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The world has witnessed a fierce struggle within itself and later toward nature with regards to the existence of mankind. Societies, as in the oldest times, have struggled for superiority within themselves and against each other in new and recent times. While this situation first manifested itself in a "peaceful" commercial colonial expansionist policy, its first examples were seen in Uruks, one of the Mesopotamian sites towards the end of the 4th millennium BC, especially in Anatolia, Northwest Syria and Egypt. Although events and samples from the ancient times to the recent ages have changed, the phenomenon has revealed similar causes and consequences for every historical period. The causes are often the search for raw materials, markets, growth and wealth, while the outcomes are economic and political growth. We can see that these colonial initiatives influence the vulnerable regions of the world that have been exposed to political risk more than other regions. Similar effects and consequences of this policy that is influential in these wide geographies on various civilizations is the fundamental problematic of our study. This political equilibrium has sometimes turned in the favor of the Phoenicians in ancient times, Rome in the early Middle Ages and France in the recent ages. Although differences in colonial attitude can be seen in each example in terms of the period, the results are mostly similar. The fundamental situation we would like to reveal in our study is the unchanging consequences of colonialism in various civilizations that have experienced the historical influences of the colonialist orientation from ancient times to the recent ages.
2015 •
In the previous chapter, some significant and morally challenging implications of colonial rule were presented. The point of departure of this chapter is the question of how colonialism and imperialism shaped the present global structure. The primary question is: How were the present poor former colonies affected by the fact that they were colonized by foreign powers for hundreds of years? Did it accelerate their development or was it an obstacle to their progress? The secondary questions are: How did the exploitation of the colonies affect development in the now wealthy nations? Were colonialism and imperialism important for their development or did they play only a minor role? Both these questions are highly controversial and, needless to say, experts in the field are far from unanimous. Hence, my aim is to review some of their answers and discuss the implications for my main question in this book: Is there is a valid argument for rectificatory justice after colonialism and imperi...
The article presents detailed history of colonialism and how it led to the formation of the most powerful country in the World. At the same time, it led to the deaths of millions and also led to the exploitation of trillions of dollars worth valuable products. Also this compilation suggests as to why China is trying to dominate the world in terms of global economy and military; how that affects the western countries and soon will lead to arch-rivalry between China and the United States. Also, this essay will expose the real faces of the few sailors, who were responsible for the genocide of native people. Finally, a detailed analysis of Neo-colonialism is presented through the example of French"s overseas territories and also through China"s extension of colonies in the pacific and their influence in the countries of Africa.
Colonialism is the practice of acquiring full or partial political control over another country occupying it with settlers and exploiting it economically (Gosden, 2002). Some scholars and historians describe colonialism to begin from the 15th century to late 19th and early 20th century. The wonderful thing colonialism spread to Africa was civilization. However, in the second decade of the 21st century sub-Saharan Africa remains the poorest region on the earth. Data from the 2011 UN Human Development Report indicates that forty of the world’s fifty least developed countries are in Africa and that the fifteen least developed countries are African (UNDP, 2011). So then did colonialism help Africa or hindered it? This reflection paper seeks to address this major question using Sudan as a primary point of reference
2020 •
link to complete issue: https://www.comparativ.net/v2/issue/view/161 Editorial The topic of empire continues to keep the social sciences at large busy. After it had seemed for a long time as if the topic had definitely been handed over to historians, who are concerned with a past phenomenon that only occurs as a nostalgic reflex in the present, empires are suddenly also of interest again to the social scientists concerned with the present under quite different aspects. The question of whether the United States was and still is an empire and whether such imperial configurations were needed to maintain an international order after the multilateralism of the Cold War had come to an end played a crucial role in relaunching the debate about empires. A second layer of interest was informed by postcolonially inspired interest in the continuing mechanisms of earlier colonial empires now striking back in various ways and thus remaining present in today’s seemingly post-imperial world. At a third level, observations that view empires as a rather loose association of rule with unfinished territorialization came to the fore in interpretations of empire as a more appropriate form of governance under conditions of global or at least transregional weakening or even dissolution of boundaries. While we recently looked back at the similarities and differences between empires for the historical period from the eighteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries in a historically comparative thematic issue of this journal (no 3/2019), the current double issue, conceived from the perspective of historical sociology, is concerned with a geographically even broader comparison that seeks to revise the thesis of a European exceptionalism in the history of colonialism and imperialism that is often put forward implicitly rather than explicitly. This makes it necessary, first of all, to look for colonial imperial expansion also outside Europe and not to construct a “non-European world” as the target of expansion, as an overseas history, now out of fashion, did for a long time. This means not only to question the geography of comparative studies of empires, but also to reflect critically on their privileged time frame and to include examples that lie beyond the particular European expansion period that is often portrayed as starting in the fifteenth century. In a third level, the nesting of empires is at stake, because the confrontation with imperial conquest from outside by no means put an end to state-building processes inside the imperially overformed regions, from which a whole complex of new questions about the relationship of the various empire-building processes can be derived. Colonialism, in this perspective, is not a relationship between Europeans and non-Europeans, but a much broader, almost universal kaleidoscope of subjugation, settlement into regions other than the one of origin, and arrangements between external and internal elites. What distinguishes pre-modern forms of imperial rule and colony-building from those since the late eighteenth century, however, are (1) their positioning in struggles for dominance at a global scale, (2) the complicated blending between the formation of nation-states and ongoing attempts at imperial expansion, which can by no means be reduced to a teleology from empire to nation, and (3) the relationship between capitalist adventurism and political projects of empire building, which follow different logics but always interact. To abstract these processes in such a way that they can be made available as theoretical elements to other disciplines requires at the same time a wide range of expertise for many case studies, an important selection of which is brought together in this issue. Specialists will read these case studies as enriching knowledge about individual empires, while the thematic issue as a whole, not least with its introduction by the editors and its afterword by Frederick Cooper, pursues an ambition that goes beyond the individual case and at the same time offers a broadening of perspective beyond meticulously deconstructed European exceptionalism and a contribution to a general theory of empires.
