Avar Grammar Sketch

Avar Grammar Sketch Diana Forker Submitted to Polinsky, Maria (ed.) Handbook of Caucasian languages. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1. Language and its speakers Avar (ISO 639-3 ava) is by far the largest indigenous language spoken in Daghestan. The total number of ethnic Avars is around one million, of who live, according to the 2010 census, 912,090 people in the Russian Federation and around 49,800 in Azerbaijan (census data from 2009). Traditionally, Avars have lived in the central and western parts of Daghestan, and there are also Avar communities in northern Azerbaijan and very few in Georgia. Since the last 150 years many Avars migrated to Turkey and to various parts of Russia. Avar can be roughly divided into a northern and a southern dialectal group. Standard (literary) Avar developed from an Avar koiné called bolmac’ (‘МШЦЦШЧ ХКЧРЮКРО’, ПrШЦ bo ‘ЩОШЩХО, sШМТОЭв, МШЦЦЮЧТЭв’ + -l genitive case and mac’ ‘ХКЧРЮКРО’) ЮsОН Лв sЩОКФОrs ШП northern varieties for interdialectal communication, in particular the Hunzakh variety. Avar has also served as lingua franca for other Daghestanian ethnic groups such as Andic and Tsezic people and has left many traces in their languages. A part of the territory where Avar was spoken was under the cultural influence of Georgia, and some inscriptions in Avar with Georgian letters have been found (Alekseev et al 2014: 71). The first dated document of Avar, written with the Arabic script, originates from the 15th century (Aleskeev & Ataev 1997: 20), but a major production of texts started only in the 18th century when a stable orthography for Avar was developed. This orthography made also use of the Arabic script and was in use until 1928 when Avar, as many other minority languages of the Soviet Union, received a Latin orthography. Finally in 1938 a Cyrillic orthography was introduced, which is still in use today. Avar is one of the 14 official languages of Daghestan. It is taught in schools; there are a number of Avar newspapers and journals, radio and TV programs and nowadays many Internet sites (Wikipedia in Avar, two Avar corpora1, Radio Free Europe in Avar2, etc.). 2. History of research and documentation Important publications on the Avar language are, among others, von Uslar (1889), Bokarev (1949), Saidov (1967), Charachidzé (1981), Alekseev & Ataev (1998), Madieva (1967, 1981, 2000), Mallaeva (2007), Alekseev et al. (2014) and Gimbatov (Ms). Alekseev (1988) contains a reconstruction of proto-Avar. Most of these works treat Standard Avar as spoken in Daghestan. A notable exception is Charachidzц’s (1981) РrКЦЦКr ШП HЮЧгКФС Avar (that is close to Standard Avar) as spoken by migrants in Turkey in the 1960s and 1970s. Grammatical sketches in English are Ebeling (1966) and Rudnev (2015; especially Chapter 2). There exists far more literature on Avar, but the publications are almost exclusively in Russian, Avar or Georgian, often somewhat outdated and hardly available to scholars from outside the Caucasus. 1 2 http://baltoslav.eu/avar/ and http://web-corpora.net/AvarCorpus/. http://www.radioerkenli.com/ 1 3. Phonology 3.1. The phoneme inventory and the alphabet Avar has five vowels given in Table 1. According to Ebeling (1966: 60), “ЭСОrО Тs СКrНХв КЧв Avar dialect where i and e, or u and o КrО НТsЭТЧМЭ ТЧ КХХ ЩШsТЭТШЧs.” There are also nasalized variants of the vowels, e.g. ũ, ã, but they seem to lack phonemic status and are mostly confined to onomatopoetic words and a few interjections. The diphthongs uj, aj, ej, oj, aw, ow, etc. can be analyzed as consisting of two phonemes, a vowel and a semivowel j or w. Table 1: Vowel inventory Front Central Back High i u Mid e o Low a The consonant inventory of Avar is given in Table 2. The Table is largely based on Magomedov (Ms). Avar has voiced, voiceless, ejective (glottalized) and tense (strong) obstruents, but only for the dental and palatal fricatives consonants of all four series are attested. Ejectives and tense consonants are not positionally restricted. The uvular stops q and qʼ are phonetically affricates q͡χ and q͡ʼχ. Ejectivization is restricted to voiceless stops and affricates. The distinction tense vs. lax is found with voiceless fricatives and affricates, but not all show it due to the lack of the (mostly) lax counterpart, e.g. lax š is (almost) absent. Examples of minimal pairs are given in (1) (partially from Magomedov, In Prep.). (1) М Яs. Мː Мʼ Яs. Мːʼ s vs. sː ɬ Яs. ɬː č Яs. čː čʼ Яs. čːʼ χ vs. χː χʷ Яs. χːʷ ic ‘moth’ vs. icː ‘spring, source’ МʼО ‘fill.IMP’ vs. cːʼe ‘she-goat’ si ‘tower’ vs. sːi ‘dignity’ ɬel ‘cover, case’ vs. ɬːel ‘water.GEN’, maɬ ‘fingernail, claw, hoof’ vs. maɬː ‘ЭОКМСТЧР, education’ bičize ‘sell’ vs. bičːize ‘get wet’ bičʼize ‘stab, pierce, unlock’ Яs. bičːʼize ‘understand’ χam ‘raw skin’ vs. χːam ‘cloth, canvas’ χʷeze ‘die’ vs. χːʷeze ‘sХЮrЩ’ All velar and uvular consonants and many other obstruents occur in plain and labialized form. Labialization of bilabial and dental stops, as well as most dental, lateral/alveolar and palatal fricatives is (almost) inexistent. For instance, zʷ, žʷ, tʷ, tʼʷ, dʷ occur only in onomatopoeia, the occurrence of ɬʷ is also very rare, and šʷ is absent. In the Cyrillic orthography, labialization is ТЧНТМКЭОН Лв . Labialization is restricted to syllable-initial positions and mostly found wordinitially. There are also a number of examples with word-internal labialization, especially within verbs. Syllable-final (and therefore word-final) labialization is not attested. Examples of labialized consonants are (2). Labialized consonants are delabialized before labialized vowels o and u in inflected words. (2) čʼʷantʼ ‘long, thin stick’ sʷer ‘turn’ bakʼʷali ‘stomach, tripe’ tʼiqʼʷa ‘horseshoe, sole’ cʼʷakizabize ‘make shine’ ƛʼʷaha- anqize ‘shoot’ ʁʷetʼ ‘tree’ kʼalχʷeze ‘not fast, skip fasting’ (e.g. Ramadan) There are very few minimal pairs that prove the phonemic status of at least some of the labialized consonants (3). 2 (3) b-aqʼara-b3 ‘hungry’ vs. b-aqʼʷara-b ‘dry, dried’ kar ‘hair, mane’ vs. kʷar ‘rope’ The current Avar alphabet, which is based on Cyrillic, is presented in Table 3. The Table also shows the Latin transliteration used in this article and the IPA transcription. The alphabet МШЧЭКТЧs ЭаШ ЦШrО ХОЭЭОrs. TСО ХОЭЭОr Ё ё ОбТsЭs ШЧХв ТЧ RЮssТКЧ ХШКЧs ЭСКЭ КrО sЩОХХОН ТЧ Russian with thО sКЦО ХОЭЭОr; ЭСО ХОЭЭОr , Тs КХsШ ШЧХв ПШЮЧН ТЧ ХШКЧs. Table 3: The Avar alphabet and its transliteration Avar transl. IPA Avar transl. IPA Avar a a q q ͡Эɬːʼ b b ƛ’ w w Ӏ Ӏ Фʼ Фʼ g ɡ l l Ӏ Ӏ ͡Эɬː, ɬ, ɬː ʁ ʁ ɬ, ƛ h h m m Ӏ Ӏ Ӏ Ӏ n n d d o o Ӏ Ӏ je, e je, e p p ž ʒ r r z z s s, sː i i t t j j Ӏ Ӏ Эʼ Эʼ k k u u transl. χ q x IPA χ, χː Ъː бː c Мʼ č čʼ š šː ͡Эs, ͡Эsː ͡Эsʼ, ͡Эsːʼ ͡ Эʃ ͡Эʃʼ, ͡Эʃːʼ ʃ ʃː e ju ja e ju ja Although the distinction tense vs. lax has phonemic status, it is not always indicated in the orthography. The phonemes čː, kː and kːʼ КrО КХаКвs sЩОХХОН , , КЧН Ӏ Ӏ rОsЩОМЭТЯОХв. The phonemes cː, cːʼ, sː, χː, and čːʼ by contrast, are only spelled with double consonants ( , Ӏ Ӏ, , , Ӏ Ӏ) in minimal pairs. This means, in turn, that the occurrences of many tense phonemes are not indicated in the orthography. Furthermore, tense phonemes that lack a lax counterpart (e.g. xː, qː) are never spelled with double graphemes. TСО ЦШsЭ МШЧПЮsТЧР РrКЩСОЦОs КrО (=ДЭ͡ɬːЖ, [ɬ], [ɬː]) КЧН (= ДɬːЖ, ͡ДЭɬːЖ). TСОy МКЧ ЛШЭС rОЩrОsОЧЭ ЭОЧsО КЧН ХКб ПrТМКЭТЯОs КЧН КППrТМКЭОs, НЮО ЭШ ЭСО КЛsОЧМО ШП К РrКЩСОЦО ПШr ЭСО КППrТМКЭОs ДЭ͡ɬЖ / ДЭ͡ɬːЖ. The glottal stop is written when it occurs in syllable-final position, but never when it occurs in syllable initial position. The data presented in this grammar sketch is transliterated from the Avar Cyrillic orthography. Therefore, the phonemic contrasts that are not marked in the orthography are also not indicated in the transliteration. 3.2. Phonotactics and accent The syllable structure is comparatively simple. The minimal syllable consists of a single vowel. Initial vowels are always preceded by a non-phonemic glottal stop not indicated in the orthography. The syllables in monomorphemic native words are V, VC, VRC, CV, CVC and CVRC, with CV and CVC being the most frequent syllable types. In other words, syllables 3 Gender agreement in cited words is always displayed as neuter singular, i.e., via the marker b, unless otherwise indicated. 3 never have complex onsets, but can have complex codas, and the general syllable structure can be schematized as (C)V(R)(C). The only types of superheavy syllables are VRC and CVRC with only sonorants (/r/, /l/, /n/, /m/, /j/) permitted in the position of the first consonant in the coda. The minimal word (i.e. free root) has the shape V (4). (4) V VC VRC CV CVC CVRC a ‘РШ!’ (РШ.IMP) aχ ‘garden’, ic ‘moth’, al ‘they’ anƛʼ ‘аООФ’ bi ‘blood’, si ‘tower’, či ‘man’, co ‘one’, ču ‘horse’, cʼa ‘fire’ dun ‘I’, mun ‘you’ (sg.), čed ‘bread’, tʼutʼ ‘fly’ qʼʷerqʼ ‘frog’, pinqʼ ‘blister’, čerχ ‘body’, ħerčː ‘wooden plate’ Avar has dynamic accent. Word stress is variable, but always occurs on the first or second syllable. In morphologically complex words it can be distinctive (Alekseev et al. 2014: 2729). Some suffixes such as the iterative suffix -dar attract stress. 