Sympathy and Exclusion: The Migration of Child and Women Survivors of the Armenian Genocide from the Eastern Mediterranean to Canada, 1923–1930

Sympathy and Exclusion: The Migration of Child and Women Survivors of the Armenian Genocide from the Eastern Mediterranean to Canada, 1923–1930 Daniel Ohanian University of California, Los Angeles This text is a near-final draft of an article published in the fall 2017 issue of the journal Genocide Studies International.* The finalized version, which I cannot post online due to copyright restrictions, is accessible here and here. *** Abstract: In 1918, some 500,000 Ottoman Armenians found themselves displaced from their homes or living in Muslim households in the Eastern Mediterranean and the South Caucasus. For most, life did not return to normal after WWI. Rather, new wars, war scares, political manoeuvrings, economic policies, famines, and epidemics during 1918–1930 resulted in a long-term refugee crisis that was responded to by a large number of Armenian and nonArmenian organizations. This article looks at one such response: the humanitarian relocation to Canada of 110 boys and 39 girls and women—all genocide refugees and most of them orphans. It traces how this relocation campaign was realized despite Canadian iՎՎigrՂtiՐՏ ՂuthՐritiՆs’ ՍՐՏg-standing efforts to keep Asians, the impoverished, and the stateless from entering the country. Breaking with the often simplistic and celebratory tone of the literature on humanitarian aid to Ottoman Armenians, this article discusses how the preceding fundraising campaigns of 1880–1922 were a liability for this subsequent relocation project, and it pays special attention to the people and ideas that opposed it. Key words: Canadian immigration, refugees in Canada, genocide survivors, Georgetown Boys, history of childhood, Asia Minor Catastrophe, WWI refugees 1 Did you know that a new contingent of Armenian boys arrived at our Georgetown Farm on August 1st, 1926? They are Christian lads ready to give themselves wholeheartedly to the agricultural development of our country.1 —Armenian Relief Association of Canada president John Gowans Kent We have been scattered across a foreign country, and we long for our Armenia.2 —Georgetown Boy Tavit Jamgochian Men, women, and especially little children, of every class of Canadian life, have shown but one attitude—the appeal of these Armenian boys is irresistible.3 —Armenian Relief Association of Canada president John Gowans Kent [I have had to] … battle … all these years … against Canadian prejudice and against the prejudice of many who call themselves Christians.4 —former Armenian Relief Association of Canada general secretary Rev. Ira William Pierce Between these twin conflicting narratives lies the story of the Georgetown Boys and Girls, 110 boys and 39 girls and women who came to Canada through the help of the Toronto-based Armenian Relief Association of Canada (ARAC) and, later, the United Church of Canada during 1923–1930.5 It is this humanitarian initiative—framed principally as a child-saving one and best known for an institution it ran in Georgetown, Ontario—that is the focus of this paper.6 Heretofore, it has been difficult to write an article such as this on this group of migrants for three principle reasons: the exclusion of the Armenian Genocide from several research fields; the insufficient amalgamation and contextualization of the literature on relief efforts; and the lack of a narrative history of Canadian action in support of needy Armenians. Recent changes in this Եhis ՂrtiՄՍՆ is Ղ suՃstՂՏtiՂՍՍy rՆvisՆՅ vՆrsiՐՏ Րf Ղ ՎՂjՐr rՆsՆՂrՄh pՂpՆr suՃՎittՆՅ tՐ YՐrՌ UՏivՆrsity’s MA iՏ history program. I thank Roberto Perin, William Westfall, Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill, Raffi Sarkissian, Shahen Mirakian, Jennifer Manoukian, Francesca Piana, and the editors and anonymous reviewers of Genocide Studies International for their guidance and suggestions. * DՂՏiՆՍ OhՂՏiՂՏ, “ԴyՎpՂthy ՂՏՅ ExՄՍusiՐՏ: ԵhՆ MigrՂtiՐՏ Րf ChiՍՅ ՂՏՅ WՐՎՆՏ ԴurvivՐrs Րf thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ Genocide from the Eastern Mediterranean to Canada, 1923–1930,” Genocide Studies International 11, no. 2 (2017): 197–215. 1 John G. Kent, fundraising appeal, October 1926, part 2, file 89616, vol. 215, RG 76, Department of Employment and Immigration Fonds (DEIF), Library and Archives Canada (LAC), Ottawa, Canada. 2 “Օ :” Ժ ԼDՂwitʿ ZhՂՎՌՐՄhʿՆՂՏ], “ ” ԼOur ArՎՆՏiՂ], Ա ի (Hamilton, Canada), April 1928, 4. Later in life, the author went by the name David Usher. 3 Kent, fundraising appeal, April 1926, part 1, file 89616. 4 Ira W. Pierce, letter to Rev. Henry Harrison Riggs of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM), 8 December 1930, file 64, 83.052C, Board of Evangelism and Social Service Fonds (BESSF), United Church of Canada Archives (UCCA), Toronto, Canada. 5 FՐr Ղ fuՍՍ Սist Րf thՆsՆ iՏՅiviՅuՂՍs ՂՏՅ ՂՅՅitiՐՏՂՍ ՅՆtՂiՍs, sՆՆ DՂՏiՆՍ OhՂՏiՂՏ, “ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ԳՆfugՆՆ OrphՂՏs ՂՏՅ Maids in Canada, 1923–1930,” AՄՂՅՆՎiՂ.ՆՅu, https://www.academia.edu/35591871/; ՂՏՅ DՂՏiՆՍ OhՂՏiՂՏ, “NՐtՆs ՐՏ Ղ CՐՏՏՆՄtՆՅ HistՐry Րf CՂՏՂՅՂ ՂՏՅ OttՐՎՂՏ ArՎՆՏiՂՏs thrՐugh 1930,” AՄՂՅՆՎiՂ.ՆՅu, https://www.academia.edu/ 35591903/. 6 Georgetown is located some 25 mi (40 km) west of Toronto. It was amalgamated into the township of Halton Hills in the 1970s. 2 situation have made the present study possible. 