The Prayer of Jesus in Matthew'^
ASHER FINKEL
Two forms of Jesus' Prayer (=JP) are transmitted in the Gospels, Matt
6,9-13 and Luke 11,2-4. This fact raises questions^ as to the original
composition of JP and as to the historical process of its dual transmis
sion. The Lukan shorter version seems to be original, since liturgical
texts tend to grow with time.^ The Matthean longer version appears to
have preserved the original wording and the Semitic poetic balance.^
The liturgical development is credited to the oral transmission of JP in
two separate churches", or even to the redactional work of Matthew
expanding on Mark®. However, JP in either form was originally trans
mitted as "lectio brevior" to be used by his followers. The knowledge of
JP and the privilege of using it were reserved for the full members of the
church only.® No author would have dared to produce additional brief
petitions or to make alterations in JP on his own.
The differences in the form and its intended usage must be first seen
in light of composition criticism. The particular location in the Gospel, as
governed by the structural presentation of the surrounding material, is
to be examined in view of the redactional arrangement, given stresses,
added comments and the specific terminology of the writer: Thus, the
particular orientation, purpose and meaning of JP can be determined for
each Gospel. The compositional evaluation must take into account the
total tradition on prayer as it appears in Matthew and in Luke-Acts
respectively.'' This is to be considered in relation to the liturgical practice
of the early church® and in view of Jewish prayer in the Temple and in
the synagogue.® The results of this investigation are to be separated
from the study of JP itself. Its meaning^'' can be only understood in
*This article is presented in honor a n d recognition^ of Msgr. Oesterreicher's relentless
intercessory effort in behalf of the Jewish people a n d the state of Israel. His writings a n d
lectures over the past years a n d his vision of Jewish-Christian scholarly cooperation in the
development of a graduate program at Seton Hall University are lasting contributions to a
period of understanding between Jews a n d Christians initiated in our time. Let his Hebrew
name be the acknowledgement that h e is a person w h o m " G o d has graced" (Yo-Hanan).
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relation to other reliable teachings of Jesus and in the context of Jewish
practice.
JP appears to have been transmitted prior to the composition of the
Gospel in two ways. 1) JP like other teachings of Jesus, in particular the
parables, were viewed as Scriptures to be interpreted. The Gospel
writers record not only JP but also its commentary in the form of a
derived lesson (Matt 6,14.15) or in the form of juxtaposition to parables
illustrating particular meaning (Luke 11,5-13). It would be incorrect to
argue that the writer composed both JP and its commentary. 2) JP
appears to govern the redactional arrangement of other sections in
Matthew. This clearly demonstrates that his circle was already ac
quainted with its particular petitions. For Matthew is consciously
employing them as a guide to the composition of his Gospel. The Lukan
shorter form preserves with slight variations petitions identical to the
Matthean text. It appears to be an early reliable Palestinian tradition,
which Luke would not attempt to alter. Why then were two forms of JP
transmitted as sacred texts, i.e. as Scriptures to be interpreted, during
the Apostolic period? This article reexamines both the Matthean under
standing of JP as reflected in his composition and the meaning of "Pater
Noster" as a teaching of Jesus. It also distinguishes between the two
forms as originally transmitted. However, the Lukan version in the
context of his composition deserves a separate study.
Matthew presents JP of seven brief petitions in a section on the Jewish
pietistic triad of almsgiving, prayer and fasting (6,1-18). This section
which appears in the Sermon on the Mount as a redacted collection of
Jesus' t e a c h i n g s , i s introduced with an admonition: "Beware of prac
ticing your piety before men in order to be seen by them, for then you
will have no reward.,from your Father who is in heaven." It then enu
merates the acts of piety in three similarly structured paragraphs that
reiterate the admonitory phrases. The three paragraphs speak of
"when you give alms" (2-4), "when you pray" (5-6) and "when you
fast" (16-18). They repeat the caution: "As the hypocrites . . . that they
may be praised/seen by men. Amen, I say to you, that they have their
reward." They offer the contrasting advice: "But when you give alms/
pray/fast . . . do so in secret a n d your Father who sees in secret will
reward you." Matthew employs here the homiletic admonitory form,
which usually refers to heavenly reward and punishment. It was a
common theological appeal made by the rabbinic and Christian preach
ers as reprovers of the community. Thus, elsewhere in the Gospels
Matthew concludes with similar admonitory forms.
In this section the homiletic stress on reward and punishment brings
into question the public Jewish pietistic acts which seek God's favor in
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
133
time of distress. The community is summoned to give alms, to fast and
to stand praying in the synagogues or in the town-square (Matt 6,5 the
corners of plateia •= rehobh, M. Ta'anit 2,1). The public display of peni
tential acts is solicited by the religious teachers during a period of national
calamity, especially at the time of drought affecting the agrarian society.
The proscribed acts on a fast day as referred to in Matt 6,17 (no washing
nor rubbing with oil) were occasioned by a period of drought extending
into the mid-third month of Fall (M. Ta'anit 1,6)-. This was the practice
before the Destruction to gather in the Temple or locally in the townsquare and synagogue. It remained the practice for the latter-after the
Destruction. Two' centuries later R. Elazar ben Pedath captures its
meaning with a summary statement.^'* "Three things cancel out the
harsh decree and they are prayer, almsgiving and repentance." He bases
all three on God's response in a vision to Solomon following his prayer
(2Chr 7,13-14). "When I shuLup the heavens and there is no rain. . . and
My people, who are called b y M y name humble themselves, pray (i.e.
prayer) and seek My Face (i.e. the righteous act of charity, in view of Ps
17,15) and turn away from their wicked ways (i.e. repentance). Then I
will hear from heaven." This addition in Chtonicles to 2Kgs 9,2 indeed
reflects the scribal understanding of the practice during the Second
Temple period.
A t such calamitous occasions-, trumpets were sounded and the elders
conducted the service (M. Ta'anit 2,1.2.5). In the Matthean section, they
are the scribes and Pharisees who are called hypocrites (compare 6,1
with 5,20). Matthew did not develop this section in opposition to a
Jamnian revised agenda of pietistic practice.^® Matthew is preserving
redactionally Jesus' response to public demonstration of piety in time of
distress. This teaching relates to the common knowledge of .public
Jewish practice during and aftef the time of Jesus.^®'Thus, Jesus* taught
that your alms should be in secret, alluding to Prov 21,14: "Alms in
secret avert anger." The stress is on averting evil judgment. Jesus taught
also that the prayer should be in private, alluding to Isa -26,20: "Go my
people, enter into'your storeroom (LXX and Matt 6,5 : tamieion), shut
your door . . . until the anger of the Lord has passed away." The stress
is again on averting the evil judgment. Jesus taught that public fast
should not become simply an act of bodily abstinence. He alluded to Isa
58,5, the admonitory lesson preached on such occasions. "Is such the
fast that I choose . . . td bow* down the head like a rush and to spread
sackcloth and ashes?" In contrast to these overt penitential actions,
Isaiah depicts i n the following verses the proper acts of righteousness.
These are feeding the hungry, welcoming the oppressed stranger,
clothing the naked (v 7) and vjsiting those who are in chains (including
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S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
the sick, v 6). Matthew cites them in the scene of the Judgment Day,
attributed to Jesus (25,42.43). In the performance of these altruistic
actions, Matthew understands Jesus' demand for sincere pietistic ex
pression as seeking closeness to God (Isa 58,2c; for Matt 25,40.45: a n
identity with Jesus). Thus, the admonitory introduction of Matt 6,1
refers to "practicing your piety {dikaiosyne=sedaqah)" in view of Isa 58,2:
"As a people {goy; Matt 6,7 ethnikos, included the Jewish community)
who practiced righteousness (sedaqah)." Matthew opens the section with
an allusion to Isa 58,2 and he closes with a lesson on fasting, which
echoes verse 5 of Isa 58. He reserves the reference to verses 6-7 for the
last long discourse of his Gospel. For the reference is repeated redactionally (25>35-39.42-44) in the apocalytic teaching of Jesus on final
reward and punishment.
JP is attached to the homiletic paragraph on prayer. This section
provides the public Jewish practice in time of distress as background.
For Matthew wishes to introduce the abbreviated JP in contrast to the
longest liturgical service held on commuhal fast days. The public Jewish
prayer included six petitions with respective Scriptural readings, fol
lowing "Redeemer of Israel", in the daily Eighteen Benedictions, The
twenty-four petitions were recited in the Temple or locally in the
town-square by religious officials. The additional petitions make also'an
appeal to God, "who hearkens to prayer". This formula, which echoes
Ps 65,3, became the liturgical seal for public and private intercession. It is
already reflected in the appeal which Solomon repeated to God in the
First Temple that in time of distress, public prayer and private supplica
tion will be heard in heaven (IKgs 8,30.32.34.36.39.43). Similarly it is
found in the Levitical prayer to God in the Second Temple during a
period of national fast (Neh 9,27.28). In both cases it is an appeal to
God's mercy. For it captures the ultimate expression of faith for the one
who prays. It is heartfelt speech before God, whose Presence is ad
dressed and whose mercy is sought.
Tefillah in biblical Hebrew means intercession, to plead a case before
the merciful Judge in heaven for the sake of the community. Thus, the
Middle Section of the daily Tefillah consists of collective petitions for
existential and eschatological needs. It converts the singular to the
plural, in conformity with the "We" petitions, when citing Ps 119,153 for
"Redeemer of Israel" and Jer 17,14 for "Healer of the Sick". This Middle
Section concluded with an appeal: "Hearken, O Lord our God, to the
voice of our prayers for you are merciful and compassionate. Blessed are
you the Lord who hearkens to prayer" (the Palestinian recension). The
private petitions of the High Priest, following the public reading on the
Day of Atonement, conclude with: "Supplication and' entreaty before
Prayer o f Jesus in Matthew
135
you in behalf of your people Israel who need to be redeemed. Blessed is
the Lord who hearkens to prayer" (MYoma 7.1; bYoma 70b and bSotah
41a). Both private and collective Tefillah have the same liturgical seal.
The Lengthy and Abbreviated Communal Prayers
During the Second Temple period in addition to the special communal
fast days, there were daily gatherings in the synagogue or in the
town-square for a public liturgical service.^" Communal fast days were
proclaimed by the religious teachers in time of distress only. Yet, every
day of a particular week, the townpeople would also gather to witness a
liturgical service conducted by the members of the Ma'amad. They were
the religious lay delegates of the community on their way to the Temple
to be present during the sacrificial and prayer service. They acted as the
community's intercessors before God's Presence in the Temple. Thus
they fasted during the week: "on Monday i n behalf of sea voyagers; on
Tuesday in behalf of those who travel in the desert (the caravans); on
Wednesday in behalf of infants that croup may not attack them; on
Thursday in behalf of pregnant women that should not miscarry and in
behalf of nursing mothers that their children should not die" (jTa'anit
4,4;68b and bTa'anit 27b). Each day they read a selection from the Story
of Creation, referring to God's providential care of his work on the
particular day (MTa'anit 4,2 and above, compare Sopherim 17,4). They
offered the Tefillah in which the Middle Section concluded with the
clause: "The Lord who hearkens to prayer."
Every day at the sacrificial service of the Temple, the Levitical choir
chanted a given Psalm (MTamid 7,4; see the explanation of R. Aqiba in
bRosh Hashanah 31a) and the priests offered the intercessory petition
for God's acceptance of the service (bTa'anit 27b). This petition ended
with: "You alone shall we serve in awe," echoing Deut 6,13. This text is
cited by Jesus in the Temptation Story, while Q preserves the liturgical
phraseology "alone". It is also used by the Tannaim as Scriptural basis
for the inclusion of prayer along with or without sacrifices in the service
before God^^ (Sifre to Deut 11,13 in view of Midrash Hagadol to Deut
6,13). For it was the practice in the Second Temple to offer intercessory
prayer and private supplications at the time of sacrifice (e.g. Luke 1,10).
In response to prayer in the Temple the priestly petition for the service
reads: "Accept in favor, O Lord our God, your people Israel and their
prayers and may daily the (sacrificial) service of your people Israel be
acceptable in favor before you." The prayer service of the synagogal
Ma^mad and the priestly liturgy for the Daily Offering and the Festivals
gave rise to the liturgical structure of the synagogue after the Destruc-
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S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
tion.22 Their combined petitions were arranged and edited in Jamnia as
the daily Eighteen Benedictions corresponding to the times of sacrifices
in the pre-Destruction days. Their essential structure preserved the
wording of the Second Temple p e r i o d . Jamnia reserved the Middle
Section for the weekdays only and its liturgical seal, "who hearkens to
prayer", for private supplication and fast days,24 as it was the practice in
pre-Destruction days. Three times daily the synagogal community of
fered Tefillah of the Ma'amad and the priests as intercession for those
who are in distress or are threatened by it.^s
This is the historical background for public lengthy Jewish prayer
known from the time of Jesus to the time of Matthew. The communal
fast days fell on Mondays and Thursdays (MTa'^anit; 2,9); whereas the
private fasts of the Ma'amad lasted from Monday to Thursday. O n both
occasions the Tefillah was offered to the "Lord who hearkens to prayer."