3.3. Morphophonology The most important morphophonological processes are vowel syncope, assimilation and mutation, consonant alternation and metathesis. Vowel syncope occurs when stress shifts from the second to either the first or the third syllable in inflected words (5). In all examples, stressed vowels are underlined. (5) ereqʼ ‘lump’ > erqʼ-i-l lump-OBL-GEN; erqʼ-al lump-PL kaʁat ‘letter’ > kaʁt-i-l letter-OBL-GEN; kaʁt-al letter-PL Vowel assimilation and vowel mutation often occur with inflected nouns. In some cases the stem vowels completely assimilate to vowels of oblique stem markers and plural markers, e.g. i, e, a > o; i, e > a, and e, a > u in the following examples (6). (6) ƛːʼili ‘saddle’; genitive singular ƛːʼol-o-l; plural ƛːʼa-lal betʼer ‘head’; genitive singular botʼr-o-l; plural butʼr-ul lačen ‘falcon’; genitive singular ločn-o-l; plural lučn-ul Consonant alternation n > m and m > n (7) as well as metathesis (8) usually occur wordinternally and affect stem consonants. (7) n > m keren ‘breast’ > plural kurm-ul; daran ‘trade, commerce’ > plural darm-al emen ‘father’ > umum-ul ‘fathers, parents’ m > n tʼamaχ ‘leaf’ > plural tʼanχ-al; gomog ‘gutter’ > plural gong-al (8) ebel ‘mother’ > plural ulb-ul qumur ‘wolf’ > plural qurm-al 4. Morphology 4.1. Nouns From a morphological point of view, Avar is agglutinative with some elements of fusion. The categories grammatically expressed by nominals are gender, number, and case. Avar has three genders, namely human masculine, human feminine and neuter comprising all other 4 nouns. Gender is mainly marked through affixes on verbs, adjectives, certain pronouns and some other agreement targets. The most common suffix that forms nouns in the absolutive plural is -bi. Other plural suffixes are, e.g., -ul, -l, -al, and -jal. In some cases the plural formation is accompanied by vowel mutation or vowel deletion in the nominal stem. The core cases are absolutive (Ø), ergative (-s/-ɬ/-ca), dative (-e / -je) and genitive (-l / -ul / r). Furthermore, there are 20 spatial cases. Nouns are divided into three declension classes. For nominals of the first and second class, the ergative form is also used as oblique stem marker to which all other case suffixes are added. Thus, we can treat nouns of these two declension classes as having a zero suffix for the ergative that follows the overt oblique stem marker. The first declension class, to which most human masculine singular nouns belong, has the oblique stem marker -s (allomorphs -as and -jas); the second declension class comprises all human feminine singular nouns and many neuter nouns and has -ɬ/-aɬ/-jaɬ for the oblique stem. The ergative suffix of the third declension class is -ca (-aca), which is not used as oblique stem marker. Instead, many nouns of the third declension class make use of oblique stem markers before case suffixes. The oblique stem markers are -i, -o, -u, -a, -du, -da, -zu, ro (only one word), and -lu (only one word). For nominals in the plural the ergative suffix is mostly -z, and for a few nouns it is -ca. When case suffixes are added to nominals in the plural a number of morphophonological changes take place, i.e. the final -l of plural suffixes such as -ul or -al is deleted. Table 4 displays partial paradigms of nouns from all three declension classes. Table 4: Partial paradigms of inflected nouns 1. Declension class ‘sШЧ’ absolutive ergative genitive dative SPR-essive APUD-essive APUD-lative APUD-ablative was was-as was-as-ul was-as-e was-as-da was-as-uq was-as-uq-e was-as-uq-a absolutive ergative dative apud-essive was-al was-az was-az-e was-az-uq 2. Declension class ‘НКЮРСЭОr’ Singular jas jas-aɬ jas-aɬ-ul jas-aɬ-e jas-al-da jas-aɬ-uq jas-aɬ-uq-e jas-aɬ-uq-a Plural jas-al jas-az jas-az-e jas-az-uq 3. Declension class ‘ПШб’ cer car-aca car-al car-aje car-ada car-aq car-aq-e car-aq-a cur-du-l cur-du-z cur-du-z-e cur-du-z-uq The absolutive marks: - the sole argument of intransitive and extended intransitive verbs (including detransitivized verbs) - the patient and theme argument of transitive and ditransitive verbs - the stimulus argument of affective verbs - the subject-like arguments and nominal predicates in copula clauses The ergative marks: 5 - the agent of transitive and ditransitive predicates - the instrument - temporal adjunctions and reason/cause adjuncts The genitive marks various types of relations, e.g. adnominal attributes denoting possession, and complements of most postpositions. The dative, which is in form identical to the lative, marks the experiencer with a restricted set of affective predicates, and it expresses goals and goal-like functions, recipients, and beneficiaries. The suffixes for the spatial cases are shown in Table 5. The spatial cases are formally and functionally rather transparent and organized along the two dimensions location and direction (movement). There are five suffixes that express different ways of locating an item with respect to a reference point: - SPR-series -da: on or in a reference point - APUD-series -q: at, by, close to a reference point - INTER-series -ɬ: location in a substance or amorphous mass - SUB-series -ƛ’: under a reference point - IN-series -GM / -s: in a reference point (often container-like) There is a four-way distinction in terms of direction: - essive (zero marked): location at a reference point, absence of movement - lative (-e): direction to a goal - ablative (-a/-sa): movement away from a reference point - translative (-an/-san): movement through or along a reference point Table 5: The spatial cases in Avar SPR ‘ШЧ, in’ APUD ‘at’ essive -da -q lative -d-e -q-e ablative -da-s-a -q-a translative -da-s-an -q-an INTER -ɬ -ɬ-e -ɬ-a -ɬ-an ‘in’ SUB ‘ЮЧНОr’ -ƛ’ -ƛ’-e -ƛ’-a -ƛ’-an IN ‘ТЧ’ -GM -GM-e -s-a -s-an In addition to their spatial meaning a number of the spatial cases also fulfill grammatical functions. The most important case in this respect is the SPR-essive, which marks the experiencer with many affective predicates (33), the addressee (31), (38), temporal adjuncts, and the causee (21a, b). Some extended intransitive verbs such as b-alah-ize ‘ХШШФ КЭ’, enekː-ize ‘ХТsЭОЧ ЭШ’ (16) and ħinq’-ize ‘ЛО КПrКТН ШП’ ЭКФО КrРЮЦОЧЭs ЦКrФОН аТЭС sЩКЭТКХ МКsОs sЮМС Кs ЭСО APUD-essive, SPR-essive (the first two verbs) and the SUB-ablative. The standard of comparison in comparative constructions takes the SPR-ablative. 4.2. Pronouns Avar has the following types of pronouns: personal, demonstrative, reflexive, reciprocal, interrogative, and indefinite pronouns. Personal pronouns only encode the first and second person. First person plural pronouns distinguish an inclusive from an exclusive form. Table 6 displays a partial paradigm of the personal pronouns. Table 6: Partial paradigms of personal pronouns 1SG ‘I’ 2SG ‘вШЮ’ 1PL ТЧМХЮsТЯО ‘аО’ 1PL ОбМХЮsТЯО ‘аО’ 2PL ‘вШЮ’ absolutive dun mun niɬ ЧТž ЧЮž ergative di-ca du-ca niɬ-eca ЧТž-eca ЧЮž-eca 6 genitive di-r dative di-je SPR-essive di-da du-r du-je du-da ЧТž-er ЧТž-eje ЧТž-eda niɬ-er niɬ-eje niɬ-eda ЧЮž-er ЧЮž-eje ЧЮž-eda Third person is expressed by demonstratives which distinguish gender, number, proximity to speech act participants, and height. - (h)a-w4 / (h)a-j / (h)a-b / (h)a-l: close to the speaker; same height - (h)e-w / (h)e-j / (h)e-b / (h)e-l: away from the speaker; close to the addressee - do-w / do-j / do-b / do-l // hada-w / hada-j / hada-b / hada-l: away from the speaker - ʁo-w / ʁo-j / ʁo-b / ʁo-l // haʁa-w / haʁa-j / haʁa-b / haʁa-l: away from the speaker and lower than the speaker - ɬo-w / ɬo-j / ɬo-b / ɬo-l: away from the speaker and higher than the speaker Partial paradigms showing their inflectional patterns can be found in Table 7. In addition to encoding third person (especially hew, hej, heb and hel) (29b), (40b), Avar demonstratives can be used in the typical demonstrative function (9). (9) ha-b surat-aɬ-uq b-alah-e, do-z-uq guro! this-n picture-obl-apud hpl-look-imp that-obl.pl-apud cop.neg ‘LШШФ КЭ ЭСТs ЩТМЭЮrО, ЧШЭ КЭ ЭСШsО!’ (ЩХЮrКХ КННrОssОО) (elicited) There are three different types of reflexive pronouns that all express gender, number and case: - the simple reflexives ži-w / ži-j / ži-b / ža-l - the reduplicated reflexives, e.g. ži-w=go žinca=go - the complex reflexives ži-w=go / ži-j=go / ži-b=go / ža-l=go A partial paradigm of the simple reflexives in the singular and plural is shown in Table 7. In reflexive constructions, the reflexive pronouns refer only to third person. For first and second person reflexivization ordinary personal pronouns are used. The simple reflexive pronouns are strictly non-local and include logophoric contexts. The reduplicated and the complex reflexives contain the emphatic/contrastive enclitic =go. The reduplicated reflexive pronouns can only be bound within the clause, whereas the complex reflexives can be used in local and long-distance reflexivization. In the function of reciprocal ЩrШЧШЮЧ ЭСО rОНЮЩХТМКЭОН ЧЮЦОrКХ ‘ШЧО’ Тs ЮsОН, Т.О. co.co (co.ca-z in the ergative). The reduplicated reflexive pronouns as well as the reciprocal pronoun are composed of two parts. One part takes the case marking according to the function of the pronoun in the clause. The other part bears the same case suffix as the antecedent of the pronoun (42), (43), (45a, b). For a detailed account of reflexive constructions see Rudnev (2017). Reciprocal constructions are treated in Yamada (2013). The interrogative pronouns are: - šːi-w / šːi-j / šːa-l ‘аСШ’ - šːi-b ‘аСКЭ’ - čan ‘СШа ЦКЧв’ (countable) - ki an ‘СШа ЦЮМС’ (ЮЧМШЮЧЭКЛХО ЦКss) - kina-w / kina-j / kina-b / kina-l ‘аСТМС’ - kin ‘СШа’ 4 The initial glottal fricative in these pronouns and the pronouns given in the next line is typical of the standard variety of Avar. In non-standard varieties including dialects it is often omitted. 