2015, the centenary of the start of the genocide, was a watershed year that is allowing researchers to do their work without spending space and energy defending themselves against politically motivated denial 7; over the past decade, scholars have been identifying the genocide and the international responses to it as crucibles through which the development of modern humanitarianism, ideas about how to treat children affected by war, and the creation of the first international refugee regime all passed8; and a documentary history ՄՂՍՍՆՅ ԵhՆ CՂՍՍ frՐՎ ArՎՆՏiՂ: CՂՏՂՅՂ’s ԳՆspՐՏsՆ tՐ thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ GՆՏՐՄiՅՆ wՂs puՃՍishՆՅ iՏ 2015.9 This article benefits from these developments as well as new archival material and Armenian-language publications regularly left out of anglophone scholarship. This article also pulls from disparate literatures in genocide studies, Armenian studies, Canadian immigration history, and Canadian church history; from hundreds of newspaper articles; and from documents at nine archives in four countries to address the topic with the multifocal and transnational approach it requires.10 Such an approach is necessary because of the diverse military, international- and domestic-political, and social forces that were implicated in the project, the success of which stood in stark contrast to the prejudices that Canadian immigration officials are known to have harboured and that decades of scholarship by historians of Canada has led us to expect. It is also necessary if we want to recognize the people and ideas that opposed Armenian relief campaigns—something academics and non-academics studying the interconnected programs of Canadian, British, and American aid have looked at only rarely. This history of the Georgetown Boys and Girls therefore gives us a rare opportunity to see, from various perspectives, what forces militated for and against a particular humanitarian undertaking. *** Among Canadians, humanitarian action in support of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire (i.e., Western Armenians) had a heritage of some 50 years before 1923. It was during those years that many of the fundraising strategies later employed by the ARAC were developed and that sՆvՆrՂՍ Րf thՆ ՐrgՂՏizՂtiՐՏ’s ՍՆՂՅiՏg figurՆs first ՃՆՄՂՎՆ iՏvՐՍvՆՅ. LiՌՆ thՆ ՍՂtՆr GՆՐrgՆtՐwՏ project, these earlier efforts exhibited an important degree of transnational cooperation. During 1860–c. 1914, the 50 or so Canadian missionaries stationed among Ottoman Armenians were mostly there as members of an American missionary organization (the American AyՅՂ ErՃՂՍ, “ԵhՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ GՆՏՐՄiՅՆ, AKA thՆ EՍՆphՂՏt iՏ thՆ ԳՐՐՎ,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 4 (2015): 783–790; DՂviՅ GutՎՂՏ, “OttՐՎՂՏ HistՐriՐgrՂphy ՂՏՅ thՆ EՏՅ Րf thՆ GՆՏՐՄiՅՆ ԵՂՃՐՐ: WritiՏg thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ GՆՏՐՄiՅՆ iՏtՐ LՂtՆ OttՐՎՂՏ HistՐry,” Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association 2, no. 1 (2015): 167–183. 8 See, for example, Dzovinar Kévonian, Réfugiés et diplomatie humanitaire : Les acteurs européens et la scène proche-orientale pendant l’entre-deux-guerres [Refugees and humanitarian diplomacy: European actors and the Middle East scene during the interwar period] (Paris: PuՃՍiՄՂtiՐՏs ՅՆ ՍՂ ԴՐrՃՐՏՏՆ, 2004); MՂrՌ ԵՐufՂyՂՏ, “EՎpՂthy, HuՎՂՏity ՂՏՅ thՆ ‘ArՎՆՏiՂՏ QuՆstiՐՏ’ iՏ thՆ IՏtՆrՏՂtiՐՏՂՍist LՆgՂՍ IՎՂgiՏՂtiՐՏ,” Revue québécoise de droit international 24, no. 1 (2011): 171–191; Tara Zahra, The Lost Children: Reconstructing Europe’s Families after World War II (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2011), 29–36; Michelle Tusan, Smyrna’s Ashes: Humanitarianism, Genocide, and the Birth of the Middle East (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012); and Keith David Watenpaugh, Bread from Stones: The Middle East and the Making of Modern Humanitarianism (Oakland: University of California Press, 2015). 9 Aram Adjemian, The Call from Armenia: Canada’s Response to the Armenian Genocide (Lorraine: Corridor Books, 2015). 10 The most important records, those of the ARAC, are largely missing. Some of this material was given to the UCC whՆՏ rՆspՐՏsiՃiՍity fՐr thՆ prՐjՆՄt wՂs pՂssՆՅ ՐՏ tՐ it. HՐwՆvՆr, thՆ ՐrgՂՏizՂtiՐՏ’s ՎՆՆtiՏg ՎiՏutՆs, ՎՐՏthՍy financial reports, and most of its correspondence are nowhere to be found. My attempts at locating them through various archives, researchers, and descendants of prominent members have borne no fruit. 7 3 Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, ABCFM) and were sharing mission fields with men and women from Britain, Germany, Denmark, Switzerland, Norway, and Sweden.11 These missionary networks were involved in proselytizing and providing education and medical care, and, in times of turmoil, they became key sources of information about the Ottoman Empire for periodicals in Europe, its colonies, and the United States. Just like the better known Times in London and the New York Times, the Halifax Herald, ԵՐrՐՏtՐ’s Globe, ՂՏՅ KiՏgstՐՏ’s Presbyterian Witness in Canada regularly featured news about Armenians during periods of crisis.12 Such crises were responded to through fundraising campaigns in some 50 countries, including Canada.13 In Canada as in the United States, widespread public participation in these campaigns and the attraction of the Near East and the Bible Lands as mission fields were the results of an “uՏprՆՄՆՅՆՏtՆՅ” ՆxpՂՏsiՐՏ Րf rՆՍigiՐus iՏtՆrՆst ՅuriՏg thՆ ՏiՏՆtՆՆՏth ՄՆՏtury.14 In both countries, the corollary phenomenon of the social gospel encouraged people to extend charity to those different from themselves and to place much hope in ecumenism and internationalism. When, after the First World War, it was not proselytizing missionaries but secular relief workers who left Canada to help Armenians and others, they again joined men and women from a variety of countries, and they again worked through an American group (Near East Relief, NER).15 “In thՆ pՆriՐՅ ՂftՆr thՆ wՂr,” KՆith WՂtՆՏpՂugh hՂs suՎՎՂrizՆՅ, “thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏs ՍՐՐՎՆՅ ՍՂrgՆ iՏ ՂՏ ՆՎՆrgiՏg WՆstՆrՏ ՎՐՅՆrՏ huՎՂՏitՂriՂՏ ՄՐՏsՄiՐusՏՆss. … ԵhՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ՄՂusՆ ՃՆՄՂՎՆ emblematic of the larger goal of a just world order, and Armenians themselves the prototypical object of humanitarianism.”16 IՏ thՆ iՏtՆrwՂr pՆriՐՅ, ՂՄՄՐrՅiՏg tՐ ԳՐՃՆrt Wright, “thՆ trՂgՆՅy thՂt stirrՆՅ thՆ hՆՂrts Րf CՂՏՂՅiՂՏ PrՐtՆstՂՏts ՎՐrՆ thՂՏ ՂՏy ՐthՆr” wՂs thՂt Րf thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏs.17 And Jo LՂyՄՐՄՌ, rՆfՍՆՄtiՏg ՐՏ BritՂiՏ, hՂs writtՆՏ thՂt “thՆir fՂtՆ ՃՆՄՂՎՆ ՂՏ iՎpՐrtՂՏt iՏtՆrՏՂtiՐՏՂՍ gՆՐpՐՍitiՄՂՍ quՆstiՐՏ fՐr thՆ British gՐvՆrՏՎՆՏt. … ԵhՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏs … ՃՆՄՂՎՆ wՆՍՍ ՌՏՐwՏ … Ղs objects of romantic and scholarly interest and as victims of atrocity and massacre.”18 11 For a detailed list of Canadian missionaries and additional details, see Daniel Ohanian, “CՂՏՂՅiՂՏs iՏ thՆ OttՐՎՂՏ EՎpirՆ thrՐugh 1923,” AՄՂՅՆՎiՂ.