This relationship between fasting and public prayer is the background to
the Didache's section^® on fasting not on Monday and Thursday and on
praying the abbreviated JP in the Matthew form with a communal
doxology. Like Matthew, it views JP in light of public Jewish prayer in
time of distress (fast days) and for those in distress (daily). Curiously,
the Tiberian Amora Yohanan of the Third Century, who was acquainted
with the Nazareans of GaUlee, offers the reason for the Ma'amad not
fasting on Sunday: "So they will not say while we (the Christians)
celebrate, they (the Jews) are fasting" (bTa'anit 17^ and Sopherim 17,4,
ed Higger 300 n 22). For the tradition of the lay Ma'amad and priestly
watches were kept alive liturgically, and Yohanan produces an explana
tion elicited by the Jewish-Christian conflict. Only after the Bar Kochba
period, the conflict with Jewish-Christians gave rise to the inclusion of
"Nazareans" in the Jamnian malediction against Minim, the heretics of
the Jewish community. The Genizah text of the later centuries adds
"Noserim" to "Minim", and the Patristic heretical lists preserve this
distinction between "Minim" in pre-Bar Kochba days Qustin, Dialogue
80: Genistai) and Noserim" of the Third Century (Epiphanius, Panarion
29.1, Compare Jerome, Epistle to Augustine; Commentarv to Isa 2 1849,7;52,4).
^
' '
Matthew transmits JP as an abbreviated form of ecclesiastical interces
sion in time of distress. This is developed in the introductory comments
to JP. "Do not use stammering (batto-) phrases as the Gentiles do, for
they think that they will be heard for their many words" (6,7). This
appears as the first explanation, pointing to the cacophonic litany of the
crowds," who repeat the cry: "Answer us", in time of distress. The
stammering manner of collective shouts reflects disorder, lack of
confidence or even scruple. Likewise the frenzied Gentile crowds in
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
137
worship were seen by Jews and Christians in Syria. The Gentiles were
participating in mystery cultic service with its mytho-dramatic forms of
purgation and jubilation.2® The abbreviated form of JP is offered in
conti'ast. The Christian communify is to pray in harmony and in order,
displaying confidence and' unity in their appeal to God. Matthew s
particular stress on no hypocrisy but purity of the heart (5,8) and
integrity (5,48) supports this observation. A contemporary pious
teacher, Hanina beri Dosa,^^ noted for his efficacious intercession,
related that only such prayer spoken in a non-stammering manner
{"shegurah bephyio" in contrast to "megamgem") is acceptable to God
(MBerakhot 5,5 and the story in bBer 34*'). Thus, R. Aqiba maintains that
the Jamnian standardized Eighteen Benedictions can only be said if
spoken in a nonstammering'manner; otherwise an abbreviated form
should be recited (MBer 4,3).
The second introductory comment to J P states: "For your Father
knows what you require before you ask him (6,8). The object-clause
reads alliteratively in Aramaic: "debhaHthun qadam debhaHthun.'
Significantly, "debhaHthun" can be hranslated as what "you require" or
"you ask" as well as "you pray". For speech before God points to a faith
in the Omniscient One, who searches the human heart and is cognizant
of its needs. God alone knows the sincere act of repentance and prayer
of the community in time of distress. Thus, the Palestinian Targum to
Exod 2,25 renders "God knows" (the plight and the cry of Israel in
bondage) as "The repentance that (Israel) did in secret, for no one knew
of his fellow's (act of repentance), was known to him". (Compare
Mekhilta to Exod 19,2). Matthew prefaces the second explanation to JP
as Scriptural support for the efficacy of abbreviated prayer. He alludes
to Isa 65,24a: "Before they call (Targum: pray) I will answer them
(Targum: receive their prayer)." The later Christian homiletic work
(2Clem 15) refers to the second half of this verse: "While they are yet
speaking I will hear," as an exhortation to pray with confidence to God.
He conflates it with Isa 58,9a: "I will say behold I am," the prospect of
God's Presence at time of prayer and fasting'(2Clem 15,4 thinks of Jesus
Presence; so Apostolic Constitutions 7.38: "The Lord be with you upon
earth" in response to the enti-eaty of "You receive the prayers of your
people", 7.37). Like Matthew, the homilist relates the proper per
formance of the pietistic tiriad of almsgiving, prayer and fasting
(2Clem 16,4).
Matthew introduces JP with an allusion to Isa 65,24. This is significant
in light of the rabbinic use of the Isaiah verse as a demonstration for the
efficacy of brief prayer. "There is a prayer that even before one utters it,
it is answered," citing I s a 65,24 (Deut Rabba 2,10 to 4,8; the reading of
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S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
Yalqut Simeoni to Isa 65,24; 509). It is compared with the brief interces
sion of Moses (Num 12,13) which averted God's judgment (Sifre ad
loc. and Midrash Prov 4;2,7b). The example of Moses became the practice
of the Righteous in formulating brief Tefillah (Mekhilta Simeon to Exod
15,25). It also prompted R. Eliezer of the First Century to question the
sincere intent of the one who abbreviated his prayer in public in order
''that they will say: He is a disciple of the Sages" (idem, omitted in
bBerakhot 34a). Similarly Jesus criticized those who pray in order to be
seen by men. For Jesus, like the Sages, as well as the Righteous and the
Prophets before them, also lived a life of intercessory prayer in healing
and in solitude (the Synoptic tradition). The prayers of Jesus preserved
in the Gospels reflect his use of brief forms. JP as transmitted in both
Gospels consists of brief intercessory petitions. However, the liturgical
intent for the followers is different. In Matthew JP is intended for the
community and in Luke for the apostles. The difference between the
communal prayer (Tefillah =proseuche) and the private supplication
(Tahanun=deesis) will be reflected in their respective forms. The
meaning and usage of brief prayer" (Tefillah Qesarah) for the com
munity and for the individuals must be first discussed.
The biblical orientation for Tefillah Qesarah is reflected in the Isaiah
verse (65,24). Prayer can be a continual human exercise in seeking
closeness to God's P r e s e n c e . G o d , however, is always ready to re
spond to sincere appeal in moments of despair. Total reliance on God's
mercy in the expression of humility and love is the sincere attitude of the
one who prays. He relates to God as a son or as a servant in doing his
will. The Prophets and the Psalmists,3i who lived a life of prayer in
closeness with God, assumed such an attitude.32 They related to God
affectively and they expressed theopathically their desire before him. At
the same time they stressed purity of the heart and the purity of action in
daily life. For they themselves were deeply affected by the needs and the
misdeeds of the community. They approached God in behalf of the
people as a defense attorney arguing his case before the heavenly
court. 33 In pathos of altruistic love they interceded for the salvation of
the community, which has rejected and even persecuted them.34 The
Righteous or the Pious in the later period adopted the life style of the
Prophets and the Psalmists. They were known for their life of prayer and
efficacious intercession. This was the life style of John the Baptist and
James the brother of Jesus (Eusebius, Historia Eccl 2.23), who were
called the Righteous (Mk 6,20 and Eusebius ad loc. respectively.) Also
among the early rabbis, before and after the Destruction, there were the
Righteous or the Pious who lived a life of intercessory prayer. They are
mentioned in the Tefillah, the petition on the Righteous. The Christian
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
139
community was acquainted with the prayer life of the Baptist's disciples
and the Pharisees (Lk 5,33). It promoted the same among their own
members (Acts 1,14; 2,42; Col 5,2; IThess 5,16, ITim 2,1; Jam 4,13; IPet
4,7). It, therefore, treasured as efficacious prayer the particular brief
petitions of Jesus. For Jesufe, who was called "ho dikaios"^^ (Acts 3,14:
Peter; 22,14: Ananias; Jam 5,6), remained in the mind of his Jewish
believers even greater than all the Prophets.3®
Two types of brief forms of Tefillah are described by R. Joshua the
Levite, who was acquainted with the Temple liturgy, 3^ He transmits a
private brief supplication, which begins and ends with the phraseology
of the last private petitipn of the High Priest on the Day of Atonement
(MBerakhot 4,4). This intercessory form (which is also alluded to in Rom
9,1) is to be said on the road in the face of danger. In addition, R. Joshua
speaks of the abbreviated form of the communal Eighteen Benedictions
(ibid. 4,3). Both brief forms, for the community and the individual on the
road, conclude with the seal, "who hearkens to prayer". Curiously, the
Palestinian Talmud (Ber 4,4; 8a) preserves the reference to supplication
in the end of the seal, corresponing to the opening phrase of the High
Priest's petition. Different formulations of "Brief Prayer" are ascribed to
the early Tannaim, who adopted and echoed the supplications of the
Temple period.38 This indicates the desire among the rabbis to preserve
the private supplications as used efficaciously and taught by the differ
ent teachers. However, only two slightly different Palestinian versions
of the communal "Abbreviated Prayer" are transmitted. 3^ One version
preserves the seals of the Eighteen Benedictions. The other version,
which is called by its initial word, "Habhinenu", is also transmitted by
the early Babylonian academy of Samuel in a modified form of the
Middle Section's petitions, which corresponds to the seals. This dual
transmission reflects a history of the standard "Tefillah Qesarah".
During the Second Temple period a longer form of public prayer and a
corresponding abridgement were in use*. The hymns of thanksgiving
were chanted responsively on the Festivals, as a longer form of Hallel
(Pss 113-118). Correspondingly, a litanic abbreviation of a second short
er version'*^ of Hallel (Ps 135) was recited in the Temple (Ps 136, called
the Great Hallel). At the behest of the Levitical invitation''^: "Give
thanks to the Lord who {=ki) is good," the crowds repeated the refrain:
"For his mercy endures forever." This commonly known liturgical
appeal to God who is good prompts Jesus to respond that the appell
ative "good" is reserved for God alone (Mark 10, 18; Luke 18, 19).
Ben Sira too preserves an abbreviated form of Thanksgiving (ap
pended to ch 51). It echoes the seals of praise and eschatological
petitions of the Eighteen Benedictions and the seals of the High Priest's
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S T A N D I N G BEFORE G O D
petitions."3 i n addition, Ben Sira transmits brief intercessory petitions in
seeking God's Presence and his mercy (36, 12-19). It opens (36, 1) with
the appeal, "Save us," and concludes (v 22) with: "You hearken to the
prayer of your servant." This is an abbreviated communal Tefillah
preserved by Ben Sira of the Second Century B.C.E. Thus, it also
includes brief formulations, which echo the later edited Benediction
following the Scriptural reading in the synagogue ( w 20,21, compare
Sopherim 13,8. 10). Scriptural reading in public was introduced in the
period of the Scribes (Neh 8,1-9,3) and it was continued during the
Second Temple period (Acts 15,21). The practice was maintained-after
the Destruction with its particular Festival and Sabbath cycles.^^
Another abbreviated form of the communal Tefillah appears in the
First Letter of 2 Macc 1,24-29. It was recited by the priests, as the custom
prevailed later, for the acceptance of the sacrifice (v 26). It closes with the
brief phraseology of the eschatological petitions of the Eighteen Bene
dictions, and it opens with a list of God's appellatives as found in the
first petitions of the Tefillah. Psalm 103 too opens with brief existential
petitions of the Eighteen Benedictions. It enumerates God's merciful
acts with a penitential appeal (vv 12b, 13) to "remove our iniquities from
us" and to "love those who revere him like a Father." "Father" becomes
a significant popular address to God i n intercession and repentance.
Ben Sira reserves the address for private supplication "to be delivered
from evil in time of distress (51,10). "Yea, I cried: You are my Father
(Hebrew: 'Abhi)." It echoes the collective lament of Deutero-Isaiah
(63,16; 64,7): "For you are our Father (Hebrew: 'Abhinu):" The Targum
renders the address in light of the above cited Ps 103,13 reading 'Abba.
The meaning of Jesus' address "Father" will be discussed at the end.
The Palestiruan and the Babylonian abbreviated versions of the com
munal Tefillah contain the Isaiah proof text (65,24). However, a different
Scriptural insertion appears in connection with private brief supplication
(jBerakhot 4,4; 8b: Tefillah of the Others). It cites Ps 28,6: "Blessed is the
Lord for he hearkens to the voice of my supplication." The text refers to
the brief petition in verse 9: " O save your people." This form was said by
the High Priest as the concluding private petition and likewise transmit
ted as Tefillah Qesarah by the Levite R. Joshua. Thus, the later homilist
suggests that this verse was the last intercessory Benediction recited by
Moses before his death (Pesiqta de R. Kahana on Deut 33,1, ed Buber
198b).
The two different Scriptural proof texts as introduced later into the
brief prayers'*® reflect the rabbinic distinction between the two forms.
These relate to two different prayer settings, one for the community and
the other for the individual. Luke employs in particular the term "deesis"
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
141
(supplication)."*' He preserves the Psalm text in the angel's reply to
Zechariah's private supplication. "Your deesis has been heard" (1,13).
Matthew, however, alludes to the Isaiah verse in his introductory
comment to JP. Thus the form of JP is presented in Luke to the disciples
on the road (11,1-2); whereas JP in Matthew appears in the sermon
addressed to the crowds as well as to the disciples (5,1;7,28).
Matthew in his introduction to JP is thinking implicitly of the Jewish
model of lengthy prayers, while explicitly he refers to the Gentiles (also
6,32). He reveals a knowledge of the Jewish public service, which he
subjects to Jesus' criticism. However, he does not fault their practice of
offering abbreviated prayers. O n one hand, the Matthean tradition
promotes a mission to the Gentiles within a Jewish-Christian church
(24,14;28,19). O n the other hand, Matthew still preserves the contrast of
Gentiles and the tax-collectors, i.e. the wicked of the community
(5,46-47: read "Gentiles"; 18,17) with the people of God who are the lost
sheep of Israel (10,6;15,24). This reflects a common biblical orientation
for Matthew's circle and the Jewish community. The former adopts the
liturgical and homiletic forms of the latter, while protesting the Scribal
interpretation of the Pharisees. The early church indeed felt free to adopt
the Jewish liturgy of the synagogue and the Temple, as evidence clearly
s h o w s . I n shifting from "hypocrites", i.e. the scribes and the
Pharisees, -to "Gentiles", Matthew suggests, as he explicitly states in
23,2/ that their liturgical bradition should not be criticized but only their
practice. A sinular tendency appears in the Didache, which employs
the Jewish prayer at mealtime christologically for the Eucharist while
criticizing their practice.