2010 •
Maps Preface Introduction Why Define? Empire Imperialism Colonialism Global and Modern Questions Part I: The Rise of Early Modern Empires, c.1350-1650 Chapter 1: Empire: The Emergence of Early Modern States and Empires in Eurasia and Africa The Emergence of the Early Modern State System A Gunpowder Revolution Sectoral Alliances The Search for Legitimacy Sub-Saharan African Empires? Conclusion Questions Chapter 2: Imperialism and Colonialism: Imperial Interaction and Nascent Colonialism in Early Modern Eurasia and North Africa Models of Early Modern Colonialism Themes in Early Modern Colonialism The Economic Underpinnings of Early Modern Integration Imperial Interaction and Grand Alliances The Portuguese Estado da India Conclusion Questions Chapter 3: Imperialism: Intersecting Empires in the Americas Iberian Motivations for Exploration, Trade, and Conquest The First Iberian Colonies in the Americas American Imperialism The Columbian Exchange Iberian Empires in the New World Questions...
The colonial system in its classical form only quite recently collapsed – just a century ago. Unfortunately, this short period of time has failed to make the Dark Continent either happier or more prosperous. Today, a second advent of colonialism is becoming more and more apparent. Why is this the case? Why have young African states failed to become immune to neo-colonialism? Wars over Resources The postmodern transformation of the international legal system became inevitable once the world was covered by a threatening shadow of global economic crisis. Cataclysms in the US economy, the threat of the collapse of the Euro zone, the dynamic growth of the Chinese and Indian economies – all this has happened against the backdrop of rapidly growing consumption of nonrenewable natural resources on the one hand, and considerable growth of the world population on the other. The Dark Continent has the largest world deposits of manganese, chromium, bauxites, gold, platinum, cobalt, vanadium, diamonds, phosphorus, fluorite; the second largest deposits of copper, asbestos, uranium, antimony, beryllium, graphite; and the third – in oil, gas, mercury and iron deposits. Deposits of titanium, nickel, bismuth, lithium, tantalum, niobium, tin and tungsten ores, as well as precious stones are also immense [1]. Africa is also renowned for its large deposits of diamonds (RSA and Zimbabwe) and gold (RSA, Ghana, Mali and Republic of Congo). Vast oil deposits are to be found in Nigeria and Algeria. Bauxites are extracted in Guinea and Ghana. Phosphorite resources as well as manganese, iron, lead and zinc ores are concentrated along the northern seaboards of Africa. There is little doubt that competition over rights of access to the natural resources of African countries will provoke bitter conflicts among a variety of players around the world: European countries who have kept tangible influence in their former colonies, the United States, possibly Japan, and the new economic centers – China, India, and Russia, which is only slowly restoring its lost foothold in Africa. Moreover, the appearance of new contenders in the fight over African natural resource wealth should not be ruled out.
Encyclopedia of Human Geography
Colonialism (Encyclopedia of Human Geography, 2nd ed.)2020 •
European colonialisms (circa. Late 1400) are complex, particularized, and changing political- economic-social-religious systems of domination. In the pursuit of capital accumulation and appropriation, Western European colonialisms generated and benefited from racialized and racist logics. Following the “formal” decolonization of much, but not all, of the colonized world—from Haiti in 1804, to Cameroon in 1960, to Papua New Guinea in 1975, to Timor-Leste in 2002—colonial structures, relations, and imaginaries often persisted in altered forms. Social scientists draw variously from political economy and historical materialism as well as postcolonial thought and cultural materialism within the broader field of colonial studies to both critique European colonialisms of the past and reveal the persistence(s) of colonial relations/structures in the present. Colonial “durabilities” and the “coloniality of being” continue to inform post-colonial political economies, social relations, and knowledge productions, creations, circulations, and contestations. The protraction of colonial domination(s) into the early 21st Century have given rise to reinvigorations of anti-colonial and postcolonial critique, including decolonial options and polygonal projects of decolonization. Widespread discontent regarding the persistence of “colonialism in the present” are manifested in the vocal and visible debates within early 21st Century universities around decolonizing knowledge, including struggles to decolonize the discipline of geography.
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