ՆՅu, https://www.academia.edu/35591872/; ՂՏՅ OhՂՏiՂՏ, “NՐtՆs ՐՏ Ղ CՐՏՏՆՄtՆՅ HistՐry.” 12 FՐՍՍՐwiՏg thՆ ՍՆՂՅ Րf AՅjՆՎiՂՏ ՂՏՅ HՂrՐՍՅ J. NՂhՂՃՆՅiՂՏ (“A Brief Look at Relations between Canadians and Armenians, 1896–1920,” iՏ “ArՎՆՏiՂՏs iՏ OՏtՂriՐ,” ՆՅ. IsՂՃՆՍ KՂpriՆՍiՂՏ, spՆՄiՂՍ issuՆ, Polyphony: The Bulletin of the Multicultural History Society of Ontario 4, no. 1 [1982]: 28–34), research for this paper has relied on articles published in the Globe. BՆtwՆՆՏ 1892 ՂՏՅ 1930, A. MՄKiՎ ՂՅvՆrtisiՏg ՂgՆՏՄy’s Canadian Newspaper Directory listed it as among the most popular dailies in the country. It had an average circulation of 93,000 during the 1920s. The Canadian Newspaper Directory, 1st to 23rd eds. (Montreal: A. McKim, 1892–1930). 13 ViՄՌՆՏ BՂՃՌՆՏiՂՏ, “ԴtՐriՆs Րf IՏtՆrՏՂtiՐՏՂՍ ‘GՐՐՅՏՆss’ ՅuriՏg thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ GՆՏՐՄiՅՆ,” Genocide Prevention Now 11 (2012), http://www.ihgjlm.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/International_goodness.pdf. 14 MՂrՌ A. NՐՍՍ, “‘ChristiՂՏ AՎՆriՄՂ’ ՂՏՅ ‘ChristiՂՏ CՂՏՂՅՂ,’” iՏ The Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 8, World Christianities, c. 1815–c. 1914, ed. Sheridan Gilley and Brian Stanley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 359–380, 359. 15 EstՂՃՍishՆՅ iՏ 1915 Ղs thՆ AՎՆriՄՂՏ CՐՎՎittՆՆ fՐr ԴyriՂՏ ՂՏՅ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ԳՆՍiՆf, NEԳ wՂs “thՆ prՆՆՎiՏՆՏt modern humanitarian institution in the Eastern MՆՅitՆrrՂՏՆՂՏ” ՅuriՏg thՆ iՏtՆrwՂr pՆriՐՅ. WՂtՆՏpՂugh, Bread from Stones, 51. It collected $110,000,000 during 1915–1926—110 times more than the ARAC. Watenpaugh, Bread from Stones, 91–123; “MՐՏՆy CՐՏtriՃutՆՅ tՐ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ԳՆՍiՆf,” Globe (Toronto, Canada), 13 December 1928, 20. For a Սist Րf CՂՏՂՅiՂՏ rՆՍiՆf wՐrՌՆrs ՂՏՅ ՂՅՅitiՐՏՂՍ ՅՆtՂiՍs, sՆՆ OhՂՏiՂՏ, “CՂՏՂՅiՂՏs iՏ thՆ OttՐՎՂՏ EՎpirՆ”; ՂՏՅ OhՂՏiՂՏ, “NՐtՆs ՐՏ Ղ CՐՏՏՆՄtՆՅ HistՐry.” 16 Watenpaugh, Bread from Stones, 163. 17 Robert Wright, A World Mission: Canadian Protestantism and the Quest for a New International Order, 1918– 1939 (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-QuՆՆՏ’s UՏivՆrsity PrՆss, 1991), 77. 18 Jo Laycock, Imagining Armenia: Orientalism, Ambiguity and Intervention (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009), 1. 4 On the surface, the crises that the campaigns of 1880–1930 responded to were acute. In 1880, Canadians donated some $200 in response to famine in eastern Anatolia.19 During c. 1894– c. 1896, $16,000 was collected by committees in Toronto, Montreal, the Maritime provinces, and the North-West Territories to provide aid during and after the Hamidian Massacres,20 and more than $6,000 was raised after the 1909 Adana Massacres.21 But the greatest amount—over $1,000,00022—was donated during 1916–1930, when campaigns of annihilation and intimidation and shifting political and military circumstances resulted in a long-term refugee crisis that the Armenian Refugees (LՐrՅ MՂyՐr’s) FuՏՅ (LMF), ՃՂsՆՅ iՏ LՐՏՅՐՏ; NEԳ, ՃՂsՆՅ iՏ NՆw YՐrՌ; thՆ League of Nations, in Geneva; the Armenian General Benevolent Union, in Cairo; the Armenian National Delegation, in Paris; the Armenian National Trusteeship (Ա ), in Constantinople (Istanbul); the French military–administered Central Armenian Repatriation Service (Service central des rapatriements arméniens), in Aleppo; and several smaller bodies all worked to correct.23 In the aftermath of the war, Canada was among a 19 Adjemian, Call from Armenia, 22–24. Adjemian, Call from Armenia, 24–34; John Castell Hopkins, The Sword of Islam, or Suffering Armenia: Annals of Turkish Power and the Eastern Question (Brantford and Toronto: Bradley-Garretson, 1896), 413. 21 Adjemian, Call from Armenia, 37–38. 22 “MՐՏՆy CՐՏtriՃutՆՅ tՐ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ԳՆՍiՆf.” Եhis ՅՐՆs ՏՐt tՂՌՆ iՏtՐ ՂՄՄՐuՏt uՏՌՏՐwՏ suՎs ՅՐՏՂtՆՅ Ճy CՂՏՂՅiՂՏs directly to the LMF, the Save the Children Fund (SCF), NER, and Armenian charities. For clues on the latter, see Պ ի քՓ Ա ի ի. 1920–1921 Լ…] ԼBՐՐՌ Րf thՂՏՌs fՐr thՆ ԴՂՍvՂtiՐՏ Appeal by the Armenians of America, 1920–1921 …] (BՐstՐՏ: . « », 1921); . ԼMՂՏuՌ G. ChizՎ ՄhՆՂՏ], Պ ի ի ք ղ ք . 1890–1925 [History of the Armenian-American political parties, 1890–1925] (Fresno: « », 1930); ԼG Րrg ԵōՏՂpՆtՆՂՏ], . . ի ի ի ի Ա ի ի [The A. R. Federation in North America], vol. 2, 1910–1923 (Boston: , 1995), 270–631; Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill, Sisters of Mercy and Survival: Armenian Nurses, 1900–1930 (Antelias: Printing House of the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia, 2012), 353–439; ՂՏՅ “ԴtuՅՆՏt AssՂssiՏ Րf ԵՂՍՂՂtt PՂshՂ WiՍՍ ԴՐՐՏ Visit FriՆՏՅs iՏ ԵՐrՐՏtՐ,” Globe, 28 September 1921, 6. 23 There had been some 2,000,000 Armenians living in the Ottoman Empire on the eve of World War I. Roughly 500,000 survivors were either displaced or held in Muslim households after the war. Raymond H. Kévorkian, Le génocide des Arméniens [The genocide of the Armenians] (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2006), 343, 918. To understand the various waves of violence during 1914–1930, a comprehensive history of which does not exist, see [Lewon Vardan], Ժ ի Տ ի ի. 1915–1923 [Chronology of the Armenian Nineteen-Fifteen, 1915–1923] (Beirut: . «Ա », 1975); Պ. [ ] ԼP. KՐՌiՏՐs (KhՂՄhʿiՌ KՂrՂpՆti KՐՌՂyՂՏ)], ղ ի ի . 