Matthew in his first introductory comment also alludes to Isa 1,15b:
"Even though you make many prayers, I will not listen." The first half of
the verse is rendered in the Targum with reference to the priestly prayer
in the Temple. For "I (God) will cause my Presence to be removed from
you." This Prophetic indictment is addressed to the religious teachers
and | h e priests, whose acts are compared to those of Sodom and
Gomorrah (v 10; compare Matt 10,15;11,22.24). Matthew is thinking of
his contemporary generation of Jews who witnessed t];ie destruction of
the Second Temple. The Jewish community has experienced the re
moval of God's Presence from the Temple."*® The religious crisis was
effected by "this (the present) evil generation", according to Matt 12,46.
The cause offered in Isaiah is: "Your hands are full of blood". This is
developed explicitly in Matt 23,29-39 with the historical reference to the
actions of Zealots during the war with Rome.
Matthew' presents JP with a lesson derived from the petition for
Forgiveness (6,14-15). The same lesson is attached to another teaching of
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S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
Jesus, the parable of the unmerciful servarit (18,23-43). The parable
refers to remittance of debts, the Matthean phraseology in the petition
for forgiveness. For hobhyn" in Aramaic also means sins (Luke 11,4).
The parable also preserves the penitent's appeal; "Lord, have patience
with me and I will pay you all" (Matt 18,29). The first half of the petition
refers to God's attribute of patience, as recorded in Exod 34,6. This text
became the standard model for penitential address to God.®® Thus, God
responds in the parable: You have mercy on your fellow servant as I
have mercy on you." It echoes the prospect of God's grace in Exod 33,
19 with the meaning®^: "I will have mercy on the one who shows mercy."
This lesson is employed by early Jewish interpreters." Similarly, God's
act of grace as pronounced by the priests (Num 11,6), is also understood
to mean: "He will give you (sympathetic) knowledge (daHith) so that you
wiU show mercy to one another" (Sifre Zuta, ad loc.). For the same is
reflected in the arrangement of the petition for "daHith" prior to the
petitions for "Repentance" and "Forgiveness" in the daily Tefillah.
T h u ^ R. Elazar ben 'Azariah of Jamnia taught; "Transpersonal matters
will be forgiven to you but n d i interpersonal matters until you reconcile
your friend" (Sifra to Lev 15,30; the Palestinian Targum refers to peni
tential confession, which included the above petitions). The same
teaching is advanced by Jesus fifty years earlier.
Matthew attached the lesson of forgiveness to JP in order to under
score the significance of purity of action in addition to purity of the heart
(no hypocrisy) at the time of prayer. For prayer is an expression o f agave
m a teanspersonal relationship. It cannot be sincere unless agave is
likewise reflected in the interpersonal realm. This association between
worehip and ethics was taught emphatically by the Prophets. Yet many
of the worshiping community did not conduct themselves accordingly,
as indicated in Ben-Sira's exhortation (28,2). The second half of the
penitent s petition in Matt 18,29 reflects the common practice of-making
payment to God in the form of sin or votive offering.ss In protest Jesug
taught, according to Matt 5,23-24: "First Jje reconciled to your brother
and then come and offer your gift (=sacrifice)." The Jamnian teachers
also saw the need to legislate the same rule in post-Destruction days
(MYoma 8,9). Apparently Jesus, as Ben Sira before him and the Tannaim
later, sought to discourage insincere acts of repentance by the people in
the Temple a n d in the synagogue respectively.
Matthew too promotes this understanding for his Church in the
curious arrangement of Jesus' teaching on prayer for those who perse
cute you under the commandment of "love your neighbor" (5,43-44).
One would expect that the example of altruistic love should be depicted
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
143
in terms of interpersonal acts such as lending. For prayer is the service of
the heart, the expression of love for God. It appears that Matthew is
thinking of intercession as indicated in Pater Noster's shift to the
collective in the last four petitions. Thus, no one can offer intercessory
prayer unless he is free of ill feelings toward his fellowman. The test for
purity of the heart before God can only be measured by the purity of
action in the interpersonal realm. This becomes the Matthean lesson of
perfection (5,48), which is juxtaposed to the section on communal
prayer. JP t a n only be recited with a pure heart and in consequence of
pure action: the lesson on forgiveness (6,14.15).
The Matthean stress on "beware of hypocrisy" highlights the proper
usage of JP. Moreover, the Matthean form of JP preserves the acrostic:
" ?eSHMoR MiHoNePH" (I shall protect from hypocrisy). It was the
practice to transmit liturgical texts acrostically as a mnemonic device.®®
Each initial letter of a substantive, i.e. the second word, in the petitions
forms the acrostic. It beginS with "Our Father" and avoids the last
substantive which refers to "Evil" (see Appendix). In contrast to Luke,
the Matthean form of JP is an intercession for the distressed community
living in a n evil-infested "world. Therefore, it opens with a collective
address to the Father, " w h o j s in heaven" (so Isa 63,15: "Look down
from heaven", vl6: "You are our Father"). Itincludes a third petition, an
expression of hope for the fulfillment of God's will on earth. It ends with
a plea for deliverance from evil. For the earthly community seeks
presently a release from the evil residing in the heart (Matt 15,19) which
is implanted by the Satan in the world (13,39). This last appeal conforms
to the acrostic theme of the Matthean JP, God's response (compare Ps
12,8 in view of 3). The community recites JP in Aramaic as reflected in
the dual mearung of remit/forgive and debt/sin in the fifth petition. For
the community in prayer is taught to offer its petitions in the ver
nacular (later in Greek). In response to their prayer, God's blessing as
pronounced by the priests in Hebrew only (MSotah 7,2 in contrast to
prayer, 7,1) governs the acrostic. "God wiU bless you and protect you"
(Num 6,24). Matthew's circle preserved in the Hebrew acrostic the
particular blessing of God's protection. For the priestly Benediction was
also interpreted by the Essenes and the Rabbis with reference to protec
tion from evil or demons (IQS 2,3; Targum, Sifre, Midrash Hagadol to
Num 6,24).
The Matthean descriptive expression, "Father who is in heaven", is
replaced by Luke with the "Most ,High" (6,35=Matt 5,45) and the
"angels of God" (12,9-10=Matt 10,32-33). This suggests that the Matt
hean address, as found in Jewish liturgical sources (prayers, homilies
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
144
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S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
and Targum),®® was understood correctly in terms of God's transcen
dence. The providential Father exists duratively in a separate realm as
the "Most High", whose Presence is enjoyed by the angeHc familia in
heaven. Like Israel, the Christian community is cbgnizant of the provi
dential Presence in their history, while affirming a faith in the durative
existence of the Wholly Other. In the expanded form of prayer on God's
Holiness (Qedushah), the Jewish community responsively declares God's
holiness and his kingship, in connection with the angelic proclamation
of Trishagion (Isa 6,3; compare Rev 4,8).®' The community on earth joins
the heavenly community in the collective experience of prayer, attesting
to God's numinous Otherness a n d to his providential Presence. Yet, the
community on earth is aware that although God's will is fulfilled by the
h e a v e n l y familia, it has not yet become the universal human expression.
Thus, Matthew transmits the petitions of God's holiness and his king
ship in connection with: "Your will be done, as in heaven so on earth."
Matthew also compares God in the Temple, whose Presence is en
joyed by the earthly community, with God on his throne in heaven,
whose Presence is enjoyed by the angelic hosts (23,21-22). In addition,
he refers to this correspondence in connection with Apostolic and
ecclesiastical authority: "Whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in
heaven, and whatever you loose on earth will be loosed in heaven"
(16,19; 18,18). This authority is given to the earthly community in
legislative a n d liturgical matters, due to God's Presence in their midst
(18,19-20).®® Peter is designated by Jesus as the one to whom "my Father
who is in heaven has revealed this (the messiahship of Jesus)" (16,17).
This is the fulfillment of Jesus' Thanksgiving to God "who has revealed
these to the babes" (11,25). Thus, Peter's christological affirmation: "You
are the Messiah the Son of the Living God," became the basis for
christological reformulation of Jewish liturgy.®'
Matthew's JP ends with a plea for deliverance from evil. The commu
nity awaits the final event of universal redemption from evil residing in
the human "heart of stone".®" This prophetic prospect relates the
elimination of evil in the heart with the act of God hallowing his name in
the end-time (Ezek 36,23-27). Then God's will will be done on earth and
his name will be acknowledged universally (Zech 14,9). Meanwhile the
community must learn to live in the pursuance of this hope (universal
mission) without demanding God's intervention (Matt 26,53 only). Only
in the end-time will God send out his angelic hosts to save the wor
shiping community (the elect) from the final cataclysm (24,31). Thus, the
four collective petitions of Matthew's JP relate to the existential needs of
the worshiping community. It seeks daily bread, forgiveness of sins and
deliverance from trial and from the evil residing in the world.
The ecclesiastical JP of Matthew is mdeed an epitome of Jesus
teachings in the sense that it coheres with his other sayings This wo
indicate that the wording of the petitions was f
ever, it is necessary to preclude the possibility of redaction by Matthew
This can be demonsti-ated from the way Matthew redacts Q ^ ^ t e n ^ a s
well as his own early tradition in tl.ree sections of the GospeL 1^11 ^
JP governs the arrangement of the material. In one place (4,3-10), Jesus
s J p t i i r a l replies to the Satan are governed by JP. ^
chichte" for the Christian community in prayer at the time ofti-ial. Fo
i n c l u d e s w L .he ScripH^al r e f e r e n t ,0 s « v e God wtach
.nte,nreted to include communal prayer (the service of the heart). The other
two places (6,25-34;23,9-33) relate the teachings of J^sus respectively as
recoLnendation and as repudiation of contirasting rehgious P^ctice.
The former alludes to given petitions of JP, and it is
reference to serve God only (6,24). The latter a r r a n p s the Woes n he
sequence of JP's petitions. These are prefaced with the reference
litureical address, "Father who is,in heaven" (23,9).
a) Temptation Story (Q): Matthew arranges the three
ently than Luke. The latter offers the order of the last two i " o f
Scrip^ral sequence cited by Jesus (Deut 6^3-16) Matthew
reverses the order in conformity with JP's existential petitions. T^e first
S ^ p t ^ L f r e p ^ of Jesus refers to "bread", the second to "trial" while the
third jntioduces the denunciation: "Begone Satan! Similar y Jesu
sUences Peter (Matt 16,23=Mark 8,33) who questions the messianic
™ o s e of his master's ministry. In both cases, Jesus perceives the evi
Thoughts of the bearer and commands his departure. For Jesus has the
authority, according to Matt 12,25-28, to perceive
person and to command the departure of the Satan^
a n d the
intention is questioned, "for y o u r thoughts are not
Satan's temptation is rejected, ' f o r . ^ . him
^
serve." The latter is also the liturgical phraseology of Deut 6,13, recited
by the priests in the Temple for the acceptance of the
employs it as a repudiation of magical use of prayer associated with the
worship of Satan. Likewise, the converts of the Christian
,
asked to foresake in time of tirial their
tedious magical formulas (Matt 6,7; examples m C. K" Barr^^'
Testament Background, New York; Harper and Row, 1961 p 29 35^
instead, the worshiping community can only plead for dehverance from
' t u k e d t ? not mention "Begone Satan!" as h e does n o t ' ^ e
last petition. For his form of JP is intended for the apostles who share in
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I
I
i
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S T A N D I N G BEFORE G O D
Jesus' victory over the world of evil, symbolized by the Fall of Satan
(Luke 10,18). Significantly this introductory background to Lukan JP
preserves the same Psalm text quoted by the Satan. Psalm 91 was recited
as a Scriptural poem of exorcism (Shir shel pegaHm; compare the Qumram
Psalms ed Sanders, Col 27,10, mistranslated p 87); to repel the evil
spirits and to invite* God's protection (Midrash Ps 91,1; bShebhu'oth
15b, jSabbath 6,2;8b). In Luke's Temptation Story, Jesus has conquered
the Satan and the Psalm reference: "He will give his angels charge to
protect you , has been realized. Thus, Luke does not need to mention in
the conclusion: "And the angels ministered to him." The apostles who
are sent to the seventy nations of the biblical world (10,1.17 in view of
Gen 10: the seventy nations) receive authority to exorcise the demons.
Jesus transfers this authority with a reference to the Psalm of exorcism
(91,13.10.12b): You will tread on (the lion and) the serpent, (the young
lion) and the basilisk (Luke 10,9a:scorpion) . . . no evil shall befall you
and no demon (Targum, Luke 10,9b: power of the enemy) . . . nor shall
you stumble because of the evil inclination" (Targum, Luke 17,1.2). The
signs accompany the apostles on the road for the Spirit of God is upon
them (see the longer ending of Mark 16,17.18). Thus, Luke relates that
Peter and John, who are filled with the Spirit to exorcise and to heal, can
confidently say: Is it right before God to listen to you rather than to
listen to God? (Acts 4,19). In apostolic life the prospects expressed in
the two Matthean petitions (one closes the "You" petitions; the other the
We petitions) have been actualized. They have been delivered from
evil and their missionary life is a continual expression of doing God's
will on earth.
