropriate for a Christian grave. This inscription thus demonstrates that Christians of the Severan period felt comfortable borrowing pagan motifs for their burial practices; something we shall see further in the earliest Christian art. It has been well established that the earliest Christian art generally dates to the end of the 2nd or beginning of the 3rd century.94 I shall look at how it borrowed pagan imagery and analyse what this can tell us about Christians in the Severan period. The catacomb of Saint Callixtus is one of the earliest examples of Christian art, dating from the early 3rd century. In one room, 89 Noviello (2012) 568. Carletti (2008) 136. 91 Noviello (2012) 568-9. 92 Mazzoleni (2002) 18. 93 Noviello (2012) 568. 94 Jensen (2000) 9. 90 Figure 7: Inscription of Licinia Amias with pagan DM and corona lemniscata elements and Christian icons of the fish and anchor. Greek inscription between crown and anchor, later Latin inscription below. Figure 8: Fresco from the catacomb of St Callixtus showing the kriophoros good shepherd with two sheep at his feet. the ‘cubicolo di Orfeo’, we find a depiction of the kriophoros ‘good shepherd’ type [fig. 8]. Kriophoros was originally an epithet of Hermes, referring to when Hermes carried a lamb on his shoulders to avert pestilence in a city.95 It was a staple of Greco-Roman art, ranging from the famous 6th century B.C.E. Moschophoros [fig. 9],96 through to late-Roman copies of these same kriophoros types [fig. 10].97 Tertullian encourages the use of the ‘lost ewe re-sought by the Lord, and carried back on His shoulders’ as a painted image,98 and so the kriophoros was adopted to represent the ‘good shepherd’ from the New Testament.99 In the St. Callixtus depiction of the good shepherd, we find a young man wearing a short tunic with a sheep over his shoulders, two other sheep are at his feet and there is a tree in the background. However, nothing in this scene is overtly Christian, only its context imbues it with Christian meaning. The kriophoros also regularly appears on sarcophagi. Bovini found that 4 of 19 Christian sarcophagi from the Severan period have the kriophoros figure on them.100 The kriophoros remains consistent in these pieces: he is depicted as a youth with curly hair wearing a short tunic. He carries a sheep on his shoulders, and sheep or dogs often stand at his feet [see fig. 11 as an example]. The image is only Christianised through context. Bovini overlooks a sarcophagus found in a tomb with a Christian inscription at Isola Sacra [fig. 12].101 This kriophoros takes the same form as the above, and likely dates to the late Severan period. These examples show that the kriophoros was prevalent in Christian funerary-art of 95 Pausanias, Description of Greece, 9.22.1 Kleiner (2009) 92. 97 Taylor (2002) 48-50. 98 Tertullian, On Modesty, 7. 99 See: John 10; Matthew 18; Luke 15. 100 Bovini (1949) 86-104. 101 Calza (1940) 198. 96 Figure 9: Moschophoros statue depicting a young man carrying a cow over his shoulder. Figure 10: Late Roman marble copy of a Greek kriophoros. Young man with curly hair with a ram over his shoulders. the Severan period. This was a widely disseminated pagan artistic type, which was made to accord with biblical passages describing the shepherd who puts a lost member of his flock ‘joyfully… on his shoulders’.102 While the symbolic meaning of the kriophoros has changed, the kriophoros himself remains unchanged in Christian depictions; demonstrating Severan Christians’ ability to separate the original narrative significance of the figure from its Christian symbolic value.103 Also in the catacomb of Callixtus is a depiction of Orpheus playing his lyre to the animals [fig. 13]. Orpheus is discussed by various apologists of the 2nd century. Justin Martyr shows Orpheus converting to monotheism and proclaiming ‘the Word of God’.104 He discusses this in order to show contemporary pagans that he who ‘at first… taught you polytheism’ afterward believed in the one God,105 and so they should follow his example. Clement of Alexandria quotes a supposed passage of Orpheus in which he discusses God as ‘one, self proceeding’ showing that the Greeks had received ‘scintillations of the divine word’ and were at fault for ignoring it.106 And so, Orpheus was made a believer in the Christian god, and a figure who could lead pagans towards Christian truth. Having been thus Christianised, it seems he became another ‘good shepherd’ type, with his ability to ‘tame tigers and furious lions’,107 compared to the Old Testament prophecy of a figure who will make, ‘the wolf… 102 Luke 15.3-6. Newby (2007) 243. 104 Justin Martyr, Hortatory Address to the Greeks, 15. 105 Justin Martyr, Hortatory Address to the Greeks, 36. 106 Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation to the Heathen, 7. 107 Horace, Ars Poetica, 392. 