1918–1927 [From the history of the Greek-Armenian colony, 1918–1927] (Yerevan: Ա , 1965), 49–69; Vahakn N. Dadrian, The History of the Armenian Genocide: Ethnic Conflict from the Balkans to Anatolia to the Caucasus, 4th rev. ed. (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004; first published 1995), 201–300, 347–374; Vahé Tachdjian, La France en Cilicie et en Haute-Mésopotamie : Aux confins de la Turquie, de la Syrie et de l’Irak, 1919–1933 [France in Cilicia and Upper Mesopotamia: on the borders of Turkey, Syria, and Iraq, 1919–1933] (Paris: Éditions Karthala, 2004), 117–177, 195–288; Kévorkian, Genocide, 350–856; Taner Akçam, The Young Turks’ Crime against Humanity: The Armenian Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012); and Tusan, Smyrna’s Ashes, 144–174. To understand the array of relief efforts run across the Eastern Mediterranean (i.e., the area between and including Greece, western Iran, and Egypt) and the South Caucasus during and after the war—about which no comprehensive monograph exists and which involved programs of rescue, relocation, and rehabilitation—see . Է ԼMՂttʿ Րs M. pՍighՂtʿՆՂՏ], Ա ի Խ ի . Ը ղ ի . Ա ի .1 ի 1919–31 1919 [National Trusteeship: general report; first six months, 1 May 1919– 31 October 1919], 2nd ed. (Antelias: [ ], 1985; first published 1920); .Է ԼMՂttʿ Րs M. pՍighՂtʿՆՂՏ], ք ի քի .Ա ի ղի ի . 1903–1923 [A life in the life of my nation: testimonies of an eyewitness and participant, 1903–1923] (Antelias: . , 1987), 145–246; Christopher J. 20 5 handful of states to consider, and then abandon, the idea of taking on an Armenian state as a League of Nations mandate.24 And it was one of five countries to take in groups of child survivors.25 *** While there was a clear building of momentum during this 50-year period, the Georgetown project should not be seen as simply an uncomplicated outgrowth of the fundraising campaigns thՂt prՆՄՆՅՆՅ it. ԵhՐugh ՏՐ rՆsՆՂrՄhՆr hՂs rՆՎՂrՌՆՅ upՐՏ it, it sՆՆՎs ՄՍՆՂr thՂt thՆ ՍՂttՆr’s strՂtՆgiՄ emphasis on the indigence and dereliction of a wretched people was a liability for the former, which sought to emphasize the potential of Armenians as hardworking and productive new Canadians. Similarly, while fundraising campaigns had called on people to donate to the brutalized, diseased, and dying overseas, the ARAC called for such people to be accepted into ՅՐՏՐrs’ hՐmes, where they would work as maids and farmhands. And whereas fundraising campaigns had not relied on the involvement of the Canadian state, the ARAC did just that; and it struggled against a Department of Immigration and Colonization that was working hard to keep Asians, the stateless, and the impoverished out of the country. Immigration officials had been restricting entrance into Canada along ethnic and national lines since 1885. As Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill has demonstrated, they had begun discriminating ՂgՂiՏst ArՎՆՏiՂՏs Ճy 1908, whՆՏ ArՎՆՏiՂՏs hՂՅ ՐffiՄiՂՍՍy ՃՆՆՏ ՄՍՂssifiՆՅ ՂՏ “AsiՂtiՄ rՂՄՆ.”26 Thus, for the next 45 years,27 the immigration of Armenians—a group about which officials did not really have much knowledge—was tied up with that of East and South Asians—groups that were seeking entry in much greater numbers and against which there was much public and private WՂՍՌՆr, “ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ԳՆfugՆՆs: AՄՄiՅՆՏts Րf DipՍՐՎՂՄy Րr ViՄtiՎs Րf IՅՆՐՍՐgy?” iՏ Refugees in the Age of Total War, ed. Anna C. Bramwell (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1988), 38–50; Ա [Liparit Azatean], ղ ի [The Armenian orphans of the Great Crime], vol. 1−3 (LՐs AՏgՆՍՆs: ԼՏ.p.], 1995−2002); VՂhrՂՎ L. ԴhՆՎՎՂssiՂՏ, “ԵhՆ LՆՂguՆ Րf NՂtiՐՏs ՂՏՅ thՆ ԳՆՄՍՂՎՂtiՐՏ Րf ArՎՆՏiՂՏ GՆՏՐՄiՅՆ ԴurvivՐrs,” iՏ Looking Backward, Moving Forward: Confronting the Armenian Genocide, ed. Richard G. Hovannisian (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2003), 81–112; Kévonian, Refugees and Humanitarian Diplomacy; Raymond Kévorkian, Lévon Nordighian, and Vahé Tachjian, eds., Les Arméniens, 1917–1939 : La quête d’un refuge [The Armenians, 1917–1939: the quest for a refuge] (Beirut: PressՆs ՅՆ Ս’UՏivՆrsité ԴՂiՏt-Joseph, 2006); Watenpaugh, Bread from Stones, 124– 182; ՂՏՅ LՆrՏՂ EՌՎՆՌհiՐğՍu, Recovering Armenia: The Limits of Belonging in Post-Genocide Turkey (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016), 21–50. 24 Adjemian, Call from Armenia, 84–98. 25 France accepted some 1,200 child refugees, the Vatican 380, Switzerland 56, and Ethiopia 40. In 1923, similar prՐgrՂՎs wՆrՆ ՃՆiՏg prՐpՐsՆՅ iՏ thՆ UՏitՆՅ ԴtՂtՆs, AustrՂՍiՂ, GՆrՎՂՏy, ՂՏՅ ԴwՆՅՆՏ. VՂhé ԵՂՄhjiՂՏ, “GrՆՆՄՆ: LՂՏՅ of Refuge for Tens of ThousՂՏՅs Րf ArՎՆՏiՂՏs,” iՏ The Armenian General Benevolent Union: One Hundred Years of History, vol. 1, 1906–1940, by Raymond H. Kévorkian and Vahé Tachjian (Cairo: AGBU Central Board of Directors, 2006), 211–226, 222; EՏriՄՐ PuՄՄi, “OrphՂՏՆՅ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ GirՍs uՏՅՆr CՂrՆ Րf PՐpՆ,” Catholic Register and Canadian Extension (Toronto, Canada), 1 February 1923, 1, 8; Délégation nationale arménienne [Armenian National DՆՍՆgՂtiՐՏ], “DéՏՐՎՃrՆՎՆՏt ՅՆs ՐrphՆՍiՏs Լ…]” ԼEՏuՎՆrՂtiՐՏ Րf ՐrphՂՏs …], 1923, p. 5647, ArՄhivՆs Րf the Armenian National Delegation (AAND), AGBU Nubar Library, Paris, France (with thanks to Vahé Tachjian); Francis FՂՍՄՆtՐ, “UՏ siղՄՍՆ ՅՆ ՎusiquՆ ՎՐՅՆrՏ ՆՏ զthiՐpiՆ (préՄéՅé Յ’uՏՆ hypՐthղsՆ ՃՂrՐquՆ)” ԼA ՄՆՏtury Րf ՎՐՅՆrՏ ՎusiՄ in Ethiopia (preceded by a baroque hypothesis)], Cahiers d’études africaines 168 (2002): 711–738, 720–721; ԼG Րrg MՆsrՐp], “ . 1923 1–1924 31” ԼԵhՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏs ՂՏՅ ArՎՆՏiՂ, 1 January 1923–31 July 1924], in Ա ի ի ի ք. 1925 [Armenian-American encyclopedic yearbook, 1925], ed. . [H. Khashmanean] (Boston: « » , 1924), 31–97, 47. 26 Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill, Like Our Mountains: A History of Armenians in Canada (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-QuՆՆՏ’s UՏivՆrsity Press, 2005), 55. 27 Kaprielian-Churchill, Like Our Mountains, 378. 