As an apostolic JP, Luke included originally an appropriate petition,
which was preserved by Marcion and in given manuscripts (162,170) as
well as recorded by Gregory of Nyssa and Maximus the Confessor. It
reads: "Let the Holy Spirit come upon us and cleanse us". The distinc
tive reading of Codex Bezae anticipates the wording of this petition
("upon us let come"). For the petition for the Holy Spirit appeared in
lieu of the petition for the Kingdom (except Marcion). Luke offers this
petition obliquely in a section following the account of JP. It appears as a
lesson on prayer (11,13). "How much more will heavenly Father give the
Holy Spirit to those who ask him!" The lesson is inferred from the
parable of a son asking his father for food. In a Galilean town, Greek and
Aramaic words were common speech forms. A human father may hear
his son making the sound P T R \ The form "patira" in Aramaic denotes
flat bread but its Greek homonym "petra" means rock. The father will
immediately perceive the intention of his small child and he will not be
confused by the similarity of speech s o u n d s . T h e gift of the Holy Spirit
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
147
is given to the apostles so they too can intuit the intentions of others and
respond wisely (Luke 12,11.12). This gift was promised by Jesus to his
disciples, according to Luke (24,49; Acts, 1,4.5.8). Its public manifestation
in form of glossolalia was climaxed by Peter's preaching on the intended
meaning of God's promise' (Acts 2). Thus, the inclusion of the petition
for the Holy Spirit is consonant with the guiding prayer for the apostles
on the road. Jesus invites his disciples to call u p o n Abba, i.e. to share in
Jesus' closeness to God (Rom 8,15.16; Gal 4,6.7). They already enjoy the
Presence of God in doing his will. The Kingdom of God is within them
(Luke 17,21, compare Matt 18,20) but attention is directed to the Spirit
(compare John's Supper Discourse).
b) The Sermon on the Mount (Q): the section on communal prayer
and pietistic acts is followed by a triad of sayings on storing heavenly
treasures (6,19-21: through the act of charity, jPe'ah l,l;15b); on sound
eye (6,22-23: no covetousness, MAboth 2,9 in view of Aboth de R.
Nathan II 30) and on serving one Master (6,24: repudiating Mammoij).
These teachings point to the proper religious orientation for the wor
shiping community. It is to become a community of "the poor in spirit"
(5,5). To such a community in prayer the following section is addressed.
It opens with a pericope on anxiety (6,25-31) and ends with lessons
echoing the phraseology of JP. Verse 32 refers to the "heavenly Father".
Verse 33 speaks of seeking (i.e. praying for) "his Kingdom" and "his
righteousness". The latter is understood in the sense of "doing God's
will" (3,15J. Similarly Ps 40,9-10: "To do God's will" is "to announce
righteousness before a vast assembly". Verse 43 refers to the petition for
bread of "tomorrow . . . for today."
These liturgical lessons are given in contrast to the Gentiles' manner
of praying. This obliquely suggests the way the Jewish community
prays. It first begins the entreaty of the Middle Section with the
existential petitions (Da'ath, Repentance, Forgiveness, Redemption,
Healing and Blessing of the Seasons) and then it concludes with the
eschatological petitions (Ingathering, Judgment, Defeat of Evil, Mainte
nance of the Righteous and the combined petition for Rebuilding
Jerusalem and the Davidic Kingdom). According to Matthew, the
uniqueness of JP lies in the order of the petitions. "First seek his
Kingdom and his Righteousness and all these (the existential needs,
beginning with 'Bread for tomorrow') be yours." This is the shift in JP
from the eschatological petitions addressing "You", to the collective
petitions for existential needs. The community orients itself eschatologically in prayer and lives accordingly. It lives in anticipation of the
Parousia (Matt 10,23; 15,28; 24,42.44) while proclaiming the Kingdom
(10,7) and doing God's will (7,21;12,50). It expresses agape in providing
148
S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
the daily needs (24,45), in forgiving sins (18,22-35) a n d ^or some in not
entering into trials {19,12). The first petition and the last petition are
reflected in Matthew's exhortation for the members to pursue good
works (5,16)'and to avoid obstacles (18,7) respectively.
c) Woes against the Scribes and the Pharisees (Q and Matt only):
Matthean arrangement of the "Woes" is governed by aU the petitions of
JP. It addresses the hypocrites as in the Sermon's section on communal
prayer. Thus, it opens (23,2-8) with a parallel indictment of their practice
to be seen by men, enumerating in particular the pietistic acts. As
interpreters and preachers of the Torah, the scribes sit on t h e Kathedra of
Moses, the place of honor in the synagogue. They are greeted as rabbis
(teachers) in the market place, where court sessions and public liturgical
services were,held. The Matthew introduces (v 9) the reference to JP's
address to God. This address is reserved only for "one Father who is in
heaven"®-*. Correspondingly, Matthew relates that there is only one
leader for the Christian community,«« namely Christ. This reflects the
employment of a baptismal formula for non-Gentile members, which
referred to Christ (Acts 8,16: Samaritans; 10,48: semi-proselytes; 19,5:
Baptist's followers; 22,16: Paul). Paul employs ihe priestly Benediction as
an epistolary salutation: "Grace to you and peace from God our Father
and the Lord Jesus the Messiah" (Rom 1,7). For he too was familiar with
the Matthean lesson of correspondence: "To us (there is) one God-the
Father . . . and one Lord Jesus Christ" (ICor 8,6). For only he who was
baptized to receive the Holy Spirit can say: 'Lord Jesus' (12,3). Eventu
ally the formula evolved into a trirutarian form®® for the baptism of the
Gentile members (Matt 28,19). Thus, Matthew is thinking of the Jewish
converts in offering criticism of the Pharisaic practice. The polemical
discourse is governed by Pater Noster, the prayer taught to the baptized
members.
Matthew continues with the lesson on service as a reflection of
humility (23,11-12). He employs the principle of "imitatio Christi"
(10,25a): to serve even as Jesus served unto death (20,27-28). The poor in
spirit is praised (5,3) since he follows in the way of Jesus, the lowly in
heart (11,28). "Whoever humbles himself like a child, he is the greatest
in the Kingdom of Heaven" (18,4). For, "He who is the Small One (i.e.
Jesus)®' in the Kingdom of Heaven is greater than he 0ohn)" (11,11).
However, the stress on humility before God in the teaching of Jesus
alludes to Isa 57,15. "Thus says the Highest (Targum: R a m a ) ^ who
dwells in heaven (JP: Father who is in heaven) whose name is holy 0P:
hallowed be thy name) who dwells (Targum, IQIsa) in the highest
(Targum: barama^^) and holy (place) as well as with the contrite and the
lowly in heart." God's name is hallowed among the lowly in heart. For
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
149
his exaltation is found in the expression of humbleness (bMegUlah 31a
^nd Yelammedenu cited in Yalqut Makhir to Isa 57,15). Thus, Matthew
repeats the lesson on service in connection with the example of Jesus'
cleath as that of the humble Suffering Servant (20,27-28 in view of Isa
53,12c). For martyrdom (drinking the cup) is seen as an act of hallowing
God's name.®' Matthew, therefore, arranges the lesson on service
fpllowing the saying on one leader in conformity with the sequence of
the -address and the first petition.
The list of seven "Woes", omitting v 14 (not found in BSDX.0),
follows the order of the lasbsbc petitions with the separation between
two-beat stichsof the third petition. This is a significant arrangement in
light of the proper delivery of JP's Aramaic stichs (see Appendbc). The
address plus the first three petitions make five two-beat stichs. These'are
followed by three five-beat stichs, which are strung together with the
copulative "ve (kai)." The last stich is constructed as two petitions with
the conjunction "ella". This poetic structure indicates how the commu
nity recited the "Pater Noster" in Aramaic. First, they intoned two-beat
unstrung cries with a stress on the last beat in-the middle three petitions:
the appeal to you (-akh). This stress is already reflected in the opening
cry: "our Father". At the same time, the worshipers are guided by the
eschatological orientation of JP, which is ej^pressed by "in heaven" in
the first and last stichs. With the cry "as on earth", reflecting their
existential situation, the community alternates to a Qinah (Lament)
rhythm. They recite the last three stichs in a measured form (2+3; 3+2;
2+3), repeating the sound "na-n" (we). This signifies the collective
appeal for existential needs. They end with a lament: "Deliver us from
evil," the evil affecting the community on earth.
First "Woe" (23,13) reads: "You shut the .Kingdom of Heaven . . .
neither you enter (eiselthein) nor allow others to enter. In contrast, the
Christian's call is: "Your Kingdom come" (JP: eltheto and Kerygma
10,7: engiken).
Second "Woe" (23,15) reads: "You traverse sea and land to make a
single proselyte." The Phansaic proselytizing effort was seen as doing
God's will on earth (Ps 40,9-10). In contrast, the spreading of the Besorah
(good news) among the Gentiles is promoted in Matthew (24,14;26,13)
without the imposition of a heavy yoke (11,30; Acts 15,10). Thus, Your
will be done."
Third "Woe" (23,16-22) ends with a lesson on correspondence, God's
Presence in a punctual sense dwells on earth ,in the Temple. This
corresponds to the durative existence of God in heaven. There God's
Presence on the Throne is enjoyed continuously by the entire wor
shiping angelic community. This is a significant principle governing the
150
S T A N D I N G BEFORE G O D
teachings of Jesus on the Kingdom.'o O n one hand, the Kingdom is
described as a future manifestation of God's durative Presence as it
exists extratemporally in heaven. O n the other hand, the Kingdom »il
proclaimed as a present reality, the punctual manifestation of God's
Presence. The Christian community has become the new Temple o n
earth,^^ which seeks the joy of God's Presence for all in the appeal:."As
in heaven so on earth."
,
Fourth Woe (23,23-24) points to the strict observance of tithing in
the Pharisaic Levitical practice (15,20). Thus, the community prays with
no reservation: "Give us our bread." Matthew may have also in mind
the play on the word MeHaR (for tomorrow) in the petition (Gospel
according to the Hebrews and Matt 6,34) and the transposed letters
HoMeR (weightier matter) in the "Woe".
Fifth "Woe" (23,25-26) refers to the strict observance of the law of
purity in the Pharisaic association. God's act of atonement is describeqi
metaphorically in the Bible as cleansing (Lev 16,30; Ezek 36,25 etc.). The
"Woe" teaches that the external act of cleansing is ineffective as long as
one is not cleansed internally. Matthew reads "dakke" (cleanse) in
contrast to Lk 11,41 "zakke" (give alms).'^ For Matthew, cleansing meanS
the elimination of extortion a n d rapacity, the evil ways affecting the
interpersonal relationship. Likewise, the collective petition for Forgive
ness is governed by the sincere act of reconciliation in the interpersonal
realm.
Sixth "Woe" (23,27-28) depicts the Scribes and Pharisees metaphori
cally as sepulchers. They appear righteous but within they are full of
hypocrisy and lawlessness. The Matthean denunciation of hypocrisy has
become the test for righteous life in the Christian community. For the
hypocritical intentions of the newcomers, the evil thoughts in the heart
(Acts 5,4;8,22), were seen as "tempting the Spirit of God" (5,9). Thus the
community prays: "Do not lead us into trial."
Seventh "Woe" (23,29-33) appears as an indictment against the last
generation of the Scribes and Pharisees at the time of the destruction of
the Second Temple. The fraternal war was intensified by the Idumeans
at the call of the Zealots in year 67/68 Qosephus, Bellum 4.5). They were
the followers of the Shammaitic P h a r i s e e s . T h e i r actions led to
bloodshed in the city and the Temple. Zechariah the son of Berachiah
was led to a mock trial and executed by the Zealots in the Temple
(Bellum 4.5.4). This defiant act is explicitly mentioned by Matthew^'* in
his sequel to the last "Woe" <23,34-35). The final "Woe", therefore,
concludes with the admonition: "How shall you escape the judgment of
Gehenna?" In contrast, the Christian community prays: "Deliver u s
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
151
from evil". "Evil" is a multifaceted word connoting also divine judg
ment. This was especially the case for the Jerusalem church, which at the
behest of an oracle in response to prayer, departed from Jerusalem in the
face of imminent catastrophe (Eusebius, Hist Eccl 3.5.3.).
Matthew has composed his Gospel in view of the apocalytic events
that befell the Jewish people as witnessed by the Jerusalem church. He
refers to the events in a closing apocalyptic statement: "Amen, I say to
y o u all these will come upon this generation" (23,36 in view of 22,7). This
comment inti-oduces God's lament for the city and the desolated Tem
ple,''® as transmitted by Jesus (23,37-38=Luke 13,34-35). For Matthew,
God's Presence has been removed from his people who committed
bloodshed. The same reason is offered for the Silluq (Removal) from the
generation of Menasseh prior to the destruction of the First Temple
(2Kgs 21,12-15 in light of v 16. See Tosefta Yoma 1,10 and Cant Zuta 5,
ed Buber 31). Thus God laments: "How often would I have gathered
your children together as a h e n gathers her brood under her wings." For
God alone provides protection and care for his children in the City of
Peace, as he did for the Mosaic generation in the Wilderness (Deut
32,10.12). God's lament ends in a promise: "You will not see me (the
manifestation of God's Presence at time of pilgrimage to the Temple; Exod
23,17;34,23) until you say: "Blessed is he who comes in the name of the
Lord" (the greeting of peace to the pilgrims; Ps 118,26;129,8). For God's
Presence, an expression of his love, can only be experienced in the
Temple by the pilgrims who relate in love and peace to the inhabitants.'®
However, at time of fraternal war causing the desolation of the Holy
Place (Matt 24,15), the Christian commuruty in Jerusalem is instructed to
pray that their escape may not be in the winter. To which Matthew adds
" n o r ' o n the Sabbath" (24,20). In light of the reference to a season.