7 - šːaj ‘аСв’ - ki-w / ki-j / ki-b / ki-r ‘аСОrО’ (location) - ki-w-e / ki-j-e / ki-b-e / ki-r-e ‘ЭШ аСОrО’ (НТrОМЭТШЧ) - kisa ‘ПrШЦ аСОrО’ - kida ‘when’ As ЭСО ХТsЭ sСШаs, ЭСО ЩrШЧШЮЧs ‘аСШ’ КЧН ‘аСКЭ’ СКЯО ЭСО sКЦО КЛsШХЮЭТЯО sЭОЦ, НТППОrТЧР only in the final gender suffix. However, they have differing suppletive stems when they are inflected (Table 7). Furthermore, many of the interrogative pronouns and adverbs derive from the same root ki-, to which inflectional and derivational suffixes are added. Table 7: Partial paradigms of demonstratives, reflexives and interrogatives demonstratives reflexives interrogative pronouns ‘СО’ ‘sСО’ / ‘ТЭ’ ‘ЭСОв’ singular plural ‘аСШ’ ‘аСКЭ’ absolutive ha-w ha-j/a-b ha-l žТ-w žКХ šːТ-w / šːТ-j / šːТ-b šːК-l ergative has haɬ haz žТЧ-ca žТНО-ca ɬi-ca sun(du)-ca genitive has-ul haɬ-ul haz-ul žТЧ-di-r žТНО-r ɬi-l sundu-l dative has-ije haɬ-ije haz-ije žТЧ-di-je žТНО-je ɬi-je sundu-je SPR-essive has-da hal-da haz-da žТЧ-da žТНО-da ɬi-da sun-da APUD-essive has-uq haɬ-uq haz-uq žТЧ-di-q žТНО-q ɬi-q sundu-q Indefinite pronouns are formed by adding various suffixes and enclitics to the (case-marked) interrogative pronouns or to the numeral co ‘ШЧО’. Major indefinite pronouns (illustrated on the basis of šːi-w ‘аСШ’, ki-b ‘аСОrО’ КЧН kida ‘аСОЧ’ and other quantifiers are: - specific indefinite - suffix -ali + =go: šːi-w-ali=go ‘sШЦОЛШНв’ (masc. sg.), ki-b-ali=go ‘sШЦОаСОrО’ - free-choice indefinite - enclitic =ni + enclitic =gi: šːi-w=ni=gi ‘КЧвЛШНв’ (masc. sg.), ki-b=ni=gi ‘КЧваСОrО’ - universal indefinite: - enclitic =go (in clauses with positive polarity): šːi-w=go ‘ОЯОrвЛШНв’, ki-b=go ‘ОЯОrваСОrО’, kida=go ‘КХаКвs’ - distributive indefinite: - reduplication + enclitic =ni + enclitic =gi: šːi-w-šːi-w=ni=gi ‘КЧв, ЯКrТШЮs ЩОШЩХО’ (masc. sg.), ki-b-ki-b=ni=gi ‘ТЧ ЯКrТШЮs ЩХКМОs’ - negative indefinite (only used in clauses with negative polarity) - enclitic =ni + enclitic =gi: šːi-w=ni=gi ‘ЧШЛШНв’, co=ni=gi ‘ЧШ ШЧО’, ki-b=ni=gi ‘ЧШаСОrО’ - enclitic =go (in clauses with positive polarity these pronouns have universal indefinite readings): šːi-w=go ‘ЧШЛШНв’, ki-b=go ‘ЧШаСОrО’, kida=go ‘ЧОЯОr’ - ‘ОЯОrв’: šːiba-w / šːiba-j / šːiba-b / šːiba-l - ‘КХХ, entire, complete’: t’ol=go; t’ola-b=go; t’ol=go-jal 4.3. Verbal morphology The morphosyntactic categories of verbs in Avar are polarity, tense, mood, modality, aspect and evidentiality. For a detailed description of the verb in Avar see Mallaeva (2007). Avar does not have person agreement, only gender and number agreement. Most vowel-initial verbs, including the affirmative copula-auxiliary =ugo, show gender/number agreement by means of prefixes. All participles take gender/number agreement suffixes. The 8 agreement affixes, which can appear as prefixes, suffixes, or rarely infixes are displayed in Table 8. The plural marker -l occurs word-finally, except for adverbials; the marker r occurs in all other positions. Table 8: Gender agreement affixes masculine (I) feminine (II) neuter (III) singular w j b plural -l / r 4.3.1. Synthetic and analytic tenses Avar has a rich inventory of inflected verb forms. Verbs can be divided into three inflectional classes depending on the suffixes for the simple present and the future. The finite synthetic verb forms are (Table 9): (i) Simple present (-ula / -ola / -la / -una) The main function of the simple present (Russ. nastojaščee obščee ‘РОЧОrКХ ЩrОsОЧЭ’) is the expression of situations and events that lack a concrete temporal reference, e.g. because of their habitual character (10a). (ii) Future (-ila / -ela / -la / -ina) The future refers to future situations and actions including intentions, plans, assumptions and predictions that will be realized in the future (10b). (iii) Aorist (-ana / -una / -na; negation -č’o / -ič’o / -inč’o) The aorist is a perfective past that is used as the default past tense in Avar (10c). (10a) Simple present čЮ=РТ ɬa-la di-da, çi=gi ɬa-la di-da horse=emph know-prs 1sg-spr man=emph know-prs 1sg-spr ‘I know horses and I know people.’ (i.e. I am an expert) (Axlakov 1976: 11) (10b) Future [For mentioning the king in the prayer he will give me 20 goats.] hez-ul КЧМ’go-ja-b di-ca du-je ƛ’-ela dem.pl-gen ten-adj-n 1sg-erg 2sg-dat give-fut ‘Of them, I will give ten to you.’ (Axlakov 1976: 23) (10c) Aorist qartaj j-ТФ’-un j-igo, di-da=go ɬК-č’Ш witch f-be-cvb f-cop 1sg-spr=emph know-aor.neg ‘SСО аКs К аТЭМС, ЛЮЭ I НТН ЧШЭ ФЧШа ЭСТs ЦвsОХП.’ (CСКrКМСТНгц 1981: 188) In the simple present and the future negation is expressed by means of adding a suffix -ro to the tense suffix. This suffix as well as the suffix for the negative form of the aorist are also part of guro and heč’o, the two variants of the negative present tense copula-auxiliary. Table 9: The major inflectional forms (negated forms given in parenthesis) ‘rОКН, study’ ‘МШЦО’ ‘ФЧШа’ Infinitive М’КХ-ize w-Кč’-ine ɬa-ze Masdar М’КХ-i w-Кč’-in ɬa-j Finite synthetic verb forms Simple present М’КХ-ula (М’КХ-ula-ro) w-Кč’-una (w-Кč’-una-ro) ɬa-la (ɬa-la-ro) Future М’КХ-ila (М’КХ-ila-ro) w-Кč’-ina (w-Кč’-ina-ro) ɬa-la (ɬa-la-ro) 9 М’КХ-ana (М’КХ-Тč’Ш) w-Кč’-ana (w-Кč’-ТЧč’Ш) Finite analytic tense forms Perfect М’КХ-un b-ugo w-Кč’-un w-ugo Pluperfect М’КХ-un b-ЮФ’КЧК w-Кč’-un w-ЮФ’КЧК Compound present М’КХ-ule-b b-ugo w-Кč’-une-w w-ugo Compound past М’КХ-ule-b b-ЮФ’КЧК w-Кč’-une-w w-ЮФ’КЧК Compound future М’КХ-ule-b b-ЮФ’ina w-Кč’-une-w w-uk’ТЧК Prospective future М’КХ-ize b-ugo w-Кč’-ine w-ugo Aorist ɬa-na (ɬa-č’Ш) ɬa-n b-ugo ɬa-n b-ЮФ’КЧК ɬa-le-b b-ugo ɬa-le-b b-ЮФ’КЧК ɬa-le-b b-ЮФ’ina ɬa-ze b-ugo Many tense/aspect/modality oppositions are expressed by means of analytic verb forms that make use of the present participle, the perfective converb, and the infinitive. The major analytic tenses are: (iv) Perfect (perfective converb + present tense copula-auxiliary) (11a) Most commonly, the Avar perfect has only a resultative/perfect meaning. It is used when referring to events accomplished in the past that have relevant consequences for the present. The perfect is also used when the speaker has only indirect knowledge of the event s/he narrates, e.g. used when talking about historical events. (v) Pluperfect (perfective converb + aorist copula-auxiliary) (11b) The pluperfect is employed when talking about events that happened before a certain moment in the past or when the resulting state of an event obtained in the past. It can also express indirect evidentiality. (vi) Compound present (present participle + present tense copula-auxiliary) (11c) This tense refers to ongoing situations and activities, but can also easily be used with stative ЯОrЛs sЮМС Кs ‘ФЧШа’ КЧН ‘ХШЯО’ ЭСКЭ НШ ЧШЭ КХХШа ПШr ЭСО ЩrОsОЧЭ ЩrШРrОssТЯО ТЧ EЧРХТsС. (vii) Compound past (present participle + aorist copula-auxiliary) (11d) The compound past corresponds to the compound present in the sense that it is used for ongoing situations as well as for states in combination with past time reference. (viii) Compound future (present participle + future copula-auxiliary) (11e) The compound future expresses ongoing situations and states in combination with temporal reference to the future. (ix) Prospective future (infinitive + present tense copula-auxiliary) (11f) The prospective refers to situations in the immediate future, i.e. to actions and events that are about to happen or that are intended by an agent, sometimes with a slight flavor of deontic modality (Mallaeva 2007: 227). (11a) Perfect hani-r ЮМ’-un r-ugo kina-l=go šКrЭ’-al here-pl provide-cvb pl-cop all-pl=emph condition-pl ‘Here aХХ МШЧНТЭТШЧs КrО ЩrШЯТНОН.’ (AЯКr ЧОаsЩКЩОr КЪ’ТЪ’КЭ 18, MКв 09, 2013, Щ. 23, sОО СЭЭЩ://ааа.СКФТФКЭ.ТЧПШ/) (11b) Pluperfect erkena-b gugari-УКɬ-ul Ъ’ОМ-az-Юɬ КбКХɬТ-ze free-n wrestling-obl-gen competition-pl.obl-inter take.part-inf b-Кč’-un n-come-cvb b-ЮФ’-ana Ъ’ШРШУКХ-da-sa М’ТФː’ЮЧ komanda n-be-aor twenty-spr-abl more team ‘More than twenty teams had come to take part in the competition of free wrestling.’ (AЯКr ЧОаsЩКЩОr КЪ’ТЪ’КЭ 18, MКв 09, 2013, Щ. 7, see http://www.hakikat.info/) 10 (11c) Compound present jas-Кɬ čОН ha-b-ule-b b-ugo girl-erg bread do-n-ptpc.prs-n n-cop ‘TСО РТrХ Тs ЦКФТЧР ЛrОКН.’ (elicited) (11d) Compound past КРКrɬ-ule-l r-ЮФ’-ana Ъ’Кžar-al co ros-da-l rКƛ’-al-d-e approach-ptcp.prs-pl pl-be-aor Iranian-pl one village-obl-gen earth-obl-spr-lat ‘TСО IrКЧТКЧs аОrО КЩЩrШКМСТЧР ШЧО ЯТХХКРО.’ (Text from an Avar primer, grade 4; http://dugrichilov.livejournal.com/1719.html) (11e) Compound future ha-b Э’Об М’КХ-ule-w w-ЮФ’-ina dun anƛ’-i-ca dem-n book read-ptcp.prs-m m-be-fut 1sg week-obl-erg ‘I (masc.) аТХХ rОКН ЭСО ЛШШФ аТЭСТЧ К аООФ.’ (Mallaeva 2007: 227) (11f) Prospective future dun ОУ-al-d-e ine b-ugo 1sg Hajj-obl-spr-lat go.inf n-cop ‘I аТХХ РШ ШЧ ЭСО HКУУ.’ (Axlakov 1976: 24) There are more analytic verb forms such as the evidential pluperfect, the evidential imperfect, and the evidential intentional, which all make use of the copula-auxiliary in the perfect buk’un bugo. These verb forms have both indirect evidential and non-evidential meanings. The evidential pluperfect can additionally express relative past time reference, whereas the evidential imperfect combines past time reference with imperfective aspect, referring to events in the past described as ongoing and the evidential intentional conveys past time reference together with indirect evidentiality and intentionality. The indirect evidential meanings expressed by these forms are hearsay and inferential. They occur in traditional narratives, in accounts of historical events and in other contexts that allow for indirect evidentials. (12a) is the first sentence of a traditional tale that was orally transmitted, hence we have hearsay evidentiality, and then the story goes on with the perfect. Example (12b) is from the Avar Wikipedia entry about the village of Malib and illustrates the evidential imperfect For more information see Forker (In Press). (12a) co čТ un w-ЮФ’-un w-ugo bazar-al-de čЮ one man go.CVB M-be-CVB M-COP market-OBL-LAT horse ‘OЧО ЦКЧ аОЧЭ ЭШ ЭСО ЦКrФОЭ ЭШ ЛЮв К СШrsО.’ (AбХКФШЯ 1976: 24) (12b) СКЧžОsО-l contemporary-PL ЦК ХКХ Malib.people r-Кč’-ine- КЧ PL-come-INF-UNTIL b-os-ize N-take-INF ЦК ХК-de-r-il Malib.people-LAT-PL-GEN rКƛ-al-da ЮЦrЮ ha-b-ule-b b-ЮФ’-un b-ugo РЮržТУК-z earth-OBL-LOC life do-N-PTCP.PRS-N N-be-CVB N-COP Georgians-ERG ‘BОПШrО ЭСО ЩrОsОЧЭ-day Malib people came, Georgians were living on the earth of the MКХТЛ.’ (СЭЭЩ://КЯ.аТФТЩОНТК.ШrР/аТФТ/ I ) 4.3.2. Non-indicative verb forms Non-indicative verb forms are imperative, prohibitive, and three different optatives. (i) Imperative (-a / -e / -j) 11 The suffix of the imperative partially depends on transitivity for verbs ending in a consonant: intransitive verbs take -a, whereas transitive verbs take -e (13a). Verbs whose stems end in a vowel take -j. (ii) Prohibitive (-uge / -unge / -ge) (13a) (iii) Optatives The first type of optative is formed by adding -gi to the imperative, the second by attaching ja-GM to the imperative, and the third makes use of the suffix -ad. The gender marker of the second suffix agrees with the addressee, which is not necessarily the argument in the absolutive case. The Optative expresses wishes, hopes and also curses (13b). The meaning of the second and third type are very close to each other (Mallaeva 2007: 71). (iv) Hortative (infinitive or future + emphatic enclitic =in) The hortative expresses encouragement or discouragement on part of the speaker with respect to the addressee performing an action or the wish or intention of the speaker to bring about an action (13c) (Mallaeva 2007: 66-68; Alekseev & Ataev 1997: 61). (13a) Imperative & prohibitive a dur=go, amma du-ca do-s-da kʷОr Ъʷa-ge! go.imp 2.gen=emph but 2sg-erg dem-obl-spr hand scratch-proh ‘GШ, ЛЮЭ НШЧ’Э МШЧЯТЧМО СТЦ аТЭС вШЮr СКЧН!’ (Axlakov 1976: 13) (13b) Optative kija-b=go ber b-aq-a-ja-w! two-n=emph eye n-fall-imp-opt-m ‘MКв ЛШЭС вШЮr ОвОs ПКХХ ШЮЭ!’ (said to a man) (Rudnev 2015: 39) (13c) Hortative di-ca b-ic-in=in, du-ca ТЧ Э’КЦ-e, Bolo! 1sg-erg n-tell-fut=emph 2sg-erg ear spread-imp Bolo ‘Let me tell you (something), Bolo, you listen!’ (Axlakov 1976: 15) 4.3.3. Non-finite verb forms: conditionals, deverbal nouns, participles and converbs The most important non-finite verb forms are: (i) Infinitive (-ize / -ze / -ine) The infinitive occurs in analytic tenses such as the prospective future and in many types of complement constructions (35a). It is also the basis for the formation of certain types of adverbial clauses (12b). (ii) Masdar (-i / -j / -in) The masdar is a deverbal noun that can be inflected for case and is mainly used in complement clauses (40c). (iii) Participles Participles are used in a wide range of constructions such as relative clauses (Section 5.5.4 below), complement clauses (Forker 2016), interrogative clauses (cf. Alekseev & Ataev 1998: 85-91), and term focus constructions (Sumbatova 2009: 316), etc. One of their uses as heads of independent clauses has been called deklarativnost’ (RЮss. ‘КssОrЭТЯТЭв’) Лв BШФКrОЯ (1949: 72). I аТХХ ЮsО ЭСО ЭОrЦ ‘КssОrЭТЯО ЦШНКХТЭв’. AssОrЭТЯО ЦШНКХТЭв ШММЮrs ТЧ ЩrШЯОrЛs КЧН sayings and when the speaker explicitly and emphatically asserts that an action will take place (Forker In Press). Only in relative clauses and complement clauses the participles head 12 non-finite clauses. In the other three constructions (interrogative clauses, focus construction, assertive modality) they function as the head of finite clauses. All participles end in gender agreement suffixes. (iiia) Present participle (-ula-b / -ola-b / -la-b / -una-b) & future participle (-ila-b / -ela-b / la-b / -ina-b) These two participles are formed from the respective synthetic tenses by adding a gender suffix. In addition to the above functions, the present participle is found in analytic tenses such as the Compound present (11c), the Compound past (11d), and the Compound Future (11e). (iiic) Past participle (-ara-b / -ra-b) The past participle is also used to express indirect evidentiality, although this usage is rather rare (Forker In Press). (iv) Converbs Converbal clauses are the main way of expressing adverbial relations between a dependent МХКЮsО КЧН К ЦКТЧ МХКЮsО ТЧ AЯКr. FШХХШаТЧР NОНУКХФШЯ’s (1995: 106) НОПТЧТЭТШЧ, МШЧЯОrЛs МКЧ ЛО МХКssТПТОН ТЧЭШ ‘sЩОМТКХТгОН’ КЧН ‘МШЧЭОбЭЮКХ’ МШЧЯОrЛs. SКЧгСТ СКs ЭаШ МШЧЭОбЭЮКХ converbs, the Perfective converb and the Imperfective converb. They are semantically rather vague and allow for great variety in interpreting the relation between the converbal clause and the matrix clause. In addition, they are used in a number of analytic tenses and serve a narrative function. The specialized temporal converbs express the major temporal meanings of posteriority, simultaneity, and anteriority various other meanings (e.g. location, causation, manner of action). (iva) Perfective converb (-un / -n) The perfective converb is used for the formation of the perfect and the pluperfect as well as for temporal adverbial clauses expressing anteriority. The negated perfective converb is formed by encliticizing =go to the negated aorist. (ivb) Imperfective converb (Simple present + =go) The imperfective converb occurs in temporal adverbial clauses expressing simultaneity or manner of action and in certain types of complement clauses. (ivc) Specialized converbs In addition to the two general converbs (imperfective and perfective), Avar has a wide range of specialized converbs that express temporal, spatial and other meanings. The specialized converbs are often formed by combining a non-finite verb form with a spatial case suffix. The most important specialized converbs are given below, illustrated by means of the verb b-osize ‘ЭКФО’: - ТЦЦОНТКЭО КЧЭОrТШr МШЧЯОrЛ ‘ТЦЦОНТКЭОХв аСОЧ’: b-os-ara-b=go (past participle + =go) - ЩШsЭОrТШr МШЧЯОrЛ ‘ЛОПШrО / ЮЧЭТХ’: b-os-ila-l-de (future + -l-de) - ЭОrЦТЧКЭТЯО МШЧЯОrЛ ‘ЮЧЭТХ, till’ b-os-ize- an (infinitive + - an) - sТЦЮХЭКЧШЮs МШЧЯОrЛ ‘аСОЧ, аСТХО’ b-os-i-dal (masdar + -dal) - КЧЭОrТШr МШЧЯОrЛ ‘КПЭОr, sТЧМО’ b-os-ara-l-da-sːa (past participle without gender marker + -lda-sːa) - sТЦЮХЭКЧШЮs МШЧЯОrЛ ‘аСТХО, КЭ ЭСО sКЦО ЭТЦО’: b-os-i-gun (masdar + -gun) - ХШМКЭТШЧКХ МШЧЯОrЛ / ЦКЧЧОr ШП КМЭТШЧ ‘аСОrО / СШа’ b-os-uqe (-uqe / -qe / -owqe) - causative converbs ‘because’ b-os-ara-ɬuq, b-os-ule-ɬul (participles + -ɬu-q, -ɬu-l, -ɬidal) 13 - spatial converbs / participles that are inflected for the spatial cases: essive b-os-ara-ɬɬu-b, lative b-os-ara-ɬɬu-b-e, ablative b-os-ara-ɬɬu-sːa, translative b-os-ara-ɬɬu-san The last types of non-finite clauses are conditionals and concessives that are formally and functionally close to other types of adverbial clauses. (i) Realis conditional (-ani / -uni / -ni; negation -č’o-ni / -ič’o-ni / -inč’o-ni): The suffix of the realis conditional is formed on the basis of the aorist, by replacing -na with ni, e.g. b-os-ani ‘ТП s/СО ЭКФОs ТЭ’ / b-os-ič’o-ni ‘ТП s/СО НШОs ЧШЭ ЭКФО ТЭ’. (ii) Irrealis conditional (participle + -ani) The irrealis conditional is formed by adding -ani to a participle form of the verb, e.g. present participle b-os-ule-b-ani ‘ТП s/СО аШЮХН ЭКФО ТЭ’, Шr ЩКsЭ ЩКrЭТМТЩХО b-os-ara-b-ani ‘ТП s/СО аШЮХН СКЯО ЭКФОЧ ТЭ’. Irrealis conditional sentences express low probability, typically counterfactual events and situations whose temporal location depends on the participle that is used as basis. (iii) Concessives (-ani=gi / -uni=gi / -ni=gi; negation -č’o-ni=gi / -ič’o-ni=gi / -inč’o-ni=gi) CШЧМОssТЯО МХКЮsОs ЭСКЭ ОбЩrОss ЩrШЩОr МШЧМОssТЯО ЦОКЧТЧР ‘КХЭСШЮРС Щ, Ъ’ and concessive МШЧНТЭТШЧКХs ‘ОЯОЧ ТП’ КrО ПШrЦОН Лв КННТЧР ЭСО КННТЭТЯО =gi to the realis conditional form. Examples of specialized converbs and conditional clauses can be found in Section 5.5.2. 4.3.4. Valency classes and valency alternations Valency patterns of predicates can be divided into one-place (monovalent), two-place (bivalent) and three-place patterns (trivalent). I distinguish for bivalent predicates between an A argument (the argument with the most agentive properties) and a P argument (the argument with the least agentive or most patientive properties). Three-place verbs have, in addition to the A argument, a G argument and a T argument. The G (goal-like) argument is more stationary than T (theme-like) and might be receiving an experience or being exposed to an experience, in contrast to T. The three basic classes can be further subdivided into valency subclasses according to the case marking patterns and the semantic roles fulfilled by the arguments of these predicates. Monovalent predicates generally take one single argument in the absolutive (14a). This argument can be agentive or patientive, depending on the semantics of the verb. In addition, there are very few experiencer predicates that take one single argument in the SPR-essive (da) (14b), (39b). (14a) ОЦОrК-b ЦОχ b-a-č’ШРШ, ЩКНТšКС χʷ-ana much-n time n-go-cvb.neg king die-aor ‘Not much time went by and the king died.’ (Charachidzé 1981: 192) (14b) ТЧЪ’-ara-w či-jas-da ОЭ’ b-a-n b-ugo fear-ptcp.pst-m man-obl-spr sweat n-come-cvb n-cop ‘The man became afraid and sweated.’ (Axlakov 1976: 29) Bivalent verbs have an A and a P argument. The semantic functions and accordingly the case markings of A and P vary considerably depending on the semantics of the verb and on other factors. The largest group of bivalent verbs are canonical transitive predicates with an agentive A marked by the ergative and a patientive P marked by the absolutive (11c), (20a). 