6 antipathy.28 In 1923 specifically—the same year the first contingent of Georgetown Boys arrived—a near moratorium was placed on immigration from Asia. Entries from Japan had already been reduced to 150–400 per year by the 1908 Hayashi-Lemieux Agreement, and the entry of Chinese was blocked altogether by the 1923 Chinese Immigration Act, which allowed the admittance of only 15 Chinese over the next quarter century. All others from the continent, including Armenians, were handicapped by orders-in-council 182 and 183.29 These measures gave immigration officials a host of legal hurdles to draw on to bar the entry of genocide survivors during the 1920s.30 These hurdles seem to have been exploited successfully, for less than 1,250 Armenians were allowed in during this decade—much less than the 27,000 or so who made it into the United States but much more than the 200 let into Britain.31 *** To understand how the Georgetown project was realized within this contradictory context of sympathy and exclusion, it is necessary to take a close look at eight years of turbulent history. The ARAC was formed in June 1916 in Toronto—one year after its British and American counterparts, the LMF and NER32—with a view to coordinating fundraising campaigns during the deadliest years of the Armenian Genocide.33 Differently from British and American agencies, it had only a few Armenian members.34 In November 1918, the First World War came to an end and Allied forces occupied parts of the Ottoman Empire. This occupation enabled local and foreign relief workers, educators, and others to enter Ottoman territory and to work among the needy, gathering survivors, dispensing Donald H. Avery, Reluctant Host: Canada’s Response to Immigrant Workers, 1896–1994 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1995), 20–125; Ninette Kelley and Michael Trebilcock, The Making of the Mosaic: A History of Canadian Immigration Policy, 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010; first published 1998), 62–253. 29 Avery, Reluctant Host, 86–87; EriՌՂ LՆՆ, “EՏfՐrՄiՏg thՆ BՐrՅՆrs: ChiՏՆsՆ ExՄՍusiՐՏ ՂՍՐՏg thՆ UԴ BՐrՅՆrs with Canada and Mexico, 1882–1924,” Journal of American History 89, no. 1 (2002): 54–86, 78; KaprielianChurchill, Like Our Mountains, 163; Kelley and Trebilcock, Making of the Mosaic, 203–206. 30 File 279907, vol. 300, RG 75, DEIF; Isabel Kaprielian-ChurՄhiՍՍ, “ԳՆjՆՄtiՏg ‘Misfits’: CՂՏՂՅՂ ՂՏՅ thՆ NՂՏsՆՏ PՂsspՐrt,” International Migration Review 28, no. 3 (1994): 281–306; Avery, Reluctant Host, 88–89; KaprielianChurchill, Like Our Mountains, 155–178. 31 Kaprielian-Churchill, Like Our Mountains, 155; EՅwՂrՅ MiՏՂsiՂՏ, “Եhe Armenian Immigrant Tide: From the GrՆՂt WՂr tՐ thՆ GrՆՂt DՆprՆssiՐՏ,” iՏ Recent Studies in Modern Armenian History (Cambridge: National Association for Armenian Studies and Research, 1972), 105–117, 111–112; Tony Kushner and Katharine Knox, Refugees in an Age of Genocide: Global, National, and Local Perspectives during the Twentieth Century (London: Frank Cass, 1999), 71. As with these other countries, Armenians in Canada made up a negligible proportion of the national population (less than 2,000 out of 8,000,000 people in 1914 and less than 3,000 out of 10,000,000 in 1930). Kaprielian-Churchill, Like Our Mountains, 56, 155; C. P. Stacey, ed., Historical Documents of Canada, vol. 5, The Arts of War and Peace: 1914–1945 (Toronto: MacMillan of Canada, 1972), 138. 32 R. Yeghiazaryan, Armenians in England: The History, Up to 20-ies of the XXth Century (Yerevan: Yason Printing House, 2014), 245; Simon Payaslian, United States Policy toward the Armenian Question and the Armenian Genocide (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 89. 33 “ԵhՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ԳՆՍiՆf FuՏՅ,” Globe, 10 JuՏՆ 1916, 6; “ԳՂisiՏg MՐՏՆy tՐ AiՅ ArՎՆՏiՂ,” Globe, 29 September 1922, 18. Note that a series of Armenian relief organizations existed during the 1890s–1920s. The ARAC was initially called the Armenian Relief Fund Association of Canada. It was renamed the Armenian Relief Fund of Canada in September 1922, and it was incorporated as the Armenian Relief Association of Canada in February 1923. Province of Ontario, Letters Patent Incorporating Armenian Relief Association of Canada, no. 183, liber no. 198, series 55-1, Records of the Companies Branch, Archives of Ontario (AO), Toronto, Canada. For simplicity, I am referring to the 1916–1930 body as the ARAC. 34 They were Paul Courian (Պ ), Aris Luke Alexanian (Ա Ա ), and Levon Babayan ( Պ ), with the latter being the most prominent. 28 7 aid, and setting up orphanages and workshops. Among these orphanages was one in Constantinople run by the LMF, and it was from it that the first and largest group of Georgetown Boys originated. Within months of the postwar armistice, military resistance centred in Ankara rose up to ՄhՂՍՍՆՏgՆ thՆ ՐՄՄupՂtiՐՏ. OvՆr thՆ ՏՆxt thrՆՆ yՆՂrs, thՆ ԵurՌish NՂtiՐՏՂՍ MՐvՆՎՆՏt’s fՐrՄՆs stretched ever westward, from central Anatolia to the Mediterranean and the Aegean, burning Smyrna and coming to threaten Constantinople by mid-September 1922, the latter resulting in a war scare referred to as the Chanak Affair.35 The razing of formerly cosmopolitan and now refugee-laden Smyrna and the fear that a similar fate would befall the capital became the impetus for sending Christian refugees, including Armenian orphans, away from Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. Dr. Lawson Powers Chambers, CՂՏՂՅiՂՏ iՏstruՄtՐr Ղt thՆ AՎՆriՄՂՏ CՐՍՍՆgՆ fՐr GirՍs ՂՏՅ Ղ ՎՆՎՃՆr Րf ՐՏՆ Րf thՆ ՆՎpirՆ’s ՎՐst prominent missionary families, called on the British high commissioner (i.e., ambassador) in Constantinople to have Armenians, Greeks, and Russians evacuated to the British dominions,36 and the LMF asked the ARAC to take its orphans under its care.37 While the high commissioner chose not to ՂՄt, iՏ ԵՐrՐՏtՐ, thՆ GՍՐՃՆ ՄՂՍՍՆՅ ՐՏ “thՆ ՄhurՄhՆs Րf CՂՏՂՅՂ ԼtՐ] pՍՆՅgՆ thՆir resources to the bringing of 10,000 orphaned Armenian children … [and] to the Government of Canada [to] finance the settlement … of no less than 25,000 of the Armenian refugees.”38 OՏ 11 OՄtՐՃՆr, thՆ AՍՍiՆs’ ՂՏՏՐuՏՄՆՎՆՏt thՂt thՆy wՐuՍՅ ՄՆՅՆ CՐՏstՂՏtiՏՐpՍՆ tՐ thՆ Turkish National Movement set off a panicked flurry of correspondence. NER expressed readiness to ship 5,000 children to the United States within 10 days if the government would accept them, strՆssiՏg thՂt “ՐՏՍy thՆ ՎՐst ՄritiՄՂՍ situՂtiՐՏ wՐuՍՅ ՎՂՌՆ suՄh Ղ ՎՐvՆ ՐՏ Րur pՂrt sՆՆՎ imperative.”39 The ARAC, ABCFM, and LMF, along with Globe president William Gladstone Jaffray, urged acting minister of immigration Charles Stewart, Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King, and high commissioner for Canada in London Peter Charles Larkin to take in the Armenian refugees.40 The replies they received were consistent: no—unless, perhaps, their requests were limited to children who could be trained as farmers.41 At the end of the month, the HՂsՂՏ KՂyՂՍı, “ԵhՆ ԴtruggՍՆ fՐr IՏՅՆpՆՏՅՆՏՄՆ,” iՏ The Cambridge History of Turkey, vol. 4, Turkey in the Modern World, ՆՅ. ԳՆşՂt KՂsՂՃՂ (CՂՎՃriՅgՆ: CՂՎՃriՅgՆ UՏivՆrsity PrՆss, 2008), 112–146; Tusan, Smyrna’s Ashes, 144–174; Martin Gilbert, Churchill: A Life (London: Pimlico, 2000), 450–454. 