Sabbath connotes here the Sabbatical year, which occurred in 68/69
C.E.7' It is possible to date the departure of the Jerusalem church to Pella
in Summer 68. The opportunity for escape from Jerusalem was still
available (Bellum 4.6.3). Until then the church, following the example of
James the Righteous Intercessor (Eusebius, Hist Eccl 2.28), saw itself as a
holy community in prayer averting the evil decree (3.5.3).'®
Matthew has composed the Gospel in Syria a decade or so after the
Fall of Jerusaleifi. His work reflects Scribal criticism and interpretation
(13,52: new and old), which he most probably shared with the Jerusalem
church, whose member^ were familiar with the teachings of the scribesj®
and the practice of the Pharisaic association. The indictment of the
generation of the War and the criticism of the Shammaitic school®" were
transmitted to Matthew's circle by knowledgeable members of the
152
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
Jerusalem church who developed them along the lines of Jesus' teach
ing. Thus, Matthew's Sermon as well as the Epistle of James a n d the
Didache emanate from a similar Jewish-Christian circle.
Matthew did not, however, compose his Gospel as a polemical
response to the Jamnian academy established after 70. This can be
refuted on two grounds. 1) Matthew's circle could not have direct
access to the Academy's discussion unless the latter's members had
joined his church or the Jerusalem church has restored intimate contacts
with Jamnia. Both possibilities are ruled out for lack of evidence. The
Jewish community in Diaspora only gradually became acquainted and
then adopted the revised agenda of the Jamnian Academy. 2) The
Jamnian community was not threatened by Christianity, as assumed in
contemporary studies (see n.l5). Moreover, the Tannaim have de
veloped their interpretation in the Hillelitic manner, which did converge
independently upon formulations similar to those taught by Jesus.
Matthew has transmitted the Jesus tradition as developed in the
Palestinian church. He composed his work as a result of the apocalyptic
events affecting his generation at the time of the Destruction. Matthew
sought to preserve what his circle accepted as the authentic meaning of
Jesus' didactic and messianic ministry. In their view it was confirmed by
the apocalyptic events of their day. Matthew transmits JP as brief
intercessory petitions to be recited by the community in time of distress.
As an ecclesiastical prayer, it eventually concluded with the Temple's
doxological refrain®^ (IChr 29,11): "For yours is the power and the glory
for ever" (Did 8/2). In Christian practice "Pater Noster" was used three
times daily in lieu of the Jewish TefiUah. For the early Christian commilnity lived in a n atmosphere of persecution and distress. JP was offered
by the community as an affective expression of fellowship with the
angelic familia in doing God's will and in seeking God's Presence
collectively for the fulfillment of their needs.
The Meaning of Pater Noster
The significance of "Pater Noster" can be determined by the way it
offers an epitomized form of petitions which embrace the totality of
human relational attitudes. In accordance with the address to the Father,
the first three petitions reflect a relationship between the person w h o
prays and God. The transpersonal and eschatological attitude affects the
person's existential petitions with reference to three human relation
ships. 1) The subpersonal relationship (the person and nature) gives rise
to material possession and egoistic control. The fourth petition expresses
temperance in living by Jesus' teaching on the removal of material
anxieties (Matt 6,25-35). 2) The interpersonal relationship can breed ill
153
feelings and all forms of human evil. The petition for Forgiveness comes
to eliminate such tensions by the anticipatory human action of forgive
ness. This conforms to Jesus' teaching on precautionary measures in
interpersonal matters (5,21-48). 3) The inti-apersonal relationship (the
person a n d himself) becomes an internal struggle between the good and
evil inclinations in overcoming trials. The petition on Teniptation hnked
to the plea for deliverance from evil recognizes the complexity of
personal growth which is in need of guidance from beyond the human
order. This corresponds to the Matthean lesson derived from the parable
of father and son. It states that only "your Father who is in heaven can
give good (eliminating the evil) to them that ask (pray to) him" (7,11)Jesus employs the address "Abba" (Father) in prayer. In Matthew's JP,
the community members are instructed to lift their hearts collectively to
"our Father". Yet in the private supplication of Jesus, the address is to
" 'Abba" only (Matt 26,39.42: " 'Abhi"; Mark 14,36: " 'Abba"='Luke 22, 42
and 23,34.46). This direct appeal to " 'Abba" is reseived by Luke for the
aposties on the road. They are instructed to pray a different form of JP in
response to their request, noting that the disciples of John offer sup
plication as taught by their Master (11,1 in view of 5,33: make deesis ) .
In light of the original substitute second petition for'the Holy Spirit,
it reads: " 'Abba, let your name be hallowed. Let your spirit of holiness
come.upon us and cleanse us. Your (Marcion) bread for tomorrow give
us each day. And remit (=forgive: shebhoq) us our sins; for we also remit
all who are indebted to us. And do not allow {tishboq, Marcion) us to be
led into trial." This form preserves the Aramaic phrases, " 'Abba" and
"Shebhoq" with its dual meaning of remit (=forgive) and. allow. It also
maintains the balance in the last two petitions with "ushebhoq" and
"wela' tishboq."
The acrostic formed by the initial letters of the Lukan JP refers to the
Father's promise of pouring out the Spirit (Luke 24,49; Acts 1,5). 'Abba
(Father), Sitemakh (your name), (^adisha (holiness), Mehar (for tomor
row), Hobhynan (our sins) and l^isyona (tirial) spell out acrostically
'eSHaQem Hen (I will baptize them with grace). This eschatological
promise is described in Joel 3,1: 'T will pour out my Spirit (Acts 2,17)
and Zech 12,10: "I will pour out . . . a spirit of grace". The latter is a
promise in response to supplication following the mourning period for
the First BOrn, the Messiah." This account offers the Prophetic
background for the early Christian understanding of the events follow
ing the crucifixion. The acrostic in Hebrew recalls the priestly Benedic
tion: "God will shine his Face upon you and give you grace" (Num
6,25). This response of God at the time of prayer in the Temple was
interpreted by the Essenes and the rabbis with reference to the Holy
154
S T A N D I N G BEFORE G O D
Spirit or illumination.®'* The Lukan stress on the reception of the Spirit
and on the apostles' prophetic mission is the context for said form of JP.
Paul too indicates the significance of the address "^Abba" in prayer. He
specifically mentions the address with reference to those who received
the Spirit being able to cry "^Abba" (Gal 4,6;Rom 8,15). In light of
intercessory prayer in his private life,®® Paul repeats jointly or separately
the priestly Benediction of God, "will give you grace" and "give you
peace", in his epistolary greeting and farewell. For the gift of the Spirit
has become a personal blessing for Paul (ICor 2,13;7,25.40;15,8; 2Cor
1,11;12,1.8.9; Gal 1,15-16; IThess 1,4;4,8). Paul wishes to share with the
community the joy of God's grace which has so affected his apostolic
life. Paul seems to be acquainted with the private petition of the
apostolic JP (Rom 5,5). "The love of God has been poured out in our
hearts (in view of 5,1: the grace in which we stand) by the Holy Spirit
which was given to u s . "
Paul appears to be familiar as well with the ecclesiastical JP of
Matthew. He depicts God's new covenant with the Christian commu
nity as: "I shall be unto them a Father and you shall be unto me sons and
daughters" (2Cor 6,18). This covenantal formula is rooted in the liturgi
cal experience of the community.®^ in their appeal to "Our Father". Paul
attaches the formula to Isa 52,11.12b, which is preceded by the evangelion: "The Kingdom of God has manifested" (v 7, Targum) ^and is
followed by the hymn of the Suffering Servant (52,13-53,12). The
deliberate choice of the Prophetic text in connection with the new
covenantal formula is significant for it is juxtaposed to Lev 26,11-12. The
latter refers to the formula for God's covenant with Israel. It is prefaced
with the promise of God's Presence in the Temple (Sifra ad loc.). The
Essene Temple Scroll 29,7-10 utilizes the Levitical text with reference to
the earthly and heavenly Temples, an apocalyptic view shared by the
Christians (Rev 21,22). Paul, however, calls the Christian community the
Temple of the living God (2Cor 6,16; ICor 3,9.16). For God's Presence
through Christ, in accordance with Pauline thought, now dwells among
the believers in Jesus. Thus, Paul appeals to the Christian community to
intercede in prayer for his deliverance from evil persons (2Thess 3,1.2;
Rom 15,30-31).
Paul cites the concluding petition of Matthew's JP: "rhyesthai apo ton
ponerou." He attaches a particular meaning to the word "evil", since it is
a multifaceted expression that lends to several interpretations. He
similarly refers to said petition in connection with the ecclesiastical
supplication or thanksgiving to the Father (ICor 1,10-11; Col 1,12-13).
It appears then that in citing the last petition, a particular form of JP is
meant. Paul refers to the ecclesiastical JP. However, the Synoptic
Prayer o f Jesus in Matthew
155
reference to pray that "you may not enter into trial" (Mark 14,38 paral
lels) is addressed to the disciples only. For it is the last petition of the
Lukan apostolic JP. To the Thessalonians' prayer, Paul offers in response
the opening priestly Benediction: "The Lord will protect you from evil
(2 Thess 3,3). This is the formula that governs the acrostic of Matthew's
JP; while the priestly Benediction of God's grace is used in connection
with Lukan JP (Rom 5,5).
Clement of Rome too indicates the significance of the communal
appeal to " 'Abba" during a penitential service (IClem 8,2.3). It opens
with a citation of Ezek 33,11.12 similar to the conclusion of NeHllah's
confessional service (bYoma 87b; see Amram's text in 'Abodath Israel ed
Baer, 437). It concludes with a n appeal, "to return with all your hearts
and say: Father." This may refer either to the litanic cry:®"' "Answer
us/Have mercy on us/Save us. Father" or to the recitation of Pater
Noster". Clement, a contemporary of Matthew, also refers to Isa 26,20:
"Enter into your storeroom" (50,4=Matt 6,6) in his exhortation to pray
for God's mercy. For only sincere penitential prayer, through the
expression of altruistic love and humblemindedness (IClem 13,2-4), can
result "in the forgiveness of sins. Clement,®® who has preserved other
ecclesiastical prayers, reflects lessons similar to Matthew whUe not
quoting his Gospel. He probably was acquainted with the ecclesiastical
JP, but he was reluctant to cite it.
Jesus employed the address "'Abba" with reverential and relational
meaning. This dual meaning must be seen first in light of its usage in
Tefillah said in time of distress. It was the common Jewish practice on
fast days during the penitential service for the people to cry the litany;®^
"Answer us, our Father, answer us". After the Destruction, R. Aqiba
follows his teacher R. Eliezer's recitation of the twenty-four petitions on
a fast d a y with the litanic appeal: "Our Father, our King; you are our
Father!" (bTa'anit 25b; R. Handn'el's text and see the litany in Amram
Siddur). This form of address did-not orginate v^th R. Aqiba. He simply
used the spontaneous litanic form in lieu of the standard lengthy
petitions. For the address to "our Father" was used in time of distress
(Exod Rabba 46 to 34,1) as found in the Prophetic supplication (Isa 63,16;
64,7).
Before the Destruction, the humble grandson of Onias the Circle
Maker (bTa'anit 23b; dated in light of jTa'anit 66d) is said to have heard
the cry of school children in time of drought: "'Abba, 'Abba give u s
rain!" He spontaneously offered an intercessory appeal: "Master of the
Universe! Do for the sake of these (children) who can not distin^ish
between 'Abba who gives rains and 'Abba who does not give rain. This
does not mean that the address "Abba" was used only in charismatic
156
S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
Hasidean circles.®" Rather, the children's use of ^Abba elicited the spon
taneous prayer of Onias' grandson. This reflects the type of religious
instruction received in the schools prior to the D e s t r u c t i o n . T h e
teachers would substitute ^Abba, or similar expression, -for God while
reciting the Scriptures and prayers in deference to God's name. The
children were instructed to pray in the style of the commoners,'^ utilizing
brief petitions and subsitute terms for God. Onias' grandson was met by
the children reciting the liturgical lesson taught by their teacher. In this
instance, they recited the brief entreaty for rain ("Give rain"), which was
used during the rainy season (M.Berakhot 5,2; Ta'anit 1,2). Since school
children's recitation was seen as a divine omen,®^ their cry "'Abba"
prompted the brief intercession. For Onias' grandson was also ad
dressed in the community as "''Abba", an honorific title given to a
philanthropic p e r s o n . H e , therefore, employed the brief intercession:
"Do for the sake of innocent school children" (see the litany in Amram's
Siddur). He worded it as an appeal to 'Abba who gives rain in sympathy
with the innocent cry of the children.
Jesus employed reverential circumlocutions for God's name in his
prayer and teachings.'® According to Matt 5,34-35 and 23,21-22 Jesus
instructs not to use related appellatives (Heaven, Earth, Jerusalem,
Temple) in oath formulas in order "not to take God's name in vain"
(Exod 20,9). ""Abba", therefore, is employed by Jesus in prayer when not
citing Scriptures (so Mark 15,34=Matt 27,46; citing Ps 22) as a reverential
address in God's Presence. It is not a unique speech form of Jesus, for it
was used in public preaching and penitential prayer (see n.56). Thus,
the homilist R. Isaac of the Third Century comments, in light of its
usage, on Jer 3,19: "You should revere me as sons and call me your
Father; for it says: "'Abhi (=Aramaic "Abba) you should call me" (Exod
Rabba 32,5 to 23,20). However, "Abba in the prayer of Jesus does reflect
the particular way he related to God. In Jewish life, an adult in reverence
for his natural father did not call him by name. He instead used the
address "Abba.^^ The Tannaitic midrash, which compares the reverence
for God with the reverence for a human father (Sifra to Lev 19:3), is
rooted in the common religious practice of not calling either by name.