14 Another clearly identifiable predicate class contains almost exclusively experiential verbs that assign to the experiencer argument the dative or the SPR-essive and to the stimulus argument the absolutive. To the first type belong b-oƛʼ-ize ‘Хove, like, want’ and riχ-ine ‘dislike, hate, be bored’ (15a). The second group is larger and contains, among others b-ix-ize ‘see’, b-ičːʼize ‘understand’, kʼoče-ne ‘forget’, ɬa-ze ‘know’, ra -ize ‘hear’, rakʼalde šʷe-ze ‘remember’, and b-at-ize ‘find’ (15b). The last verb is also used as auxiliary in conditional constructions (39a) and epistemic modality constructions. (15a) di-je ha-b ЩТrТЧčʼ b-Шƛʼ-ula-ro 1sg-dat dem-n rice n-like-prs-neg ‘I dislike the rice.’ (elicited) (15b) di-da he-s-ul МʼКr 1sg-spr dem-obl-gen name ‘I forgot his name.’ (elicited) ФʼШč-ana forget-aor TСОrО Тs К ЩrОНТМКЭО МХКss ЭСКЭ I МКХХ ‘ОбЭОЧНОН ТЧЭrКЧsТЭТЯО ЩrОНТМКЭОs.’ TСОв ЭКФО КЧ A argument in the absolutive that has usually rather an agentive semantics, and a further P argument marked by a spatial case (e.g. APUD-essive, SPR-essive, SUB-ablative). Verbs of movement fall into this class, КМЭТЯО ЩОrМОЩЭТШЧ ЩrОНТМКЭОs sЮМС Кs ‘ХТsЭОЧ ЭШ’ (16) КЧН ‘ХШШФ КЭ’ Кs аОХХ Кs other predicates. (16) dun ha-b ФШčʼ-oq ОЧОФː-un 1sg dem-n song-apud listen-cvb ‘I listened to the song.’ (elicited) w-ugo m-cop Trivalent predicates include verbs like ƛʼe-ze ‘РТЯО’, b-ixizab-ize ‘sСШа’ (МКЮsКЭТЯО ПШrЦ ШП ‘sОО’) (17), verbs of speech such as har-ize ‘КsФ’, КЧН ЯОrЛs ШП СТЭЭТЧР, О.Р. ƛʼab-ize ‘СТЭ’, which mark the instrument with the absolutive case. (17) “w-ix-iza-w-ila m-see-caus-m-fut di-ca du-da 1sg-erg 2sg-spr [kina-w which-m čТ man jas-az-e girl-pl.obl-dat w-Шƛ’-ule-wЖ”=ali jan ab-un=ila wex-as m-love-ptcp.prs-m=quot quot say-cvb=rep shepherd-erg ‘“I will show you which man girls love most,” said the shepherd.’ (Axlakov 1976: 13) There are a small number of labile verbs that can be used both intransitively and transitively without the verb undergoing any morphological process. The majority of them are patientpreserving labile verbs (S=P-labile) that can be used with or without a P argument, e.g. beɬine ‘ЛШТХ’ (ТЧЭr.), ‘МШШФ’ (Эr.), b-i -ine ‘ЦОХЭ’ (ТЧЭr., Эr.) (18a, b). There is also one S=A labile verb, namely c’al-ize ‘rОКН, sЭЮНв’ (19a, b). (18a) Alekseev et al. 2014: 204 Ъ’ШЭ’ЧШ-b КгЮ b-Т -ana street.in-n snow n-melt-aor ‘TСО sЧШа ЦОХЭОН ШЧ ЭСО sЭrООЭ.’ (18b) ebel-Кɬ mother-erg naχ butter b-Т -ana n-melt-aor 15 ‘MШЭСОr ЦОХЭОН ЛЮЭЭОr.’ (19a) jas М’КХ-ana šКСКr-al-da girl study-aor town-obl-spr ‘TСО РТrХ sЭЮНТОН ТЧ ЭСО ЭШаЧ.’ (elicited) (19b) jas-Кɬ Э’Об М’КХ-ana girl-erg book read-aor ‘TСО РТrХ rОКН ЭСО ЛШШФ.’ (ОХТМТЭОН) Avar has one detransitivizing construction that makes use of derivational suffixes and one transitivizing construction, the causative. Detransitivization in Avar shows similarities with antipassive constructions because it leads to a deletion of the P argument and the A argument changes its case marking from the ergative to the absolutive (20a). Furthermore, it has iterative, durative or habitual meaning as it is often observed for antipassives (20b). (20a) do-s ɬТЦ СОЪʼ-ana dem-erg water drink-aor ‘He drank water.’ (Mallaeva 2007: 343) (20b) СОЪ’-old-ana ʁШ-w, χʷ-ana drink-iter-aor dem-m die-aor ‘HО НrКЧФ rОРЮХКrХв КЧН НТОН.’ (СЭЭЩ://ЛКХЭШsХКЯ.ОЮ/КЯКr/?ЦШЯК=ОЧ) However, detransitivization in Avar should rather be regarded as belonging to a general operation of verbal derivation that forms intransitive verbs with an iterative/durative meaning. It can be applied to verbs of various valency patterns including intransitive verbs and also to parts of speech other than verbs such that detransitivization cannot be taken as the core function (Section 4.7). The causative form of verbs transparently derives from a periphrastic construction with the verb ha-b-ize ‘НШ, ЦКФО’, аСТМС loses its initial glottal fricative and is added to the infinitive of the lexical verb. The synthetic as well as the analytic variants are both in use, e.g. qʷa-zab-ize < qʷaze habize ‘ЦКФО аrТЭО’, heq’e-za-b-ize < heq’eze habize ‘ЦКФО НrТЧФ’. The causative normally adds an argument to the predicate, i.e. an intransitive predicate becomes transitive and a transitive predicate becomes ditransitive. However, in some cases the causative changes the semantic roles without adding a new argument (21b). (21a) di-ca do-s-da СОЪ’О-za-b-una ɬТЦ 1sg-erg dem-obl-spr drink-caus-n-aor water ‘I ЦКНО СТЦ НrТЧФ аКЭОr.’ (MКХХКОЯК 2007: 343) (21b) di-ca do-w СОЪ’О-za-w-una 1sg-erg dem-m drink-caus-m-aor ‘I ЦКНО СТЦ НrЮЧФОЧ.’ (MКХХКОЯК 2007: 343) Detransitivizing and causative suffixes can be combined, e.g. heq’e-ze ‘НrТЧФ’ > heq’-old-ize ‘НrТЧФ rОРЮХКrХв, ЛО К НrТЧФОr’ (КЧЭТЩКssТЯО) > heq’-old-iza-b-ize ‘ЦКФО НrТЧФ rОРЮХКrХв’. Furthermore, the biabsolutive construction, which can also be counted as a means of detransitivization, is available with transitive verbs inflected for periphrastic tenses (Forker 16 2012). It is characterized by absolutive marking of both A and P. The lexical verb shows gender agreement with P and the copula-auxiliary agrees with A (11e). 4.4. Adjectives Adjectives have a short and a long form. The latter is formed on the basis of the former by adding the derivational suffix -a-GM / -ija-GM, which is also used to derive adjectives from other parts of speech, to the short stem. The short stem is rather restricted in its occurrence and, in a few cases, can also be used as an adverb. In those cases, in which both long and short form are possible, there can be differences in meaning (see, e.g., Ebeling 1966: 73-74). All adjectives in their long form have gender agreement suffixes; a few adjectives also have a gender prefix, e.g. b-icat-a-b ‘thick, fat’, b-acːʼad-a-b ‘clean’ (22a-c) (Alekseev et al. 2014: 182). The agreement suffix is controlled by the head of the noun phrase in which the adjectives occur, or by the gender of the referent in case of nominal usages. The gender agreement of the prefix is controlled by the complement of the adjective if there is any (22c) as it is the case with bivalent verbs in relative clauses (41b). Otherwise it agrees with the head noun (22b). There is no case concord within the noun phrase, so adjectives do not change for case when used attributively. (22a) w-icata-w či ‘ПКЭ ЦКЧ’ j-icata-j č’užu ‘ПКЭ аШЦКЧ’ b-icata-b t’ex ‘ЭСТМФ ЛШШФ’ r-icata-l5 ča i ‘ПКЭ ЦОЧ’ r-icata-l ručːabi ‘ПКЭ woЦОЧ’ r-icata-l t’axal ‘ЭСТМФ ЛШШФs’ (22b) j-КМː’КН-a-j jas f-clean-adj-f girl ‘К МХОКЧ РТrХ’ (Ebeling 1966: 73) (22c) rЮЪ’ b-acː’КН-a-j jas house n-clean-adj-f girl ‘ЭСО РТrХ аСШsО СШЮsО Тs МХОКЧ’ (EЛОХТЧР 1966: 73) Nominalized adjectives are inflected in the same manner as demonstrative pronouns. For all cases except for the absolutive, the gender suffix is omitted and the ergative/oblique suffix is added to which, if required, further case suffixes attach (Table 10, from Alekseev & Ataev 1997: 53). Table 10: Inflection of adjectives exemplified with χera-b ‘ШХН’ masc. singular feminine / neuter singular plural absolutive χОra-w χОrК-У / χОrК-b χОra-l ergative χОrК-s χОra-ɬ χОra-z genitive χОrК-s-ul χОrК-ɬ-ul χОra-z-ul dative χОrК-s-e χОrК-ɬ-e χОrК-z-e SPR-essive χОrК-s-da χОrК-l-da χОrК-z-da In comparative constructions, neither the target of comparison nor the standard of comparison bears any special marking; the standard of comparison is marked with the SPR-ablative case (23). (23) 5 di-da-sa ɬТФ’-a-w qazaq du-je=gi The agreement prefix in the plural is r-, whereas the suffix is -l. 17 šːʷ-ela-r=in 1sg-spr-abl good-adj-m worker 2sg-dat=add get-fut -neg=emph ‘You will also not get a better farm worker than me.’ (Bokarev 1949: 165) Superlative constructions basically have the same structure as comparative constructions. The only differences are the marking of the standard, which is now done by means of the postposition horƛʼo-b ‘КЦШЧР’ + SPR-lative, and the additional degree adverb bišːun(go) ‘ЦШsЭ’ modifying the parameter. 4.5. Numerals Avar has - cardinal numerals - ordinal numerals - distributive numerals - group numerals - multiplicative numerals - collective numerals Table 11 displays the cardinal numerals. As many Nakh-Daghestanian languages, Avar has a vigesimal numeral system for the numerals 40 (= 2 20), 60 (= 3 20) and 80 (= 4 20). All numerals except for co ‘ШЧО’ are morphologically complex. The last numeral always takes the multifunctional enclitic =go. TСО ЧЮЦОrКХ ‘ЭОЧ’ аСОЧ ЮsОН ТЧ МШЦЩШЮЧНs (Т.О. -tenth) has the form anc’-ila. All other numerals make use of the suffix -alda (-jalda / -ijalda) that replaces =go. Higher numerals have been borrowed from Russian (e.g. millijon ‘ЦТХХТШЧ’). Table 11: Cardinal numerals 1 co 11 КЧМ’-ila co 2 Ф’Т=РШ 12 КЧМ’-ТХК Ф’Т=РШ 3 ɬab=go 13 КЧМ’-ila ɬab=go 4 ЮЧЪ’=РШ 14 КЧМ’-ТХК ЮЧЪ’=РШ (ЮЧЪ’ ) 5 šːЮ=РШ 15 КЧМ’-ila šːЮ=РШ 21 22 30 40 Ъ’Ш-lo co Ъ’Ш-ХШ Ф’Т=РШ ɬeber=go Ф’Т-Ъ’Ш=РШ 66 76 200 ɬab-Ъ’Ш-jalda anɬ=go ɬab-Ъ’Ш-УКХНК КЧМ’-ila anɬ=go Ф’Т-nus=go 50 Ф’Т-Ъ’o-jalda КЧМ’=РШ ɬab-Ъ’Ш=РШ ɬab-Ъ’Ш-jalda КЧМ’=РШ ЮЧЪ’Ш=РШ (< ЮЧЪ’-Ъ’Ш=РШ) ЮЧЪ’Ш-jalda КЧМ’=РШ nus=go 300 ɬab-nus=go 6 7 anɬ=go 16 КЧМ’-ila anɬ=go КЧЪ’=РШ 17 КЧМ’-ТХК КЧЪ’=РШ 60 70 8 miƛ=go 18 КЧМ’-ila miƛ=go 80 9 Тč’=РШ 19 КЧМ’-ТХК Тč’=РШ 90 20 Ъ’Ш=РШ 100 10 КЧМ’=РШ ЮЧЪ’-nus=go šːЮ-nus=ijalda Ф’Т-Ъ’ШУКХНК КЧМ’-ila šːЮ=РШ 1000 azar=go 400 555 1001 azar-alda co 2000 Ф’Т-КгКr=Р The other types of numerals are formed in the following manner: - ordinal numerals: suffix -abile-b (derived from the participle of the verb ab-ize ‘sКв, ЭОХХ’): k’i-abili-b ‘sОМШЧН’, ɬab-abile-b ‘ЭСТrН’ - distributive numerals: co-co ‘ШЧО ОКМС’, k’i-k’i ‘two ОКМС’, ɬab-ɬab ‘ЭСrОО ОКМС’ - multiplicative numerals (‘ПШЮr ЭТЦОs’) - collective / group numerals: (i) expressing units -(j)a-b=go: k’i-ja-w=go ‘ЛШЭС, КХХ ЭаШ (masc.)’, e.g. k’i-ja-b=go ber ‘ЛШЭС ОвОs’; ɬab-a-b=go ‘КХХ ЭСrОО’, unq’-a-b=go ‘КХХ ПШЮr’ (28) 18 (ii) referring to parts of a totality =go-ja-w / =go-ja-j / =go-ja-b: k’i=go-ja-b ‘ЭаШ’ (ШЮЭ ШП К group of more), ɬab=go-ja-b ‘ЭСrОО’ (ШЮЭ ШП ЦШrО) (10b) Numerals are used as nominal modifiers with a following noun in the singular. Most of the numerals have the morphosyntactic properties of adjectives. Numerals can be nominalized and take case suffixes. Cardinal numerals are nominalized by means of the adjectivizing suffix -ja-GM, and then inflected in the same way as demonstrative pronouns or adjectives. When case suffixes are added, the final gender suffix is dropped (24). (24) Ф’ТРШ-ja-s-ul two-adj-obl-gen ФʷОЧ food ɬКЛРШ-ja-s-e three-adj-obl-dat ШХК; be.enough ɬКЛРШ-ja-s-ul three-adj-obl-gen ФʷОЧ ЮЧЪ’Ш-ja-s-e ШХК food four-adj-obl-dat be.enough ‘The food of two is enough for three; the food of three is enough for four.’ (http://baltoslav.eu/avar/?mova=en) 4.6. Postpositions, adverbs, enclitics, and particles The majority of the postpositions can also be used as adverbs, and it is not always possible to determine whether a linguistic item functions as the one or the other. This is even more the case for spatial postpositions. Relevant examples that most commonly govern spatial cases of the SPR-series are t’ad ‘ШЧ, КЛШЯО, ЮЩ’, ʁortƛʼ ‘НШаЧ, ЮЧНОr’, ask’o-b ‘ЧОКr, МХШsО’, žani-b ‘ТЧsТНО’ (also inter-series), ce-b-e ‘ЛОПШrО, ТЧ ПrШЧЭ’, naqa ‘ЛОСТЧН, КПЭОr’, xadu-b ‘ЛОСТЧН, КПЭОr, ЛКМФ’, req’on ‘КММШrНТЧР ЭШ’, and cadaq ‘ЭШРОЭСОr аТЭС’. The postposition olo ‘ПШr ЭСО sКФО ШП’, ТЧ МШЧЭrКsЭ ЭШ КХХ ШЭСОr ЩШsЭЩШsТЭТШЧs РШЯОrЧs ЭСО НКЭТЯО. The spatial postpositions/adverbs themselves can be inflected for the directional cases (lative, ablative, translative). Those postpositions/adverbs that have gender agreement affixes agree with the nominal in the absolutive case of the clause in which they occur. This nominal is not identical withe the complement of the postposition. Apart from the postpositions that can also be used as adverbs, Avar has many other adverbs, which form a rather heterogeneous category. Most adverbs are derived by means of various suffixes. For instance, there are spatial adverbs formed from demonstrative pronouns, e.g. dob-a ‘ЭСОrО’, and manner adverbs also derived from demonstrative pronouns do-din ‘ХТФО ЭСКЭ’ < do-b ‘ЭСКЭ’ (КаКв ПrШЦ ЭСО sЩОКФОr). Many adverbs bear the multifunctional enclitic =go, but its use is optional and it cannot be analyzed as a derivational suffix for the formation of adverbs. Few underived adverbs show gender agreement that is controlled by the absolutive argument of the clause, e.g. ask’o-b ‘МХШsОХв’. The most common enclitics and particles are =go, the additive=gi ‘КХsШ, ЭШШ, КЧН, ОЯОЧ’, =cin ‘ОЯОЧ’, =ni, =in, =ya, =χa, the evidential enclitic =ila(n), the quotative enclitics (Section 5.5.3) and the interrogative enclitics (Sections 5.4). The central function of =go is the expression of emphasis and/or contrast. Other uses are the expression of identity, scalar additivity, reflexivity (including local and long-distance reflexives, emphatic reflexive uses), the marking of indefinite pronouns and adverbs, and the derivation of cardinal numerals and converbs (Forker 2015). The enclitic =ni is highly multifunctional covering in addition to its general emphatic meaning the formation of conditional clauses, a verb doubling construction used for topicalizing predicates and, in combination with =gi, concessive clauses and certain indefinite pronouns. The enclitic =χa is sometimes referred to as focus particle (Kazenin 1997: 38-40). 19 4.7. Word formation For the formation of new words Avar makes use of compounding, derivation, conversion and reduplication. A detailed account can be found in Khalilov & Khalilova (2016). Compounding is prevalent among nouns and verbs, but there are also compound adjectives and other parts of speech (25). Most compounds have a modifier-head structure, but there are also some dvandva compounds and other morphosyntactic types. (25) ebel-emen ‘ЩКrОЧЭs’ (ЦШЭСОr-father) q’asikʷen ‘НТЧЧОr’ (< q’asi ‘ТЧ ЭСО ОЯОЧТЧР’ + kʷen ‘ПШШН’) ɬabboχila-b ‘ЭСrОО-ХОРРОН’ (< ɬabgo ‘ЭСrОО’ + boχ ‘ХОР’ + adjectivizer -ila-GM) k’i-b-ekize ‘ЭШ ЛrОКФ ТЧ ЭаШ (ЩТОМОs)’ (< k’igo ‘ЭаШ’ + bekize ‘ЛrОКФ’) Derivation is most productive for nouns and the language has a number of borrowed suffixes that derive nouns, but none to derive other parts of speech. Examples are:  -či derives nouns denoting people from nouns, adjectives, e.g. heresi-či ‘ХТКr’ < heresi ‘ХТО’  -ɬi derives abstract nouns from various parts of speech, e.g. co-ɬi ‘unity’ < co ‘ШЧО’  -ro derives agent, place, instrument and other nouns from verbal nouns, e.g. hešːtʼero ‘аСТsЭХО’ < hešːtʼeze ‘ЭШ аСТsЭХО’ There are also derived adjectives, adverbs (Section 4.6) and indefinite pronouns (Section 4.2). Verbs are derived from other verbs by means of causativization and detransitivization (Section 4.3.4). But it is also possible to derive verbs from nouns, short adjectives, adverbs and numerals. This mostly done by means of the iterative/durative suffixes and by means of the inchoative suffix -ɬi that can be added to short adjectives, numerals, interjections, etc. (26).The most productive suffix for the formation of intransitive verbs with iterative/durative meaning is -ar; other suffixes are -dar, -d, -e, -aqd, -de, -old, -ard and -anq. With some verbs ablaut is employed for the formation of (detransitivized) iterative/durative verbs. Avar has a few more suffixes for the derivation of verbs such as -χːin, which is added to nouns (26). (26) berzuq-aqd-ize ‘ПКХХ / ШММЮr ШЧ ЭСО ОвО’ < ber-zu-q ‘ШЧ ЭСО ОвО’ (ОвО-OBL-APUD) co-ɬi-ze ‘ЭШ УШТЧ, ЭШ ЛОМШЦО ШЧО’ < co ‘ШЧО’ maƛʼiχːine ‘ЭШ ЛО sХООЩв’ < maƛʼi ‘sХООЩ.OBL’ Conversion is most common for the nominal use of adjectives which does not require any special marking. Reduplication, which can be fully and partial, is found with nouns, adjectives, adverbs, numerals (for the formation of distributive numerals, see Section 4.5) and verbs. Depending on the part of speech and on the individual lexical item reduplication can convey plurality/distributivity, resemblance, emphasis, attenuation or diminishment (27). (27) kʷalkʷal ‘СТЧНrКЧМО, ШЛsЭКМХО’ (ЧШ аШrН kʷal), ašːt’i-mašt’i ‘КЧ КбО КЧН ЭСТЧРs ХТФО ТЭ’ < ašːt’i ‘КбО’ kunčʼ-kunčʼize ‘glitter, sparkle’ < kunčʼ-ize ‘glow, shine’ ɬik’a-ɬik’a-b ‘rОКХХв РШШН’ < ɬik’a-b ‘РШШН’ q’asi-q’asi ‘many evenings, at various evenings’ < q’asi ‘ТЧ ЭСО ОЯОЧТЧР’ 20 5. Syntax 5.1. Noun phrases and other types of phrases Noun phrases are normally head-final, and all types of modifiers precede their head: demonstrative pronouns (11e), (15a), numerals and other quantifiers (13b), (28), (31), (32), adjectives (32), genitive NPs (28), (36a) and relative clauses (Section 5.5.4), (44a). The order of modifiers with respect to each other is relatively free and at least partially depends on the semantics of the NPs and possible ambiguous interpretations. Thus, demonstratives and genitives often occur in the initial position preceding adjectives or relative clauses (28), but the reverse order is also attested (41a). (28) azdaho-УКɬ-ul Тčʼ-a-b=go ЛОЭʼОr dragon-obl-gen nine-adj-n=emph head ‘all nine heads of the dragon’ (Alekseev & Ataeev 1998: 72) Adjectives in NPs can occur in their short (33) or their long form (29a, b). The gender prefix of the adjective in (29b) agrees with the complement of the adjective, whereas the suffix agrees with the head noun. (29a) [Bolo=jin ab-ule-w] co МʼКЪʼ miskin-a-w čТ Bolo=quot say-ptcp.prs-m one very poor-adj-m man ‘one very poor man called Bolo’ (Alekseev & Ataeev 1998: 72) (29b) do-j ЦЮˤКХТЦ=gi namus b-acː’КН-a-j dem-f educated=add consciousness n-clean-adj-f ‘She is an educated РТrХ аТЭС К МХОКЧ МШЧsМТШЮsЧОss.’ (http://baltoslav.eu/avar/?mova=en) jas girl j-igo f-cop Only adjectives, relative clauses or genitive modifiers can follow the head at all (30). Testelets (1998a, b) found that in the Andalal dialect of Avar only modifiers that are contrasted or emphasized follow the head. (30) КЧƛ’=go qat rКƛ’-Кɬ-ul b-ЮЪ’-ana ʁajaba-ca seven=emph hand earth-obl-gen n-dig-aor shoulder.pl.obl-erg ‘His shoulders dug seven depths of earth.’ (Charachidzé 1981: 174) Definite NPs can but need not to contain a demonstrative pronoun. In example (31) both NPs are definite, but only the second one contains a demonstrative pronoun. In the function of the indefinite article the numeral one is used (32). (31) СТЭ’ТЧ-a-b little-adj-n КЧč’-i-ca bird-obl-erg he-s-da this-obl-spr ha-b dem-n ɬab-a-b=go three-adj-n=emph КЪ’ХЮ advice ЦКɬː-an=ila teach-aor=rep ‘The little bird taught these three advices to him.’ (Axlakov 1976: 28) Appositions consist of nouns having the same referent that immediately follow each other and behave like a single noun phrase. They most frequently consist of a proper name and a kinship term, of which the name often precedes the kinship term, but the reverse order is also possible and common, e.g. wacʼ ali ‘brother Ali.’ 21 NPs are coordinated by means of the additive enclitic =gi that is added to every member of the coordination (45a,b). In adjective phrases, adverbials precede adjectives (29a). In postpositional phrases, the postposition strictly follows the NP (34), (44b), but since many postpositions can also be used as adverbials, one can find examples of clauses that seem to contain postpositions in positions other than their canonical position. 