36 British Foreign Office Eastern Department head Lancelot Oliphant, letter to British under-secretary of state for the colonies William Ormsby-Gore, 21 November 1922, FO 286/879, National Archives, Kew, United Kingdom (with thanks to M. Talha Çiçek). 37 Ա Պ ԼAzgՂyiՏ PՂtuirՂՌutʿՆՂՏ ՅiwՂՏ, ՆxՆՄutivՆ ՄՐՎՎittՆՆ Րf the Armenian NՂtiՐՏՂՍ DՆՍՆgՂtiՐՏ], “ . , ” ԼArՎՆՏiՂՏ ՐrphՂՏs: ԳՆpՐrt ՐՏ thՆ ՄՐՏՅitiՐՏs Րf ArՎՆՏiՂՏ orphans and their care-giving bodies, along with statistical tables], 1923, pp. 5707–5708, AAND. 38 Oliphant, letter to Ormsby-GՐrՆ; “ԴՂvՆ ArՎՆՏiՂ’s ChiՍՅrՆՏ,” Globe, 18 September 1922, 4. 39 Harold Clarence Jaquith, telegram to NER New York Office, 11 October 1922, file 430-1-1275, Armenian National Delegation Fonds (ANDF), Armenian National Archive, Yerevan, Armenia (with thanks to Anna Aleksanyan); Jaquith, telegram to NER New York Office, 18 October 1922, file 430-1-1275. 40 Kent, ARAC vice-chairman Harry L. Stark, and ARAC general secretary A. J. Vining, telegram to Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King, 4 December 1922, pp. 69673–69674, vol. 82, J1, MG 26, W. L. Mackenzie King Papers, LAC; Globe president William Gladstone Jaffray, letter to King, 17 October 1922, p. 63602, vol. 67, J1, MG 26; high commissioner for Canada in London Peter Charles Larkin, letter to King, 27 October 1922, p. 64599, vՐՍ. 76, J1, MG 26; ArՎՆՏiՂՏ NՂtiՐՏՂՍ DՆՍՆgՂtiՐՏ, “ArՎՆՏiՂՏ OrphՂՏs,” 5707–5708. 41 King, letter to Jaffray, 21 October 1922, pp. 63606–63607, vol. 75, J1, MG 26; Larkin, letter to King, 27 October 1922. 35 8 ARAC formally put forth its appeal. It requested government permission and financial assistance to bring 2,000 children over a period of five years. They would spend a short time at centres in Eastern, Central, and Western Canada until suitable homes could be found for them, and they would remain wards of the association until they turned 18.42 Weeks passed with no response. Frustrated by the lack of action in the face of such urgency, the Globe made public a British decision to grant temporary asylum to 700 children if there was a guՂrՂՏtՆՆ Րf thՆir sՆttՍՆՎՆՏt iՏ CՂՏՂՅՂ. ԵhՆ ՏՆwspՂpՆr wՂs iՏՅigՏՂՏt: “It is ՅiffiՄuՍt tՐ uՏՅՆrstՂՏՅ or to forgive the indifference of officials to whom red tape means more thՂՏ huՎՂՏ ՍivՆs. … It is iՏՄrՆՅiՃՍՆ thՂt iՏ this huՎՂՏՆ wՐrՌ CՂՏՂՅՂ … shՂՍՍ hՂvՆ ՏՐ pՂrt.”43 In the meantime, the relocation of Armenian orphans to Corfu, Greece, was organized.44 ԵhՆ British high ՄՐՎՎissiՐՏՆr iՏ CՐՏstՂՏtiՏՐpՍՆ ՆՏՅՐrsՆՅ ChՂՎՃՆrs’s ՄՂՍՍ tՐ have refugees— especially Armenians—evacuated to the dominions.45 The British secretaries of state for foreign affairs and for the colonies became involved.46 King and supervisor of juvenile immigration George Bogue Smart internally discussed the idea of taking in several children.47 And the ARAC suՃՎittՆՅ Ղ ՏՆw, ՎՐՅifiՆՅ vՆrsiՐՏ Րf its pՍՂՏ. ԳՆՄՐgՏiziՏg ՐffiՄiՂՍs’ ՂvՆrsiՐՏ tՐ AsiՂՏ ՂՏՅ rՆfugՆՆ immigration, the ARAC refashioned its program to be as non-threatening as possible to nativists, and it used the work of British child emigrationists as its model.48 It now offered to bring 5,000 girls and boys over a period of six years. They would be raised at an orphanage–training home, just as many British child migrants were, and they would be taught to be farmers and maids—the most sought-after types of immigrants—by government of Ontario–appointed instructors. There would also be a clear policy of Canadianization. The relief association expressed that, alongside humanitarian considerations, it was also motivated by the desire to fashion the orphans into model ՄitizՆՏs. It ՆՎphՂsizՆՅ thՂt thՆ ՄhiՍՅrՆՏ’s ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ՏՂՎՆs wՐuՍՅ ՃՆ rՆpՍՂՄՆՅ with British ՐՏՆs and that they would be taught to love their new country and the government that had brought them to it.49 42 Vining, letter to acting minister of immigration Charles Stewart, 27 November 1922, part 1, file 89616; supervisor of juvenile immigration George Bogue Smart, memorandum to Stewart, 21 November 1922, part 1, file 89616. 43 “ԵhՆ Cry Րf thՆ ChiՍՅrՆՏ,” Globe, 17 November 1922, 4. 44 ֊ [Gegham-GaṛՏiՌ], “ . Պ ” ԼԵhՆ situՂtiՐՏ iՏ CՐՏstՂՏtiՏՐpՍՆ], ք (Piraeus and Athens, Greece), 19 November 1922, 1; Ա. ԼA. Er tsʿ], “Ա . Ո ՞ ” ԼAՎՆriՄՂՏ ԳՆՍiՆf ՂՏՅ thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ՐrphՂՏs: Why wՆrՆ thՆ ՐrphՂՏs moved to Greece?], part 1, ք, 22 April 1923, 1; LMF chairman and British MP Aneurin Williams, letter to King, 3 January 1923, pp. 81361–81363, vol. 96, J1, MG 26. 45 Oliphant, letter to Ormsby-Gore. 46 Oliphant, letter to Ormsby-Gore; joint secretary at the office of the high commissioner for Canada in London Lucien Turcotte Pacaud, letter to Ormsby-Gore, 20 December 1922, FO 286/879. 47 King, letter to Larkin, 21 November 1922, p. 64600–64601, vol. 76, J1, MG 26; Smart, memorandum to Stewart, 21 November 1922. 48 There was a well-ՆstՂՃՍishՆՅ trՂՅitiՐՏ whՆrՆՃy ՐrgՂՏizՂtiՐՏs (Ն.g., Mr. FՆgՂՏ’s HՐՎՆs, thՆ ԴՂՍvՂtiՐՏ ArՎy, and Dr. Barnardo Homes) addressed overpopulation in Britain and underpopulation in its dominions by sending out presumably parentless children—they were not always so—to be indentured as farmhands and maids. See Joy Parr, Labouring Children: British Immigrant Apprentices to Canada, 1869–1924 (Montreal: McGill-QuՆՆՏ’s UՏivՆrsity Press, 1980); and Roy Parker, Uprooted: The Shipment of Poor Children to Canada, 1867–1917 (Bristol: Policy Press, 2008). In the Eastern Mediterranean and the South Caucasus, Armenian orphans were trained for a much wider array of vocations in fields as diverse as weaving, pharmacy, confectionary, and electrical work. See the works cited in the third paragraph of endnote 23 for more information. 