Jesus' ministry reflects a deep sense of loving service in the Presence of
God.'He follows the example of the Prophets who defended the honor
of the Father as well as that of his son, Israel (Mekhilta to Exod 12,1;
Aboth de Rabbi Nathan II 47). The Prophets were willing to face
persecution by their people and even to sacrifice themselves in their
behalf. Similarly Jesus was willing to face persecution and even to die for
the sins of Israel. His closeness to God, who commissioned him to save
the sinners among his people (Mark 2,17 parallels; Luke 19,10; Matt
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
157
1,21;15,24), is also reflected in his reverential humble attitude before
Cjod's Pr0SGnc6.
Once Jesus used the substitute form "Abba for God's name, he re
served this address exclusively for the heavenly Father. "Do not call any
one on earth "Abba" (23,9)-. Similarly, he intructs not to use the term
"good", the liturgical attribute of God, even for himself (Mark
10,18=Luke 18,19). Thus, Jesus enjoins both the community and the
apostles to address God as "Abba, by not invoking his name but by
linking the reverential address to the petition: "Hallowed be your name
(JP in Matt and in Luke). In a similar way, the Jewish liturgical settmg of
reading the Scriptures gave rise to the recitation of the Qaddish following
the public preaching.®^ Qaddish is a reverential petition used in response
to hearing God's name spoken during the Reading. It opens with:
"Magnified and hallowed be your name" and closes with the commimal
response: "Let his great name be blessed from eternity to eternity." The
refrain in Aramaic was used in the Temple as a doxological response
upon hearing God's name pronounced by the High Priest.
The first meaning of the address "Abba comes to reflect on part of the
person who prays a sense of reverence and humbleness before God s
Presence. The second meaning reflects the particular relationship one
seeks from God in prayer. It is significant that the address "our Father
is found only in penitential petitions and supplications of Jewish hturgy.
As an example, the first three penitential petitions of the Middle Section
are worded with an appeal to "Abhinu". "Grace us, O our Father (with
sympathetic) knowledge (da'^th) from you;" "Cause us to return, O our
Father, unto your Torah;" "Forgive us, our Father, for we have sinned."
The theological principle governing the liturgical address is that God s
actions are viewed in a dual way,'® in terms of judgment (dzn) and in
terms of love (rahamim). The first form, as understood by the rabbis is
expressed biblically by the name "Elohim (also means "judges ) and ttie
second by YaHWeH (which expresses his pathos duratively). In liturgy
the bibUcal address YaHWeH, "Elohim was used in pre-Destruction time,
corresponding to the reverential forms "Abba, Melekh (king) used as
descriptive circumlocutions. The distressed community addresses
YaHWeH as "our Father" in seeking his love and mercy to forgive their
sins at time of judgment (see n.46). Jesus, like the Prophets of old,
addressed "Abba in his prayer as an appeal to God's love at time ot
judgment.100 Thus, both forms of JP make the appeal to "Abba. Ihe
community or the apostles intercede fbr Fatherly forgiveness of sins a n
for Fatherly protection in time of trial.
Jesus has taught his followers to use the address "Abba as a sincere
expression of humility before God and as complete reUance on his love.
158
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
Corresponding to the human biological experience, the father engenders
the human species while he remains apart during the period of gesta
tion. God likewise causes and maintains the human, reality, while he
exists as a numinous Other in the history of human evolution. This
imagery of God evokes in the heart of the one who prays a deep sense of
creaturehood and humility before the Wholly Other. Yet at the same
time, in addressing the Father as "You", one senses the nearness of the
providential Presence. In sympathy with divine love, he opens his
dialogue of prayer, a dialogue'of human hope and divine promise. H e
petitidns for existential needs that concern not only himself but mankind
as well.
7 Pnr T like see Louis M o n l o u b o u , La priere selon Saint Luc,
J. e r S L ' d t ; S e S n e ^ t h e total lituf^cal
" h
S
'I
C ' " " " J"-
University Press 1956). Compare the examples m A. Hamman (ed), fc y
Christian Prayers {tr Chicago:
Contributions to the
9. On Jewish liturgy consult J.
NOTES
1. For a review and discussion of the different scholarly questions, opinions
and studies, see Jean Carmignac, Recherches sur le Notre Pere (Paris; Letouzey
1969). He offers an artificial Hebrew translation of JP on p 396. The apparent
Aramaisms in the fifth petition indicate that JP was not transmitted in Hebrew.
For such prayers were recited also in the vernacular.
2. A. Baumstark, Comparative Liturgy (tr. London; Mowbray, 1958) establishes
laws governing liturgical tendencies. J. Jeremias, The Prayers of Jesus (tr. Naperville; AUenson 1967) p 89 accepts conclusively the principle ior the evolution of
forms. See the valuable criticism of J. Heinemann, Prayer in the Period of the
Tannaim and Amoraim (Heb. Jerusalem, 1966) p 131 especially with regard to
Jewish liturgy and the principle of evolution. There are examples of Psalms that
were transmitted as longer and as shorter recensions of the Temple Hallel.
3. See K. G. Kuhn, Achtzehngebet und Vaterunser und der Reim (Tubingen, 1950)
and compare J. Jeremias, Prayers, p 90-92.
4. See F. H. Chase, The Lord's Prayer in the Early Church (Cambridge, J898) and
Gordon J. Bahr, "The Use of the Lord's Prayer in the Primitive Church," ]BL 84
(1965) p 153-159. There is also disagreement on whether the two versions of JP
relate to Q or are to be credited to M and L. J. Jeremias, Prayers p 88 distinguishes
between the two in terms of the audience,'Matthew to Jewish-Christians and
Luke to Gentile-Christians.
5. M. D. Goulder, Midrash and Lection in Matthew, (London; SPCK 1974) p
296-300. He advanced the argument in }TS 14 (1963) p 32-45. Compare the
attempt by S. van Tilborg, " A Form Criticism of the Lord's Prayer," NovTest 14
(1972) 94-105. W. D. Davies, The Setting of the Sermon on the Mount (Cambridge
University Press, 1966) p 4f advances the thesis that Matt adapted the Lukan JP
for his church. He further argues for an anti-Jamnian redaction. However, one
cannot impose upon the results of redactional criticism a pre-understanding of
the intent and meaning without submitting the Jewish sources to similar
criticism. See J. Neusner's comments in Greeks, Jews and Christians (W. D. Davies
Festschrift), Leiden; Brill 1977 p 89-111.
6. T. W. Manson, "The Lord's Prayer," BJRL 38 (1956) p 99-113; 436-448,
offers a history of the liturgical usage of the Pater Noster.
1977). See klBo t h e Lord's Prayer and the J M
Petuihowsld and W. Strolz (tr.
different facets of Jewish liti^^
For a
An introduction to the Lord's
Jeremias, The Prayers of.Jesus (London. SCM 196/
. ^pp^^
Testament
Prayer, Philadelphia; Forttess
j
97e; 320 C o n s u l t discr'iminately Strack
Ess^s (Garden City; Doubleday 1968) P 275-320. C ™ ^ ^ d scnrmn ^
which was not employed by J. J " ® ™ ® ® " i n determining the
questionable criterion of dissimi anty
Harper and
12. See W. D. Davies, Sermon He is wrong
MbhnJ.
wWA is
his thesis
p , 6,9); Malt 16,27, citing Ps
161
S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
Scriptures appear in the homiletic perorations of Pesiqtas, Tanhumas and
Rabboth.
14. JTa'anith, 2,1; 65^ and Gen Rabba 44 (ed Theodor-Albeck p 434). It is
proper to view the sajang of Simeon the Just on the theocratic principles of
Torah, Service and Acts of Love (Mishnah Aboth 1,2) as background to the
redactional concern of Matt. It similarly governs the arrangement of three
pericopes in Luke, which links the commissioning of the seven apostles with JP.
Luke 10.25-28 quotes the recitation of Shema', the liturgical service in the Temple
(Mishnah Tamid 5,1). 10,29-37 depicts in a parable the works of love and
10,38-42 refers to hearing the word of Jesus, i.e. the Torah. However it is
incorrect to argue for reinterpretation of the three-fold pillars by R. Johanan at
Jamnia (so J. Goldin, PAAJR 27, 1958 and J. Neusner, A Life of Yohanan hen Zakkai
Leiden; BriU second edition, 1970, ch. 7). During the Temple period the service
included prayer as attested by the Temple liturgy and the acts of piety were
even known to the proselyte Munbaz of Adiabene (Tosefta Pe'ah 4, 18 and the
definition in 19).
15. Against W. D. Davies, Sermon. Consult P. Schaefer, "Die sogenannte
Synode von Jabne," Judaica (1975) p 54-64; 116-124 and A. Finkel, "Yavneh's
Liturgy and Early Christianity" (to be published by the Journal of Ecumenical
Studies, 1980).
16. See Compendium II ch. 17 and J. Heinemann, Prayer, ch. 5.
17. Compare the same lesson in Tosefta Ta'^anith 1,8 and jTalmud 2,1 (65a)
and see the other types of admonition (Mishnah 2,1 and bTalmud 16a).
18. See Mishnah Ta'anith 2,1-5; Tosefta 1,9-13; bTa'^anith 16b, preserving the
Temple liturgy for the fast which included the doxology. For the later poetic
development in Geniza texts, see A. Marmorstein, "The Amidah of the Public
Fast Days", Contributions (ed Petuchowski) p 449-454.
19. See Sheldon H. Blank, Jeremiah: Man and Prophet, (Cincinnati: Hebrew
Union College 1961) p 234-239 on the terms paga'^ and palal. The presentation of a
case in the court does affect the form of prayer, see J. Heinemann, Prayer, ch. 8.
Thus, Luke 18,1-8 presents the parable on praying with reference to an appeal
before the judge.
20. On the Ma'amad and its influence on the synagogue institution, see
Zeitlin, PAAJR 2 (1930-31) and compare the proposed setting for "Alenu" prayer
in Heinemann, Prayer, p 174. For a handy reference on the traditions consult E.
Levy, Yesodoth Hatefillah (Tel Aviv, 1961).
21. See M. Greenberg, "On the Refinement of the Conception of Prayer in
Hebrew Scriptures," Association for Jewish Studies Review 1(1976) p 57-92.
22. See J. Heinemann, Prayer, ch. 9.
23. See L. Finkelstein, "The Development of the Amidah" Contributions (ed.
Petuchowski) p 91-177. However one cannot argue for the original unified
version, see J. Heinemann, Prayer, ch. 2.
24. So bAbodah Zarah 7b (Nahum the Median). Thus, the Middle Section, with
its petitions for existential and eschatological needs, ends in "hearken to
prayer", jBerakhoth 2,4; 4d. The same seal is used for the petition of private fast,
ibid 72. For this reason the Middle Section is omitted on the Sabbath and
Festivals; see J. Mann, The Bible as Read and Preached in the Old Synagogue, (New
York: rep. Ktav 1971) II (ed I. Sonne) Heb Section p 110.
25. BSanhedrin 44b (R. Elazar). Compare J. Mann, The Bible I Heb Section p
294 (R. Johanan). On the significance of intercession by the individual or the
community in time of distress, see Mekhilta to Exod 22,22.
' 26. Ch. 8. Contra J. Jeremias, Prayers p 84, that this impression is false. Lukan
petition for the Holy Spirit is not only a baptismal prayer. This plea appears in
the liturgy for ordination inHippolytus ed G. Db< (Apostolic Constitutions Book
8 5 18) as the appeal for forgiveness and deliverance from the snare of the Satai^
The petitions of Pater Noster appear for the baptized (Book 8,8). For the Jewish
liturgical and catechetical background to the Didache, see G. Alon, Studies in
/ e w i s / i H i s t o r y (Heb Tel Aviv, 1957) I p 274-294.
h, Pr<.oc
27. On litany see F. Heiler, Prayer (tr New York; Oxford University Press,
1958) chs 2,3,11 and J. Heinemann, Prayer, ch. 6.
28. See F. Heiler, Prayer, ch. 3 and S. Angus, The Mystery Religions (rep. New
160
^ork* ^)ov0r 1975).
29. See G. Vermes, Jesus the Jew (New York; MacMillan 1973) p 72-80, A
Buchler, Types of Jewish Palestinian Piety (New York: Ktav rep.) and G. B. Sarfatti,
"Pious Men, Men of Deed and the Early Prophets," Tarbiz 26 (1956-7) p 126-153.
30. R. Eliezer's dictum: "One who makes his Tefillah Qebha'-, his prayer is not
suppUcation" (MBerakhoth 4,4). Qehha" means at fixed times, so MBer. 4,1 and
compare jBer 1,5 (3b). For the other meanings see bBer 29^ and J. Petuchowski,
Understanding Jewish Prayer ( N e w Y o r k : K t a v 1972) c h . 1.
j
31. In the Prophets, see A.J. Heschel, The Prophets (New York, Harper and
Row 1962); A. Neher, The Prophetic Existence <South Brunswick N.J., A.S.Barnes
1969) and Gerhard von Rad, The Message of the Prophets (New.York, 1962). On the
Psalmists, see H. Ringgren, The Faith of the Psalmists (London, 1963) and Leopold
Sabourin, The Psalms (New York, -Alba House 1970).
32. As servant before God, e.g. Jer 7,25; 44,4 and Ps 116,16 etc.; as son, a
designation for Israel (Exod 4,22; Deut 14,1) and in particular the king (l^e Royal
Psalms). A prophet was called "Son of Adam (Man)," Ezek 2,1 (Dan 8,17), for he
depicts God in the semblance of Man, Ezek 1,26 (Dan 7,9). Thus, the Targum
does not translate "Adam". Contira G. Vermes, Jesus, ch.7 who cites the examples
for "Bar Nesha," an Aramaic circumlocution, which has nothing to do with the
honorific titie. The Righteous intercessor assumed the attitude of s e c a n t before
God (Samuel the Smafl: bTa'anit 25^; Hanina ben Dosa: bBerakhot 34b) and as a
son (Onias: bTa'anit 23a).