103 Figure 11: Christian strigilated sarcophagus. On the left a philosopher figure, in the middle an orant between two trees, and on the right the kriophoros figure holding a sheep over its shoulders. Figure 12: Sarcophagus from Isola Sacra Necropolis depicting the kriophoros good shepherd on the right with sheep over his shoulder and dog by his leg. live with the lamb’,108 often believed to be Christ the ‘good shepherd’ who ‘lays down his life for the sheep’.109 Hence Orpheus became a Christ-like goodshepherd. Although we cannot prove that he had this significance for the Christians at the catacomb,110 Orpheus must be present due to the convenience of choosing a recognisable image that could be given a Christian reading, thus satisfying both practicality and symbolic significance. To return to the Orpheus found at the catacomb, he has left knee is raised, is seemingly seated on a rock, holds his lyre in his left hand, and is in Phrygian dress.111 Much like the good shepherd, he has not been Christianised in this representation, a point that can be emphasised by the close resemblance between this and a fresco of Orpheus from the ‘House of Orpheus’ in Pompeii [fig. 14]. Although Orpheus is the same in both, at Pompeii he tames lions, while in the catacomb he tames sheep, reminding us of the good shepherd, an attribute Huskinson argues is in favour of his Christianisation.112 We also find Orpheus present on three sarcophagi from Ostia.113 These have outwardly Christian inscriptions, for example, HIC/QUIRICUS/DORMIT IN PACE, and depict Orpheus, in shepherd rather than Phrygian dress, on the central panel of the sarcophagus playing his lyre [fig. 15].114 However, these may date from anywhere between 230115 and 300 C.E.116 In both the catacombs and sarcophagi, Orpheus is being used in his pagan guise 108 Isaiah 11. John 10. 110 Finney (1994) 188-9. 111 Murray (1981) 38. 112 Huskinson (1974) 71. 113 Huskinson (1974) 87-8. 114 Murray (1981) 37. 115 Huskinson (1974) 87-8. 116 Murray (1981) 40. 109 Figure 13: Orpheus fresco from the catacomb of St Callixtus. Orpheus in Phrygian dress playing his lyre with two sheep at his feet. Figure 14: Fresco from Pompeii showing Orpheus in Phrygian dress playing to various dormant animals including a lion. Figure 15: Strigilated sarcophagus of Quiriacus at Ostia. Central panel shows Orpheus wearing a short tunic, with raised leg on a rock playing his lyre, a sheep stands lays at his legs. Figure 16: Christ the teacher wearing a robe and seemingly holding a scroll. Preaching to collected sheep and rams, an allusion to his good shepherd role. Figure 17: Lower scene depicting Ulysses as beggar on the right, Penelope with loom and three nude suitors on the left. Upper scene now believed to be the burial of Onesimus Aurelius and Aurelius Papirius by their sister Aurelia Prima in a Homeric setting. but is given a Christian reading. We find a similar process happening at the Hypogeum of the Aurelii, a Christian hypogeum dating from the late Severan period.117 Here we find a mix of Christian and pagan scenes together, with the religious identification of the Aurelii contained within up for debate. What this does show us is the fluidity between the two, as in this one location we find both images of Christ the teacher [fig. 16], as well Ulysses the beggar with Penelope on her loom and three suitors [fig. 17].118 Again, this shows that there was not an aversion to depicting pagan figures in Christian spaces, but the pagan figures themselves must be appropriate to a Christian reading.119 We have seen, then, that the early Christians didn’t avoid pagan motifs in their artworks, but instead 117 Weitzmann (1979) 111. Stevenson (1978) 114. 119 For Ulysses as a sympathetic character for Christians see Hippolytus, Refutation of all Heresies, 7.1. 118 found a Christian meaning in order to use these familiar forms.120 It cannot be a coincidence that this flourishing of Christian art coincided with the tolerant Severan age. The more tolerant attitude to the Christians must have given them the freedom to begin expressing themselves artistically, and this feeling of equality may have led to their acceptance of pagan motifs in the earliest Christian art. This essay has demonstrated that the Severan period was an era of tolerance towards Christians, evidenced by both Christian and pagan literary sources. This allowed for Christians to take up high positions in the imperial household, as demonstrated by the Prosenes sarcophagus, and encouraged the earliest Christian art to take shape at the catacomb of St Callixtus and the hypogeum of the Aurelii. Christians seem to have a more visible presence in Rome at this time, and are more confident at expressing their faith. How should we look at the ‘blasphemous’ graffito within this context? We should see it as evidence of interfaith dialogue rather than evidence of hatred and oppression. While the graffito is clearly mocking Alexamenos, this is an