5.2. Simple clause Simple clauses can be divided into copula clauses and simple verbal clauses. Copula clauses can express identity, group membership, attribution, possession, location, and existence. The copula subject is always in the absolutive case (32). The copula complement, which bears the absolutive case or any other case, may be a noun phrase, but it may also be an adjective, an adverbial, a postpositional phrase or a nominalized clause (32) co one ЛОčОНК-w rich-m či man w-uk’-an=ila m-be-aor=rep ʁШ-s-ul dem-obl-gen kuli=gi hamlet=add kolo-da Ф’ЮНТУК-b čː’КЪОЧ=gi b-ЮФ’-an=ila hamlet.obl-spr large-n wealth=add n-be-aor=rep ‘There was one rich man, he had a hamlet; and on the farm there was a lot of wealth.’ (Axlakov 1976: 14) Simple verbal clauses contain monovalent predicates, bivalent predicates, and trivalent predicates. Cases used to encode the arguments are absolutive, ergative, dative (15a), SPRessive (15b), (33), and to a lesser extent other spatial cases (16). Gender/number agreement of verbs, adverbs and postpositions is always determined by the absolutive argument of the clause. The number of arguments, the case-marking of the arguments and the agreement exponents on verbs controlled by the arguments depend on the valency classes of the verbs and on whether further valency-changing operations such as detransitivization or causativization have been applied. (33) dibir-as-da miskin mulla-obl-spr poor či man w-ix-an=ila [ КЧχri-da m-see-aor=rep hamster.obl-spr РКЦč’-al stone-pl r-Оč’-ule-w] pl-throw-ptcp.prs-m ‘The mullah saw the poor man throwing stones at the hamster.’ (Axlakov 1976: 22) While agreement and case marking follow the ergative alignment, no ergative patterns are found outside the realm of morphology. The most frequent constituent order in simple clauses is A-P-V, but all other logically possible orders are also allowed and can be found in texts to various extents (see Testelets 1998b for examples). The second most common order is A-V-P. However, it is not always straightforward to determine the constituent order because arguments that can be retrieved from the context are frequently omitted. In focus constructions with special focus particles (=χa) and also in interrogative clauses, which can be analyzed as a subtype of focus constructions, the constituent order displays some restrictions, e.g. verb-initial orders are prohibited (Testelets 1998a; Rudnev 2015). Furthermore, the constructions are cleft-like with a focused constituent to which the focus 22 marker or the interrogative particle is encliticized and a topical part in the form of a headless relative clause containing a verb in the form of a participle (Section 5.4). 5.3. Agreement Avar has combined gender/number agreement expressed by agreement prefixes, suffixes, and very occasionally infixes. The exponents are w (masculine singular), j (feminine singular), b (neuter singular) and l/r (plural) (see also Section 4.3). Within the noun phrase all modifiers that show agreement agree with the head noun (34). Within the clausal domain the agreement of verbs, adverbs and postpositions is controlled by the absolutive argument of the clause if there is any (18b), (34). Otherwise the default agreement marker b for neuter singular is used (40c). In biabsolutive constructions the agent controls the agreement of the copula-auxiliary and the suffix on the lexical verb, whereas the agreement prefix of the lexical verb is controlled by the patient (11e). (34) heni-w there-m Э’ШМОЛe first.n b-at-ara-b n-find-ptcp.pst-n rЮЪ’-ow-e house-in.m-lat žКЧТ-w-e inside-m-lat ɬЮС-an=ila enter-aor=rep ‘TСОrО СО ОЧЭОrОН ЭСО ПТrsЭ СШЮsО ЭСКЭ СО ПШЮЧН.’ (AбХКФШЯ 1976: 19) Note that the agreement suffixes of participles occurring in relative clauses are determined by the head noun, which these participial clauses modify (34), (41a, b). The prefixes, however, follow the rules of clausal agreement, i.e., they are controlled by the absolutive argument inside the participial clause (33). In complement clauses of Standard Avar, we have local agreement of the matrix predicate with the complement clause (35a, c), which means that the complement-taking predicate bears the neuter singular agreement prefix b- (35a, d). It seems that long-distance agreement is only found in Avar dialects, but not in the standard language. Examples (35b, c) represent Anzuq Avar, which considerably differs from Standard Avar, and illustrate long-distance agreement. For a complement-taking verb to show long distance agreement means that the predicate agrees with the absolutive argument of the embedded clause, which can be the single argument of an intransitive verb (35c), the patient (35b) or stimulus of an bivalent verb, etc. For instance, in (35b) the matrix verb b-aƛ’- ‘аКЧЭ, ХШЯО’ rОЪЮТrОs КЧ ОбЩОrТОЧМОr argument in the dative and a stimulus argument in the absolutive. The absolutive argument in (35b) belongs to the embedded clause since it represents the single argument of the verb ƛ’ap- ‘ЛОКЭ, СТЭ’, ЛЮЭ ТЭ МШЧЭrШХs the agreement on the matrix predicate. Similarly, (35c) does not contain an argument in the absolutive because the dative argument controls the absolutive argument of the infinitive. Nevertheless the gender agreement prefixes of the matrix predicate are w- and thus controlled by the omitted absolutive argument waša ‘ЛШв’. Sentence (35d) shows the Standard Avar version of (35c), and instantiated local agreement. (35a) Standard Avar [ʁo-j-e Э’КН-e j-aχ-ine] b-oƛʼ-ila=an di-je dem-f-lat up-lat f-move-inf n-want-fut=quot 1sg-dat ‘I (fem.) want to go up there.’ (modified from Charachidzé 1981: 171) (35b) Anzuq Avar (Kibrik 2003: 458) УКšК-ɬu-je [аКšК ƛ’КЩ-žТЖ girl-obl-dat boy beat-inf w-Кƛ’-un m-want-cvb 23 w-ona m-cop ‘TСО РТrХ аКЧЭs ЭШ ЛОКЭ ЭСО ЛШв.’ (35c) Anzuq Avar (Kibrik 2003: 459) аКšК-s-e [ƛ’ТЭ’-žТЖ w-Кƛ’-un boy-obl-dat sleep-inf m-want-cvb ‘TСО ЛШв аКЧЭs ЭШ sХООЩ.’ (35d) Standard Avar was-as-e [ƛ’Тž-ize] b-Шƛʼ-un boy-obl-dat sleep-inf n-want-cvb ‘TСО ЛШв аКЧЭs ЭШ sХООЩ.’ (elicited) w-ona m-cop b-ugo n-cop 5.4. Interrogative clauses Polar interrogatives are obligatorily marked with the enclitics =(j)išː and =daj. The enclitics are added to the verb or to the focus of the clause. The verb can be finite (36a, b) or occur in the form of participles (37a, b). When the interrogative particle is encliticized to a finite verb form the final vowel of the TAM suffix is dropped (36a, b). In analytic verb forms the particle can be added to the lexical verb, which occurs in the form of a converb or participle (37b), or to the copula-auxiliary (37a). (36a) beh-ila-r=Тšː be.possible-fut-neg=q dun 1sg ЧТž-er=go čК Кг-d-e 1pl.excl-gen=emph man.pl.obl-spr-lat КРКr-d-e close-spr-lat w-ТЭ’-ize? m-send-inf ‘Is ТЭ ЧШЭ ЩШssТЛХО ЭШ sОЧН ЦО (ЦКsМ.) МХШsОr ЭШ Цв ЩОШЩХО?’ (AбХКФШЯ 1976: 29) (36b) PКЭ’ТЦКЭ, mun žОРТ ƛ’Тž-un j-ТР=Тšː? Patimat, 2sg still sleep-cvb f-cop=q ‘Patimat, are you still sleeping?’ (AХОФsООЯ ОЭ КХ. 2014: 278) The use of participles in polar questions is very widespread. Formally, this means that a nonfinite verb form (i.e. a participle) functions as head of the clause (37a, b). The use of participles instead of finite verb forms is not only common in Avar interrogative clauses but also in focus construction that make use of the enclitics =in and =χa. Thus, it is natural to analyze them analyze them along similar lines as cleft-like focus constructions with a focal part marked by the interrogative particle and a topical part expressed like a relative clause by means of participles. (37a) ku-n r-aq-ara-l=daj, naqe r-uge-l=daj? eat-cvb pl-finish-ptcp.pst-pl=q back pl-cop.ptcp-pl=q ‘DТН (аО) ПТЧТsС ОКЭТЧР Шr КrО ЭСОrО ХОПЭ ШЯОrs?’ (AбХКФШЯ 1976: 9) (37b) mun žОРТ ƛ’Тž-ЮЧ=Тšː j-ige-j? 2sg still sleep-cvb=q f-cop.ptcp-f ‘ArО вШЮ sЭТХХ sХООЩТЧР?’ (AХОФsООЯ ОЭ КХ. 2014: 278) Content interrogatives can have the interrogative pronoun in-situ and ex-situ in clause-initial or clause-final position, the use of participles is obligatory, and no interrogative particle is 24 employed. The verb can never occur in the initial position of a content interrogative. Rudnev (2015: Chapter 4) argues for major syntactic differences between in-situ and ex-situ interrogatives. (38) “šːКУ=ТЧ why=emph žТЧ-da refl.sg-spr ɬК-za-b-Тč’О-b?”=КЧ know-caus-n-ptcp.pst.neg-n=quot Д КгЮ-jal-da snow-obl-spr ЛКНТЛč’аКУ ha-b-ize] ɬЮС-un w-ugo reproach do-n-inf begin-cvb m-cop ‘(The man) began to blame the snow, “Аhy did you not inform me?”’ (Axlakov 1976: 28) 5.5. Complex clauses Sentences in Avar can be fairly complex containing a number of subordinate clauses are combined with one main clause. 5.5.1. Coordination The major way of expressing clause coordination is constructions with general converbs such as the perfective converb (39c). Another possibility is asyndetic coordination, i.e., juxtaposition of main clauses. The third option is the use of conjunctions. Avar has the conjunctive coordinators wa ‘КЧН’, amma ‘ЛЮЭ’ (13a) and the disjunctions ja, jagi and jaɬuni ‘Шr, ОТЭСОr, ЧОТЭСОr’ of which wa, amma and ja are loans. The use of wa is rather rare and confined to official, written texts. 5.5.2. Adverbial clauses Adverbial clauses are formed by means of general or specialized converbs, including conditionals (39a) and concessives. Adverbial clauses are mostly but not exclusively verbfinal and precede the main clause, but other constituent orders are allowed. For instance, they may appear within the main clause. They can but need not to share the subject with the main clause. In case of shared subject the subject referent will normally appear only once per complex clause (39c). Adverbial clauses cannot express absolute tense or evidentiality, but take over these values from the main clause. Similarly, illocutionary marking is banned from adverbial clauses, but the illocutionary value of the main clause can optionally be extended to include the adverbial clause. Focus-sensitive particles and interrogative pronouns are allowed to occur. (39a) b-Тč-Тč’ШРШ b-at-ani, ʁШ-b ЦО Оr ЧШžШ-je ƛ’-ela n-sell-cvb.neg n-find-cond dem-n mountain 2pl-dat give-fut ‘If (he) did not sell it, he will give you the pasture (i.e. mountain).’ (Charachidzé 1981: 196) (39b) ЦОχ moment šːʷ-ela-ldego return-ptcp.fut-before χʷ-ara-w die-ptcp.pst-m χКХЪ’-al-da people-obl-spr rТχ-ara-w w-ЮФ’-una-ro dislike-ptcp.pst-m m-be-prs-neg ‘People do not dislike the one who dies early (i.e. before the time came).’ (because he did not have enough time to behave badly and commit sins) (adopted from Axlakov 1976: 10) 25 (39c) he-l=gi co para-jal-da ɬО-ɬ Э’Оrб-un, ʁКЧЪ’-an=ila this-pl=add one moment-obl-spr water-inter sink-cvb drown-aor=rep ‘In one second they also sank into the water and drowned.’ (Axlakov 1976: 36) Semantically, adverbial clauses headed by the perfective converb, which belongs to the general converbs, often resemble coordination (39c). The syntactic characteristics of constructions with general converbs in Nakh-Daghestanian languages have repeatedly been discussed because they exhibit a mixed behavior showing features of subordination as well as of coordination (see, e.g., Kazenin & Testelets 2004, Creissels 2010, Forker 2013), although for Avar this issue still deserves further investigation. 5.5.3. Complement clauses Complement constructions is a rather heterogeneous type of complex sentences. Non-finite complement clauses prevail. They make use of the infinitive (36a), participles (40a), the masdar (40c) or occasionally converbs. The masdar can take cases suffixes in certain types of complement clauses. Furthermore, complement clauses of the fact type often contain the nominalizing suffix -ɬi (40b). Which complementation strategy is employed depends on the complement-taking predicate and on the semantics of the complement clause (e.g. propositional type vs. fact type). For instance, complement clauses of ɬaze ‘ФЧШа’ КrО СОКНОН by a participle if they contain an indirect question (40a), or otherwise they are headed by a finite verb or a participle plus -ɬi (40b). (40a) di-da ɬК-la-ro [kin du-ca Ъ’КЛЮХ ha-b-ile-b dun] 1SG-SPR know-PRS-NEG how 2SG-ERG accepting do-N-PTCP.PRS-N 1SG ‘I НШ ЧШЭ ФЧШа СШа вШЮ аТХХ rОМОТЯО ЦО.’ (Alekseev & Ataev 1998: 111) (40b) di-da ɬК-na [soncicin he-j zawod-al-da j-ТФ’-ТЧč’Ш-ɬТЖ 1SG-LOC know-AOR yesterday DEM-F factory-OBL-SPR F-be.AOR.NEG-NMLZ ‘I ФЧОа ЭСКЭ sСО аКs ЧШЭ ТЧ ЭСО factory вОsЭОrНКв.’ (Alekseev & Ataev 1998: 110-111) (40c) he-l-da-ɬЮЧ this-OBL-SPR-LIKE b-Тčː’-ana N-understand-AOR di-da 1SG-SPR [dur aslu 2SG.GEN origin harduqa-baz-ul b-ЮФ’-in] beggar-PL.OBL-GEN N-be-MSD ‘FrШЦ ЭСТs I ЮЧНОrsЭШШН ЭСКЭ вШЮ аОrО ШП К ЛОРРКr’s ШrТРТЧ.’ (AбХКФШЯ 1976: 12) CШЦЩХОЦОЧЭs ШП ЭСО ЩОrМОЩЭТШЧ ЯОrЛ ‘sОО’ ШП ЭСО ПКМЭ ЭвЩО МШЧЭКТЧ ЩКrЭТМТЩХОs (33). Infinitival complements can take their own subject, but not in case of identity between the subject of the main clause and the subject of the complement clause (38). As other types of complex clauses, non-finite complement clauses show a strong preference for verb-final constituent order, but as (40a) shows there are exceptions. The gender affix of the matrix predicate shows either local agreement with the complement clause as a whole (neuter singular) (40c) or it agrees with the absolutive argument of the embedded clause, which is called ‘long-distance КРrООЦОЧЭ’ (35b, c). Long-distance agreement is not attested in Standard Avar, but see Kibrik (2003: 458-459) for more data from Anzuq Avar. Reported speech constructions allow for finite complements that are marked with the quotative enclitics =(j)an (44b), =ila(n) (also used as hearsay evidential marker), =jilan and, more rarely, =(j)in. Embedded questions additionally take the marker =ali (17). 26 5.5.4. Relative clauses The major strategy for forming relative clauses in Avar is participle constructions. The gap in the particle clause is identical to the head of the relative clause. The suffix of the participle exhibits gender agreement with the head of the relative clause. For instance, in (41a) it is controlled by the noun in the absolutive and not the immediately preceding noun. Therefore, the head noun of the relative clause must be jas ‘РТrХ’. Relative clauses, just like other nominal modifiers, precede the head noun. Constituent order in the relative clause is predominantly verb-final, and verb-initial relative clauses are strictly prohibited. Almost all positions can be relativized with a gap, including S, A (41a), P (44a), experiencer (41b) and stimulus (41c). See Rudnev (2015: Chapter 3) for more details on the syntactic properties of relative clauses in Avar. (41a) [dur wac-al č’ʷК-ra-j] ЩКčК -as-ul jas=gi 2sg.gen brother-pl kill-ptcp.pst-f king-obl-gen girl=add ‘and the ФТЧР’s НКЮРСЭОr who has killed your brothers’ (Bokarev 1949: 71) (41b) [he-b ЩТšК b-ix-ara-j] xera-j dem-n business n-see-ptcp.pst-f old-f ‘ЭСО ШХН (ХКНв) аСШ sКа ЭСО ЛЮsТЧОss’ (http://baltoslav.eu/avar/?mova=en) (41c) [b-Шƛ’-ara-b] žШ har-e! n-want-ptcp.pst-n thing ask-imp ‘Ask the thing that you want!’ (Axlakov 1976: 32) Polinsky et al. (2012) present the results of a processing experiment on relativization in Avar, so far the only experimental study of a Daghestanian language. They show that an S gap in a relative clause is processed much faster than A and P gaps, and the two latter gaps are processed at about the same rate. 5.6. Reflexivization and reciprocalization In local reflexive constructions, pronouns are bound by an antecedent within the same clause. With first and second person the normal personal pronouns occur; for third person the reduplicated and the complex reflexive pronouns are used (Section 4.2). As Rudnev (2017: 158) shows, the reflexive pronoun can be semantically interpreted as a bound variable. (42) КХТ-ca (žТЧ-ca=go) žТ-w=go ɬЮЪʼ-ana Ali-erg refl-erg=emph refl-m=emph wound-aor ‘Ali wounded himself.’ (Testelets & Toldova 1998: 45) With verbs of certain valency classes (e.g. affective verbs that take a dative experiencer) it is possible to reverse the case marking of experiencer and stimulus (43), a phenomenon widespread in Nakh-Daghestanian languages (Forker 2014). (43) Madina žТ-j=go žТЧ-di-je=go Madina refl-f=emph refl-obl-dat=emph ‘Madina loves herself.’ (ОХТМТЭОН) j-Шƛʼ-ula f-love-prs In non-local reflexive constructions, the complex reflexive ži-b=go occurs (44a). The simple reflexive ži-b, by contrast, functions only as a logophoric pronoun in reported speech and 27 other constructions in which the pronouns indicates that the speaker or attitude holder is identical to a referent in the quote (44b). (44a) Ф’ЮНТУa-w old-m čТ man [žin-ca=go refl-erg=emph ab-ura-l] say-ptcp.pst-pl rК КЛКг-da-sa word.pl.obl-spr-abl ЩКšЦКЧɬ-an=ila regret-aor=rep ‘The old man regretted for the words said by him.’ (Axlakov 1976: 10) (44b) “žТ-w=gi cadaq w-Кč-e!=УКЧ” har-an=ila Malla.Nasrudin-i-ca refl-m=add together m-bring-imp=quot ask-aor=rep Mulla.Nasredin-obl-erg ‘“Take me also together with you!” begged Mullah Nasrudin.’ (Axlakov 1976: 33) In reciprocal constructions, the reversal of case marking with transitive and affective predicates is almost obligatory (Yamada 2013). The pronoun co ca- is usually not controlled by an antecedent in the ergative, but the antecedent must be in the absolutive (45a). However, some speakers allow both the canonical roles and the reversed roles (45b). Yamada (2013) comes to the conclusion that the construction in (45a) must be intransitive. This means that the antecedent that is the agent in the canonical reciprocal construction becomes an S argument marked with the absolutive case when the roles are reversed. The reflexive is demoted from P to oblique marked with the ergative case. (45a) КХТ=РТ Musa=gi co.caca r-ОМː-ana Ali=ADD Musa=ADD REC.ERG PL-praise-AOR ‘AХТ КЧН MЮsК ЩrКТsОН ОКМС ШЭСОr.’ (elicited) (45b) КХТ-ca=gi Musa-ca=gi co.cal r-ОМː-ana Ali-ERG=ADD Musa-ERG=ADD REC.ABS PL-praise-AOR ‘AХТ КЧН MЮsК ЩrКТsОН ОКМС ШЭСОr.’ (elicited) 6. Potential areas of research - phonology: tense vs. geminate consonants, - Avar dialects that strongly differ from Standard Avar (e.g. Zakatal Avar) - syntax is generally not very well-researched (except for reflexivization, reciprocalization and relative clauses) - sociolinguistic topics: language contact within the Nakh-Daghestanian family and Avar influence on other Daghestanian languages - any experimental approaches Acknowledgements Zabikhat Ocomieva-Tagirova, Zulajkhat Mallaeva and Diana Shabanova for help with the Daghestanian data. Abbreviations abl ablative abs absolutive 28 add additive adj adjectivizer aor aorist КЩЮН ХШМКХТгКЭТШЧ ‘ЧОКr, Лв, КЭ’ caus causative cond conditional cop copula cvb converb dat dative excl exclusive f feminine fut future gen genitive gm gender marker emph emphatic erg ergative imp imperative inf infinitive ТЧЭОr ХШМКХТгКЭТШЧ ‘ТЧЭОr’ lat lative m masculine n neuter neg negation obl oblique stem pl plural proh prohibitive prs present pst past ptcp participle q interrogative quot quotative rec reciprocal refl reflexive rep reportative sg singular sЩr ХШМКЭТШЧ ‘ШЧ, ТЧ’ References Axlakov, A. A. 1976. Avarskie teksty. In Axlakov, A. A. & X M. Xalilov (eds.) Satira i jumor narodov Dagestana, 7–42. Makhachkala: Daginogoizdat. Alekseev, Mixail E. & Boris M. Ataev. 1997. Avarskij jazyk. Moscow: Academia. Alekseev, Mixail E., S. Z. Alixanov, B. M. Ataev, M. A. Magomedov, M. I. Magomedov, G. I. Madieva, P. A. Saidova & Dzh. S. Samedov. 2014. Sovremennyj avarskij jazyk. Makhachkala: Aleph. 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