49 Vining, letter to Stewart, 27 November 1922. 9 On 4 December, anxious and still with no news, the ARAC cabled King directly, threatening him with blackmail. It warned that it would publicly denounce official foot-dragging if the government did not come to a decision within 48 hours.50 The next day, the prime minister drafted a lengthy reply. He cautioned that his government had already demonstrated its sympathy fՐr thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏs’ pՍight Ճy ՎՂՌiՏg Ղ $25,000 ՅՐՏՂtiՐՏ tՐ Ղ rՆՍՂtՆՅ LՆՂguՆ Րf NՂtiՐՏs prՐjՆՄt and that Armenians were not a people wanted for settlement in Canada.51 But the government did eventually decide to allow for the entry of the children. Following some internal discussion, on 12 December, the ARAC was notified that 100 would be accepted— only 2 percent of the requested number.52 Four months passed before the Department of Immigration and Colonization elaborated on its expectations: the ARAC would be responsible for the immigrants until they turned 18; they would be trained at a receiving and distributing home and would continue to receive an education while indentured; and all would be subject to regular visits Ճy thՆ ՅՆpՂrtՎՆՏt’s supՆrvisՐr Րf juvՆՏiՍՆ iՎՎigrՂtiՐՏ Րr his stՂff, Ղs wՆՍՍ Ղs thՆ rՆՍiՆf ՂssՐՄiՂtiՐՏ’s ՐwՏ rՆprՆsՆՏtՂtivՆs.53 The only requirements for their entry were that they pass medical inspections by Canadian immigration officials and that those over 15 be literate in Armenian.54 This represented the bringing down of immigration barriers that continued to be used against adult refugees. The decision that the first 100 children should all be male was likely a reflection of the overrepresentation of males in the orphanages of the Eastern Mediterranean and the South Caucasus.55 The first group of 46 came from the LMF institution in Corfu,56 landing in Quebec on 29 June and reaching Georgetown on 1 July—DՐՎiՏiՐՏ DՂy (tՐՅՂy’s CՂՏՂՅՂ DՂy).57 Four more LMF boys arrived two and six weeks later, a group of 40 in 1924,58 and eight from Martha FrՆՂrsՐՏ’s ՐrphՂՏՂgՆ iՏ ԴhՆՎՍՂՏ, ԴyriՂ (ՏՐw LՆՃՂՏՐՏ), iՏ 1926.59 Thus, the first quota of 100— really only 98—was met over three-and-a-half years. 50 Kent, Stark, and Vining, telegram to King, 4 December 1922. King, diary entry, 5 December 1922, manuscript 57, J13, MG 26; King, letter to Vining, 5 December 1922, pp. 69675–69681, vՐՍ. 82, J1, MG 26; “AՄՄՐrՅ PrՆfՆrՆՏՄՆ tՐ British ChiՍՅrՆՏ,” Globe, 8 December 1922, 2. On the donation, which is often misrepresented in the literature, see Kévonian, Refugees and Humanitarian Diplomacy, 307– 308. 52 Department of Immigration and Colonization, memorandum to Mr. Featherston, 27 February 1923, part 1, file 89616. 53 Smart, letter to Vining, 4 April 1923, part 1, file 89616. 54 Smart, letter to Vining, 4 April 1923; Blair, letter to Vining, 15 May 1923, part 1, file 89616. 55 According to one contemporaneous report, of the 50,243 children in various Eastern Mediterranean and South CՂuՄՂsiՂՏ ՐrphՂՏՂgՆs, 78% wՆrՆ ՃՐys. ArՎՆՏiՂՏ NՂtiՐՏՂՍ DՆՍՆgՂtiՐՏ, “EՏuՎՆrՂtiՐՏ Րf OrphՂՏs,” 5668. 56 They represented a fragment of the roughly 100,000 Armenian refugees living in Greece during the early 1920s. Kokinos, From the History, 26. By June, the LMF no longer found it necessary to send orphans so far away, but it did so to appease the ARAC, which had expressed readiness to bring in orphans from elsewhere if the LMF would not suppՍy thՆՎ. ArՎՆՏiՂՏ NՂtiՐՏՂՍ DՆՍՆgՂtiՐՏ, “ArՎՆՏiՂՏ OrphՂՏs,” 5707–5708. 57 “ArՎՆՏiՂՏ OrphՂՏs BՐuՏՅ fՐr QuՆՃՆՄ,” Montreal Daily Star (Montreal, Canada), 30 June 1923; Margaret D. Peace, letter to Smart, 9 May 1923, part 1, file 89616. 58 During 1924, the LMF was looking to bring down the number of children in its Corfu orphanage to 200–300 with the goal of then relocating the orphanage to Yerevan, Soviet Armenia. Sending 40 to Canada would have helped it do that. SCF Council [i.e., executive committee], 27 June 1924 meeting minutes, file M1/3, SCF Archive (SCFA), University of Birmingham, Birmingham, United Kingdom. The SCF worked closely with the LMF and the ARAC, coordinating with them to ensure that their efforts in Canada did not conflict. 59 Department of Immigration and Colonization, memorandum, 26 October 1923, part 1, file 89616; Peace, letter to Smart, 9 May 1923; Smart, letter to Blair, 22 August 1931, part 3, file 89616; W. F. Van Der Zee Shipping Agency, 51 10 There was a push to instill Canadian pride and British imperial sentiment in these boys, which seems to have originated with the ARAC—likely with its visionary general secretary Rev. Dr. Andrew Joseph Vining.60 But it was not a ՄՐՏՅitiՐՏ fՐr thՆ ՄhiՍՅrՆՏ’s entry, as is sometimes claimed.61 While the relief association certainly believed it to be Ղ ՌՆy ՂspՆՄt Րf thՆ prՐjՆՄt’s puՃՍiՄ image and appeal, it seems not to have been very important to immigration officials. To begin with, the ARAC had mentioned replacing thՆ ՄhiՍՅrՆՏ’s ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ՏՂՎՆs with British ՐՏՆs ՂՏՅ teaching them to love their new country after, unbeknownst to them, Smart had already given his recommendation to his superiors.62 ԴՐՎՆ tiՎՆ ՍՂtՆr, whՆՏ ViՏiՏg’s suՄՄՆssՐr indicated that the executive committee and the boys had been against the changing of names, Frederick Charles Blair—the chief contact between the association and the government—expressed indifference in the matter.63 In practice, the names of more than 50 boys were changed for a short time, but they wՆrՆ rՆvՆrtՆՅ fՐՍՍՐwiՏg thՆ yՐuՏg survivՐrs’ hՆՂrtfՆՍt prՐtՆsts. Some had been translated, others corrupted, and others replaced completely, often with those of benefactors.64 Acculturation did occur through other streams, but it seems not to have involved coercion. For instance, while the boys received more instruction in English, Armenian lessons were given too, which helped them retain and build on the knowledge they already had upon their arrival.65 Their newsletter was called Ararat after a mountain sacred in both general Christian and secular Armenian mythology.66 ԴՆvՆrՂՍ Րf thՆ ՏՆwsՍՆttՆr’s ՂrtiՄՍՆs wՆrՆ ՎՂrՌՆՅ “trՂՏsՍՂtՆՅ frՐՎ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ,” and many issues contained a column devoted to news from Armenia. They sang in both languages during public concerts, and their being Armenian, along with their original names, were mentioned and printed constantly.67 Hence, donors and non-donors alike were well aware that the boys continued to retain at least some of their original culture. List Րf LՐrՅ MՂyՐr’s FuՏՅ BՐys fՐr CՂՏՂՅՂ, pՂrt 1, fiՍՆ 89616; JՂՎՆs Դ. GrՂhՂՎ Րf iՏspՆՄtiՐՏ ՃrՂՏՄh, ՎՆՎՐrՂՏՅuՎ to Smart, 29 October 1926, part 2, file 89616. 