. », • n
j c ^
33 See n. 19. For the example of Moses, see Assumptio Mosis 11 and bixoa
Rabba 43 to 3241 on Ps 106,23. The heavenly court appears In the vision of
Micaiah ( I K g s 22,19) a n d t h e prologue to Job (2,1).
. v i
34 Mekhilta to Ex 1,1; Lev Rabba 10,2 ed Margohoth, p 197 and Yalqut
Simeoni to Jonah 1,3 & 550. Thus, the only sin of Moses at the Waters of
Contention (Num 20,10-13) is attributed by the Rabbis to his angry use of the
affront: "moros" (idiot) per "morim". See Midrash Hagadol to N u m 20,10 a n d
compare the strict teaching of Jesus in Matt 5,22.
. .
. .
35. The current studies on christology usually omit this significant designa
tion. A future comparative study with early Jewish sources should include the
meaning of "Saddiq's" intercessory life and his effect on God's P r e s e ^ ,
as the religious response to the "silluq" (death) of the Righteous. The Righ
teous," or in a related religious context, the "Pious," do not belong simply to
anti-ritual charismatic groups (so Vermes).
.u
36. So the Synoptic depiction of Transfiguration. Jesus is proclaimed by tne
heavenly voice to be a prophet (Mk 9,7, parallels, citing JDeut 18,15) and he
appears alongside Moses and Elijah, the former and future great prophets ot
Israel The tradition echoes the Jewish-Christian view, which is also preserved in
the Gospel according to the Hebrews at Matt 3,16 0erome, Commentary to
163
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
162
S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
Isaiah 11,2) and in the Gospel according to Thomas, logion 52, referring to 24
prophets as the 24 books of the Jewish canon (so Apocalypse Ezra 12,45).
37. Tosefta Sukkah 4,5 an acquaintance with the Temple service and liturgy;
Sifre to Num 18,3: a member of the Levitical choir.
38. Tosefta Berakhot 3,7.' Both R. Jose and R. Elazar ben Zadok preserve the
brief formulas used on a fast day. Others preserve a brief formula for prayer at
mealtime. See the notes of S. Lieberman, Tosefta Kipheshutah p 33,34. He also
indicates the later Palestinian tradition on combining the two brief forms of
Tefillah ascribed to R. Joshua.
39. One version appears in the explanation of the liturgical arrangement by R.
Joshua ben Levi; jBerakhoth 2,4; 4d. Compare the text in M. Margolioth,
Hilkhoth Eres Israel Qerusalem, 1973) p l 4 4 bottom. The other version called
"Habhinenu" appears in jBer 4,3, 8a. Tlie later poetic version from the Genizah
appears in J. Mann, "Genizah Fragments of the Palestinian Order of the
Service" Contributions (ed Petuchowski) p 419-420. See also A.M. Haberman,
Tefilloth Me'en Shemoneh ^Esreh (Berlin, 1933). The two versions are reflected in
the two opinions of R&b and Samuel of the Babylonian academies (jBer 4,3;'8a).
See also "Habhinenu" in Encyclopedia Talmudith ed Zevin (Tel Aviv, 1957) Vol 8 p
220-230.
40. The reading of Hallel on the festivals is mentioned in Mishnah Pesahim
5,7; 'Arakhin 2,3; b'^Arakhin 10a. The^manner of recitation is described in Tosefta
Sotah 6,2.3; see Lieberman's notes p 668 an'd refer to I..Elbogen, "Studies in
Jewish Liturgy" Contributions (ed Petuchowski) p 6-7.
41. The Qumran Psalms ed J. Sanders, cols 14,7-16.6, preserve the shorter
form and the litanic abbreviation with a conclusion of Ps. 118,15.16.8.9. Its
apparent use as in the Temple appears in the following Ps 145, called Hallel
(bBerakhot 4b; bSabbath 118b), with the doxological refrain. Sopherim 18,25
designates Ps 135 for the first day of Passover and Ps 136 for the last day: the
later Synagogue practice.
42. This is already reflected in IChr 16,41 (23,30); 2Chr 5,13; 7,3.6; 29,26-28:
"Hymnos" of God (also called the Great Hallel in bPesahim 118a to Mishnah 10,7)
accompanied by the flute.
43. See M.Z. Segal, Sepher Ben Sira Hashalem (Jerusalem, 1958) p 356-357.
44. On the distinction between the pre-Destruction septennial cycle and the
post-Destruction triennial cycle, see A. Finkel, The Pharisees and the Teacher of
Nazareth (Leiden: Brill 1974) p 143-149. J. Heinemann, "The Triennial Lectionary
Cycle," JfewishSt 19 (1968) p 41-48, demonstrates from the liturgical poetry of
Yannai in connection with the Sabbath lections that there was no fixed Palesti
nian cycle. However, all the texts follow more or less the triennial cycle. They
mention "dew" in the Second Petition with the exception of Gen 44,18; Exod
12,29 (ed M. Zulay p 64, 89). Similarly the poetic texts that relate to the Festival
cycle preserve "dew" for all with the exception of the first day-of Passover (262)
and the special Sabbath of Sheqalim (325), which belong to the rainy season. It is
apparent that "dew" was mentioned throughout the year and "rain" was added
for the winter. Thus, the Genizah Text of the Tefillah mentions "dew" in the
second petition but refers to "rain" in the ninth petition (see Schechter,
"Genizah Specimens" in Contributions ed. Petuchowski p 375-376). Yet
Petuchowski in his introduction to Contributitms p 21 accepts Heinemann's
argument as overwhelming (sic!).
45. Relate Midrash to Ps 121,1 to Exod Rabba 46, 3 to 34,1 on Isa 64,16. The
former describes the Judgment Day, as the time Israel lifts their eyes to their
p . " - »< -
"hearken to prayer" for pnvate fast
t^e i n c l u d e d verse
Pharisees); 21,36 (the disciples)_= Eph 6,18,11 im i, l u
KnVilpr
5 7 L u k e i n particular uses "deesis and deomai.
.
Tt,
Rriiiap fNew York: Columbia 1970). K. Komer,
48. Se,e Eric Werner, The Sacred
Benedictions," Contributions (ed
"The Origin and Composition of the Eig
rhristian liturey to
P e n , « ) p. 75-90 has M ' » X ' c o ™ S n s ^ o o ? V ^ ^
Jewish prayer, as found m Apos
Sabbath In reality, the text
mistakenly identified
C V « i o n s "! the Tefillah ending with
preserves a long version of t h e fust three p e t ™
continues in 37-38
: r r ~ s ».
JogjI P
«
r
S
r W o r p ~ S e d ' : f o .
midrash of Apoc. Ezra (IV ^sd^s) 5,132-138.
Midrash Prov.' 11:27.
51. The implied readmg of
r i u t 13:18 (Sifre and Tosefta Baba
Similarly the interpretation is ren er
^
refers to
Qama 9,30). The other meamng of Exod 33,19, as cited m ko
theodicy, see Torah
Tpstament Z6buiun 8,3, i si larguni
rabbinically for bringing the
to Lev 22,27 prior to the condemna-
- « ri
j c.^uUof)t
good! Luke 6,27.35) to
youren'eTy^^^^
do) to you (Matt 7,1/, LUKe 0,011- j
nf the text It aims at the
(Matt 5,18) but aUows for
Darkness" (including the Jews),
Essene interpretative
Samlritans (the
IQS 1,4. 10. It
111b, according to Yalqut
S m e o n T r e a ^ n g to Lev 19,13; 408. The
relation is contrasted in
Jesus' parable of the Good Samaritan (Luke 11,36.37).
164
S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
55. See Acrostics by Nahum M. Sarna and Yehudah A. Klausner, Ency
clopedia Judaica I p 229-231. Aside from the alphabetical arrangement, there are
themabc acrostics m Psalms: 2,1-10 LeYaNa'Y WeHSHTW (To Jannaeus and his
w t e the nuptial occasion in Maccabean times); 11: B e K H Y ("crv")- 14 fnot the
Elohist ^ ) : ^aYeH H a S H e M ("Where is the Name = God?'!^ the Nabhifs
r
WeNoKHeL (one who boasts and is deceitful); 26: LeBH
uu
J uT i
^
mtention of all who seek me); 100:1-3 Ha'aBHoDaH
(the Todah] Service); 110: L e S H i M e m 'aMeN (To Simeon Amen; at the time of
installation of Simeon the Hasmonean in 140 B.C.E.; IMacc 14 27). These
oHhdr
editors of the Psalms arranged the earlier hymns in light
ir,^o\
A. Marmorstein, The O l d Rabbinic Doctrine o f God (rep. New York
1968) and E. E. Urbach, The Sages (Heb Jerusalem: 1969) ch. 4. J. Jeremias does
not include in his study the reference to "Abba" in early rabbinic parables nor all
^ e examples in the Palestinian Targums. (Both relate to Synagogue readings).
He also fmled (through his students) to check the manuscripts and the Midrashic
pSyS®'^^ preserving old sources (e.g. Midrash Hagadol), as weU as Selihoth
Brfni963)
Gloria," Festschrift for O . Michel (Leiden:
58. Compare Mishnah Aboth 3,6 (see J. Siever's article). Ps 82 was recited on
luesday in the Temple. Verse 1 points to God's Presence in the 'edah, the
pthenng of at least ten for public prayer (Deut Rabba to 28,1 ed Lieberman p 108
m view of bBerakhot 21b on Num 14,27: ^edah). It also points to God's Presence
among the judges, who are called "elohim" (Mekhilta to Exod 20,24). Jesus used
the Psalm in defense of his ministry (John 10,34-38). The Gospel according to
Thomas, logion 30 reads "where there are three gods," meaning the juclees
(compare Didascalia ed. Connolly p 93).
*
a later Jewish Midrash refers to Peter's liturgical composition of
Nishmath {text i n Abodath Israel, p 206-208 notes). See Aggadatha de Simeon
Kepha in Beth Hamidrash ed A-. Jellinek V, VI. On the development, see J
Jungmann' The Place of Christ in Liturgical Prayers (tr. New York: Alba' House
lyoD).
iqS
the Messianic A g e (JBL Monograph Series 7,
^4 aI' t ^
Torah der messianischen Zeit," Z N W 65 (1974) p
24-42. In additaon, all the references to a new Torah or to its abrogation are
imderstood rabbmically m the context of Ezekiel's prospect (11,19; 36,26). Once
me evil inclmation is eliminated, given commandments become inapplicable.
Compare the redefinition for all the commandments in 2Cor 3,3-6. Consult the
refutation in Ozar Wikkuhim ed J. D. Eisenstein (rep. Israel, 1969) p 215 216
Yeshu^oth Meshiho by I. Abarbanel (Karlsruhe, 1828) and David Kimhi's com
ments to Isa 12,3; Jer 31,30.
No?Te?iS)tSnL ^
62. On the Galilean dialect of Aramaic see Eduard Y. Kutscher, Hebrew and
Aramaic Studies (Jerusalem, 1977). Compare G. Vermes, Jesus, p 52-54 and M
Black, A n Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and A c t s (Oxford: Clarendon third
edition 1967). The phenomenon otMischsprache (Greek, Latin and Hebrew terms
mcorporated mto Aramaic vernacular) in Galilee, as attested to in the Palestinian
texts, was not fully explored by the above. The glossolalia indicates that the
165
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
Galileans, who were noted for their peculiar pronunciation (Mark 14,70 - Matt
26 73), could hear and understand different tongues (Acts 2,7-11). These are
Persian Aramaic, Greek, Latin and Arabic. In addition to the similar sound for
flat bread and rock, the fish and the snake are also mentioned. They represent
either the similar Greek forms ichtys and echfs (Mekhilta to Exod 15,22) or the
Greek aphye (sardine) bHuUin 66a, and the Hebrew 'eph'eh (Isa 30,6) or the
Galilean form'flwyfl (Gen Rabba 26 to 6,4).
^
63. The Baraitha (bYoma 86a) depicts good works that elicit public praise for
God as an act of endearing or sanctifyjng God's name, in view of Isa 49,3 (see
Tanhuma to 19,2 ed Buber p 72). The evil inclination is called obstacle (Isa 57,4;
bSukkah 52b while God calls it evil. Gen 8,21). Its removal is related to Ezekiel s
prospect (36,26); see Num Rabba to 10,2. The obstacle is defined as hypocrisy
(Tosefta Yoma 4,12).
,
, i-^
• i
c
64. This phrase can be explained in light of the legend on the liturgical use of
Shema" in the synagogue. Jacob before his death has exhorted his twelve sons to
"hear God of Israel who is your Father in heaven." It reads ' 'el as God
in lieu of the preposition "to" in Gen 49,2b (see Gen Rabba ad loc., ed
Theodor-Albeck p 1252 notes). The twelve sons rephed: "Hear O Israel-^ur
(natural) father: the Lord is our God, the Lord is one" (Pal Targum to Dexit 6,4).
65. Kathegetes is in A r a m a i c Medabrana (compare the salutation in bSanhedrm
14a). Matthew's stress on oneness with reference to God and Jesus is a repudmtion of dualistic heresy and christological division, respectively. Compare Sifre
to Deut 6,4 on undivided faith in one God and b.Sanhedrin 8a on no communal
division on leadership.
66. See Harry A. Wolfson, The Philosophy d f the Church Fathers (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1964) I ch 7.
67. See O. Cullmann, The Christology of the N e w Testament (tr. Philadelphia:
Westminster, 1963) p 32 notes.