inevitable part of interfaith dialogue resulting from the tensions of a multi-faith society. A modern comparison offers us a new model for this type of interaction. The infamous Charlie Hebdo cartoon depicting Muhammad is comparable to the ‘blasphemous’ graffito [fig. 18]. Depicting Muhammad is forbidden in Islam; and 3rd century Christians seemed wary of depicting Jesus in art. The cartoon and the graffito both take aim at the central figure of a minority religion within their cotemporary society. They are both meant to shock and offend, and both push 120 Finney (1994) 230. Figure 18: Front cover of Charlie Hebdo magazine on 3rd November 2011. The title has been changed to ‘Charia Hebdo’ and a smiling Muhammad is depicted saying ‘100 lashes if you don’t die of laughter’. This cartoon refers to sharia law being introduced in Libya and the victory of Islamist Party Ennahda in Tunisia. the boundary of what is acceptable under the slogan of ‘free speech’; but they do not indicate a systematically hostile religious majority. Today, as in the ancient world, offensive humour targeted at minority groups is one of the more distasteful results of the tension that a multicultural society brings, but the need to mock derives from the minority group having a recognised place within society; a place this essay has proven the Christians had. The Christians’ confidence and improved position in society would result in antipathy from pagans, and the ‘blasphemous’ graffito is an expression of this. With this in mind, the moniker ‘blasphemous’ should no longer be used to describe this graffito. It is only blasphemous if discussed from a Christian perspective wishing to narrate the struggle of Christianity; but in reality it is just as blasphemous as the Charlie Hebdo cartoons depicting Muhammad, which have been heralded as bastions of free speech. If the West adopts the slogan ‘Je Suis Charlie’, then we must also uphold the right for the ‘blasphemous’ graffito to mock Alexamenos, rather than discussing it solely through the lens of anti-Christian oppression. Appendices Appendix 1: From Pagans and Christians in Late Antiquity, A Sourcebook, pages 41-2. [On the front of the sarcophagus] For Marcus Aurelius Prosenes, freedman of the emperors, imperial chamberlain, supervisor of the treasury, supervisor of the imperial estate, supervisor of the gladiatorial shows, supervisor of the wines, appointed to the imperial administration by the deified Commodus: his freedmen had this sarcophagus adorned for their most devoted and welldeserving patron from their own resources. [On the upper edge of the right-hand end of the sarcophagus] Prosenes was received to God (receptus ad deum) on the 5th day before the Nones of <May/July?> at S<ame in Cephalle?>nia, when Praesens was consul and Extricates consul for the second time [217], while returning to the city [of Rome] from campaign. Ampelius, his freedman, wrote this. Appendix 2: From Christian grave-inscriptions from the Familia Caesaris, pages 429-31. A. Rome, not now extant. 212 or later? For the eternal sleep of Lucretia Hilara, his most dear and incomparable wife, Viator, slave born in the household of our Emperor, assistant record-office clerk, set up (this stone) on his own behalf and on behalf of the children Lucretia Alexandria, Purpurio, Viator and Lucretia Saturnina, and of her [sc. the deceased’s] freed slaves, and of their posterity. The colonnade opposite, and the courtyard with the memorial, are also part of this monument. B. Rome, from the Cemetery of Hermes. 193-225 or later? Aurelius Primus, freedman of the Emperor, record-office clerk, and Cocceia Athenais set up (this stone) for their daughter Aurelia Procope, who lived thirteen years, three months, fourteen days. Peace be with you. 15 August. C. Ostia. 212 or later? Callidromus, treasury clerk, s[leeps in peace] here, nicknamed Leucas, a man with a good soul, w[ho lived ... years ... The following set up this stone : ...]tianus, freedman of the emperor, assistant to the procurator of the Central Supply Department, and Seia Heelpis, his most affectionate children, and Va[leria] Crescentina his wife. D. Rome, from the Cemetery of Priscilla. 200-234? [For x] who was well-deserving, [y and] Aurelius Sozon, freedman of the Emperors, his kinsman, set up (this stone). F. Rome, from Via Salaria Vetus. 197-212. Alexander, slave of the Emperors, set up (this stone) during his own lifetime for Marcus, his most sweet son, pupil of the Caput Africae training school, who was assigned to the tailoring department, and who lived eighteen years, eight months and five days. I ask of you, good brothers, through the one God, that no one should damage this inscription after my death. G. Rome, from catacomb of St Sebastian. 212-234? Atimetus, slave born in the household of the Emperor, lived eight years three months. 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