68. "Hosanna in the highest" is rendered in Aramaic barrama Qerome, Letter
to Damasus 20 on Matt 21,9). Bar-Rama connotes "the Son of the Highest^^
(compare Luke 1,32), which satisfies the parallel to "Hosanna the Son of David
in Matthew. The two christological appeals sandwich the liturgical salutation to
the pilgrims (Ps 118,26) or later to members in the church, the new Temple.
Compare the enactment of greeting in God's name, Mishnah Berakhot 9,5.
Similar to it is the greeting of peace (Luke 10,5) in Christian life. Peace is an
appellative for God.
. „
69. Sifra to Lev 22:32; bSanhedrin 74a. The public service of hallowmg God s
name is also derived from the same verse, bMegillah 23b.
70. See N. Perrin, The Kingdom of God in the Teaching of Jesus (Philadelphia:
Westminster 1963) which reviews and evaluates the contemporaty discussion on
the realized, proleptic and futuristic eschatology. The governing principle of
correspondence in Apocalyptic thought and experience is not explored fully nor
adequately employed in the discussion.
71. See Bertil Gartner, The Temple and the Community in Qumran and the N e w
Testament (Cambridge University Press 1965). His evaluation of the New Testa
ment material is valuable. However, his comparative study with Qumran is
inadequate. See Y. Yadin, Temple Scroll (Heb Jerusalem, 1977), I p 144 notes.
Contra J. Neusner in Judaica 21 (1972) p 318 rep. Early Rabbinic Judaism (Leiden.
Brill 1975) ch.2.
166
S T A N D I N G BEFORE GOD
72. Already noticed by J. Wellhausen, see G. Dalman, Die V^orte lesu (rep.
Darmstadt, 1965) p 50.
73. See J.N. Epstein, Introduction to the Tannaitic Literature (Heb Jerusalem,
1957) p 746 (Sifre Zuta).
74. On the rabbinic response, see L. Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews (Philadel
phia; JPSA 1959) IV p 304 V p 396 and S. H. Blank, "The Death of Zechariah in
Rabbinic Literature", HUCA 12/13(1937/38) p 327-346. Both relate the event to
the death of the prophet in the First Temple. Yet the rgbbis have interpreted the
event as described-by Josephus in relation to the past, a homiletic tendency
affecting the description of catastrophic events. The Zealots' bloodshed that
caused the removal of God's Presence in the Second Temple is described
historically in Cant. Zuta to 8,14. See S. Liebermann, Greek and Hellenism in
Jewish Palestine (Heb Jerusalem, 1962) p 138-146.
75. A rabbinic version of God's lament for his children is recorded in
bBerakhot 3^ (R. Eliezer of the First Century). Compare Echa Rabba (ed Buber)
9,15. 25.
76. God's Presence is the expression of love, see Cant Rabba to 3,10 on
"appiryon" as the Temple inlaid with love. Compare Pesiqta (ed M. Ish Shalom)
p 22a. On the experience of "homonoia" see E.E. Urbach, Sages, ch. 3; 43.
Thus, God's relationship to the pilgrims is described as a "Father who dwells
among his children" (Exod Rabba 34, to 25,10.8 and Midrash Hagadol, ad loc.).
77. The Temple was destroyed in Summer of 70, a post-Sabbatical year (Seder
Olam Rabba 30). Consult B. Z. Wacholder, Essays in Jewish Chronology and
Chronography. (New York: Ktav 1976), who fixes the date as 69/70.
78. Eusebius preserves the religious view of the church: "When holy men
desert the city, the judgment of God will overtake them (in the city)," in view of
Abraham's appeal to God, Gen. 18,24-32 (Gen Rabba to 18,32; Pirke de R.
Eliezer 25). In addition, Eusebius offers a later Christian view on the punish
ment: "For all their crimes against Christ and his apostles". He ends with a
malediction: "Let all the generation of the wicked be utterly blotted out from
among men". Compare the wording of the Jewish malediction in the Tefillah, as
it appeared in Eusebius time: "Let the Nazareans and the minim (= the doers of
evil, other recensions)... be utterly blotted out from the book of life".
79. A significant example is the midrash of the Scribe on Shema' (Mark
12,33-34). The scribe interprets love for God and the neighbor as greater than
sacrifices, citing Hos 6,6. Hesed expresses love for neighbor and da'nth love for
God. Matthew employs Hos 6,6 as Scriptural support for the teaching of Jesus
on table-fellowship with the sinners (9,13) and healing on the Sabbath (12,7).
Hos 6,6 was likewise used by R. Johanan of Jamnia (Aboth de R. Nathan I 4; II
8). This was not a revolutionary discovery (sic!) as claimed by J. Goldin, which
misled J. Neusner, Yohanan, p 193. The common liturgical lesson of the preDestruction scribe was already known to Mark. Compare Pal Targum to Gen
35,8 and Deut 34,6, enumerating the acts of piety in imitatio Dei (see Pirke de R .
Eliezer 12). Contra J. Neusner, Development of a Legend (Leiden: Brill 1970) p 114.
80.^ A. Finkel, The Pharisees, p 134-143. This would clearly show that Mat
thew's detailed knowledge of the Pharisaic practice was prior to the Hillelitic
revision of the Halakhah at Jamnia. Compare the recent studies of E. Levine,
"The Sabbath Controversy According to Matthew" (arguing for a pre-70 setting
of the Omer controversy) and J. Neusner, "First Cleanse the Inside" (pointing to
the Shammaitic practice) in N.T.S. 22 (1976). The latter does not acknowledge
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
167
my work. In his conclusion, h e is not able t o p p l a i n this Phenomenon satisfactorilv contra his thesis in Rabbinic Traditions about the Pharisees (Lpden, 1971).
81.'The example of healing on the Sabbath (Mekhilta to 31,12) and the stress
on love for the person, the HUlelitic teaching (Aboth 1,12). Thus, transpersonal
commandment is set aside by interpersonal commandment in a conflict situation
(so the criticism of the priestly practice pre-70, Tosefta Yoma 1,12). Jesus
similarly debates with the Pharisees of his day; 1) Savmg a life on the Sabbath
(Mark 3,4 parallels); 2) Acts of piety cannot be set aside due to pollution caused
by a seemingly dead person (Luke 10, 30-35: the pnesfand the Levite cross over
to the other side); 3) Support for parents cannot be cancelled by declaring the
food items sacred (Mark 7,9-13 = Matt 15,3-9: "You transgress the (interper
sonal) commandment of God for the sake of your tradition (on makmg vows in
transpersonal matters). Jesus himself is not a Hillelite but he appears to mterpret
the Scriptures in their spirit. His messianic consciousness cannot be simply
determined by a particular religious personality.
82. On the doxology'see E. Werner, Bridge, ch 9; J. Heinemann, Prayer, p
The text is cited by John 19,37 (the Scriptural sign foj Jesus' messiank
death) and by Matt 24,30, the sign for the coming of the Son of Man (so Rev 1,7).
Thus, both aspects of Jesus' advent are interpreted by this Prophetic verse T
text was likewise used by the later rabbinic apocalypticists with reference to the
dead Messiah, the Son of Joseph (bSukkah 52a). The "grace referred to in the
verse is connected with the priestly Benediction on G o d s grace, i.e.
reintroduction of prophecy (printed Tanhuma to Num 6,25).
84 See IQS 2,3: "eternal da'ath"; IQSb 2,24: "the Holy Spint ( - 1,^
°
the Holy") and Sifre to Num 6,25: "Light of the Presence (= the Face) , i.e.
illumination (zyw). Most significantly, the transmission of the lections reated y
the Levites in the Temple at the Sabbath additional sacnfiaal s e ^ c e 'S goveri^d
by an kcrostic (bRosh Hashana 31a; jMegillah 3,8;-74a; Sophenm 12 J . ^ e
initial letters of Deut 31,1. 7. 19. 36 form HaZYW LeKHa, i.e. ( Gods)
illumination unto you (singular)."
85. See Gordon P. Wiles, Paul's Intercessory Prayers (Cambndge University
PrG^s 1974)
86. Originally the covenantal formula: "I am unto you . . . and you are unto
me
/ ' expresses a nuptial declaration (Hos 2, 20 in view of 2,4, see Elephan
tine marriage certificate, ed Kraeling 2,3,4). The Prophets depict matnmonia_Uy
the relationship between God and Israel (e.g. Ezek 16; see A. Neher, op. cit.,
part 111,2). For the earthly community, the nuptial union with God was experi
enced liturgically and ritualistically in the Temple. Thus, Canticles (the songs of
the lover and his beloved) were interpreted allegorically in the furst Centuries (so
Cant Rabba; Pesiqta Rabbati 5; Pesiqta de R. Kahana 1, compare Ongen s
Commentary). The homiUst preserves the covenantal formula as an expression
of God's declaration (Exod Rabba to 25,8): "You are my sheep/vmeyard sons
and I an your Shepherd/Keeper/Father," or as the community s response (Cant
Rabba to 2,16); "He is unto me a God/ a Father/ a Shepherd/ a Keeper and I am
unto Him a nation/ a son/ sheep/ vineyard". Thus, the
°
Shema' is offered as an example of this covenantal experience (idem and Sitre to
Deut 33,26). See also K. Hruby's article.
. .
r87. The litanic* cry eleison is preserved in early Chnstian liturgy. Corre
spondingly the litanic appeals to Jesus are transmitted in the Gospels as save
168
S T A N D I N t ; BEFORE GOD
(Matf 8,25; 14,30; 21,9. 15) "help" (15,25) "have mercy" (Mark 10,47-48 paral^
lels).
88. The prayers appear in chs 24, 27, 29, 53, 59, 60, 64. Clement preserves
lessons on the proper orientation in prayer similar to Matt: on repentance 8; on
righteousness 9; on humble-mindedness 13, 17, 56; on peacefulness 15; >on
purity and integrity 21, 23; on reconciliation 48; on prayer 50 and on deliverance
from evil 51.
<
89. The litanies are preserved alphabetically in Amram's Siddur with the
appeal to "our Father." The repeated cries appear as "Hosanna" (the liturgy for
Tabernacle Festival); "Answer us" (prayer for the fast day); "Do for the sake"
and "our Father, our King" (as above).
90. Contra D. Flusser, Jesus (tr New York»1969) p 95 and G. Vermes, Jesus, ch
8, 4. J. Jeremias, Prayer, p 35-48 distinguishes between "our Father" and "my
Father" of ^Abba. This is nothing but a distinction between the collective address
and the substitute form for God's name, as used by individuals.
91. On religious education in the schools, see S. Krauss; Talmudische Archaeologie (rep Hildesheim, 1966) III, 12 and Compendium, II ch. 19.
92. The prayer of the commoners "is brief without even referring to God
(Tosefta Berakhot 4,45; see S. Liebermann's notes). However, the substitute
terms of "Rahmana" (Merciful One) or "Mara" (Master) and "Hamaqom" (the
Place) were also used (bBer. 40b).
93. See the examples in A. Finkel, The Pharisees, p 110. The particular
significance attached to child's recitation is mentioned by Matt 21,15-16, citing Ps
8,2 (read Yisarta' = you are praised in song, in view of IChr 15,22). The Tannaim
employ this verse to illustrate the innocent children's recitation of the Song at
the Sea as a perception of God's Presence (Tosefta Sotah 6, 4.5 and Mekhilta to
Exod 5,1).
94. So Onias' cousin, Hilqiyah, is called ^Abba (bMakkoth 24a) and see Yi
Heilprin, Seder Hadoroth (rep. Jerusalem, 1956) on Onias' grandson who was
called the meek. 'Abba denotes patron or comfnunal administratori Compare
Matt 23,9 on the use of the honorific title Abba in the community (examples in
Strack and Billerbeck, Kommentar I p 918).
95. See J. Jeremias, New Testament Theobgy (tr. New York: Scribners 1971) p
9-14, 179 and compare the liturgical use in Martin McNamara, Targum and
Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans 1968) ch 9,12. See A. Marmorstein, Rabbinic
Doctrine, on the pronunciation of the Tetragrammaton.
96. BKiddushin 31b. See Gerald Blidstein, Honor Thy Father and Mother (New
York: Ktav 1976).
97. See David de Sola Pool. The Kaddish (New York 3rd ed, 1964) and J.
Heinemann, Prayer, p 163f.
98. See S. Schechter, Aspects of Rabbinic Theology (rep. New York: Schocken
1961) ch 2. M. Kadushin, The Rabbinic Mind (New York: Bloch, third edition 1972)
ch4, 2. E.E. Urbach, Sages, ch 15,4.
99. The employment of YHWH, ELOHIM in prayer is discussed and used as a
criterion for judgment of pre-Destruction forms of prayer. See L. Finkelstein,
"Development of Amidah" Contributions (ed. Petuchowski). J. Heinemann,
Prayer, p 120 indicates that JP addresses God as Father as well as King in the
petition for the Kingdom, as both conceptions appear in Jewish liturgy. How
ever, he also maintains thaf'Pater Noster" is a private prayer, since it does not
contain the name in the address nor a praise formulation. Jesus indeed offers his
Prayer of Jesus in Matthew
169
private-brief prayer for the community to pray; Smce Jesus made it a\railable,
according to Matthew's redaction, for the time of distress. It addresses You as
the petition for rain in Jewish practice. There is no evidence, however, for e
time of Jesus that individuals prayed the Eighteen Benedictions, but there is
evidence that these were recited publicly in a briefer version. Furthermore, the
private petitions of the teachers became a part of the commund liturgy.
100. Pesiqta de R. Kahana 4, 36b, bSukkah 14a; Midrash Tannaim to Deut
3,24.