60 Before his involvement with the ARAC, Vining had toured Western, Central, and Atlantic Canada, New England, Britain, and Central and Southeastern Europe to raise funds for Baptist projects. After leaving the ARAC, he visited missions in East and South Asia and in the Eastern Mediterranean. He then became associate secretary of the Social Service Council of Canada. Rev. Vining Biographic File, Canadian Baptist Archives, McMaster Divinity College, Hamilton, Canada. 61 See, for example, Lorne Shirinian, introduction to The Georgetown Boys, by Jack Apramian, ed. and rev. Lorne Shirinian (Toronto: Zoryan Institute, 2009; first published 1976), xiii–xli, xxxvii–xxxviii. 62 Smart, memorandum to Stewart, 21 November 1922; Vining, letter to Stewart, 27 November 1922. 63 Pierce, letter to Blair, 5 October 1927, part 2, file 89616; Blair, letter to Pierce, 11 October 1927, part 2, file 89616. 64 Vining, letter to Smart, 30 August 1923, part 1, file 89616; Vining, letter to Smart, 9 October 1924, part 1, file 89616; Apramian, Georgetown Boys, 73–78. In the Eastern Mediterranean, orphans at the Antoura orphanage in Syria (ՏՐw iՏ LՆՃՂՏՐՏ) hՂՅ thՆir ՏՂՎՆs ՄhՂՏgՆՅ Ղs wՆՍՍ, thՐugh tՐ MusՍiՎ ՐՏՆs. DiffՆrՆՏtՍy frՐՎ thՆ AԳAC’s prՂՄtiՄՆ, this was part of the genocide process. The orphanage operated from 1915 to 1917 and was overseen by Ahmed Djemal Pasha, the OttomՂՏ gՐvՆrՏՐr Րf thՆ rՆgiՐՏ, ՂՏՅ HՂՍiՅՆ EՅiՃ (ՍՂtՆr ՄՂՍՍՆՅ AՅıvՂr), ՂՏ OttՐՎՂՏ fՆՎՂՍՆ iՏtՆՍՍՆՄtuՂՍ. Karnig Panian, Goodbye, Antoura: A Memoir of the Armenian Genocide, trans. Simon Beugekian (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015). 65 Apramian, Georgetown Boys, 35, 40–41, 45–46; Smart, memorandum to Blair, 7 July 1927, part 2, file 89616. Cf. AՍՆxՂՏՅՆr MՂՄLՂrՆՏ ՂՏՅ H. HՆrshՎՂՏ, “ԵwՐ ExpՆriՎՆՏts iՏ CՂՏՂՅiՂՏizՂtiՐՏ,” Social Welfare (Toronto, Canada), June 1924, 174–177, 175; JՆrry ԵutՐՏ, “PՂrՆՏts PՆrish iՏ ԵurՌՆy, GՆՐrgՆtՐwՏ BՆՄՂՎՆ His HՐՎՆ,” Georgetown Herald (Georgetown, Canada), 20 March 1969, 12. 66 ԵhՆ ՏՆwsՍՆttՆr hՂՅ Ղ pՆՂՌ ՄirՄuՍՂtiՐՏ Րf 2,000 suՃsՄriՃՆrs iՏ 34 ՄՐuՏtriՆs. JՐhՏ AprՂՎiՂՏ, “Ararat Monthly: The Only Armenian Publication in British North AmeriՄՂ,” iՏ KՂpriՆՍiՂՏ, “ArՎՆՏiՂՏs iՏ OՏtՂriՐ,” 58–63, 58–59. 67 See, for example, the 1923–1927 issues of the local newspapers Acton Free Press (Acton, Canada) and Georgetown Herald. 11 In December 1924, after two years of service, Vining stepped down as general secretary and was replaced by Congregational minister Rev. Ira William Pierce.68 Unlike his predecessor, who had likely been hired for his experience in international fundraising, Pierce already had direct knowledge of the Armenian situation.69 He and his wife had served as ABCFM missionaries in KhՂrpՆrt (ՂՍsՐ ՌՏՐwՏ Ղs HՂrput, ՏՐw EՍՂzığ) ՂՏՅ BՆirut frՐՎ 1914 tՐ 1918, ՂՏՅ hՆ hՂՅ ՃՆՆՏ secretary of the ARAC during 1919–1920.70 During the latter period, he had had at least one personal meeting with King.71 AՄՄՐrՅiՏg tՐ his ՐՃituՂry, hՆ “ՏՆvՆr fuՍՍy rՆՄՐvՆrՆՅ” frՐՎ thՆ violence he had witnessed while in the Ottoman Empire.72 When the first Georgetown Girl arrived in 1924, she worked as a maid for the Pierces. The second landed around November 1925 and the rest followed afterward.73 This segment of the AԳAC’s wՐrՌ ՅiffՆrՆՅ frՐՎ thՂt ՄՐՏՄՆrՏiՏg thՆ ՃՐys iՏ sՆvՆrՂՍ wՂys. NՐt ՂՍՍ thՆ GirՍs ՄՂՎՆ directly from orphanages (some were already maids with missionary families, were attending high schools, or were living temporarily in France or Austria, one was born in Canada, and another had iՎՎigrՂtՆՅ withՐut thՆ AԳAC’s hՆՍp); thՆir ՂvՆrՂgՆ ՂgՆ wՂs ՂՃՐut 18 (Ղs ՐppՐsՆՅ tՐ 12 fՐr thՆ boys), with a few being in their thirties; and probably not more than two or three spent time at the ArՎՆՏiՂՏ BՐys’ HՐՎՆ (rՂthՆr, thՆy wՆrՆ sՆՏt ՅirՆՄtՍy tՐ thՆir ՆՎpՍՐyՆrs, sՐՎՆtiՎՆs ՂftՆr spending a few days with Armenian families in Toronto).74 1927 proved to be a particularly difficult year for the ARAC. On 16 February, Pierce requested a second quota from the new minister of immigration and colonization, Robert Forke, this time for 300 children all to be brought in by the end of the year.75 He drew special attention to the importance of reuniting siblings who had been torn apart by violence and indicated that Canada was doing its part within a wider, international effort. His request was ambitious, especially considering that it had taken the organization three years to bring its first group of 98; he was now proposing the entry of triple that number in less than one-third of the time. Blair too found it ambitious. In a memo to his superior, he advised that, while Canada did have a need for more farmers and Armenians a need for humanitarian help, the former need was not insatiable while the ՍՂttՆr ՏՆՂrՍy wՂs. AՏythiՏg CՂՏՂՅՂ ՅiՅ fՐr ArՎՆՏiՂՏs wՐuՍՅ ՐՏՍy ՃՆ “Ղ ՅrՐp iՏ thՆ ՃuՄՌՆt,” hՆ wrՐtՆ, whiՍՆ “thՆ MՐthՆr CՐuՏtry Լi.Ն., BritՂiՏ] ԼwՂs] prՐՅuՄiՏg ՂՏՏuՂՍՍy Ղt least a quarter of a ՎiՍՍiՐՏ ՃՐys ՃՆyՐՏՅ Լits] prՆsՆՏt ՏՆՆՅ.” It wՐuՍՅ ՃՆ ՃՆttՆr tՐ ՃriՏg ՐvՆr thՆ British, hՆ ՄՐՏtiՏuՆՅ, 68 KՆՏt, ՍՆttՆr tՐ AԳAC suppՐrtՆrs, DՆՄՆՎՃՆr 1924, pՂrt 1, fiՍՆ 89616; “ԳՂisiՏg MՐՏՆy”; “PՂstՐr Is CՂՍՍՆՅ tՐ FՐrՎՆr ChՂrgՆ,” Globe, 19 September 1924, 13; Ira W. Pierce, Biographic Files, UCCA. 69 He had also demonstrated a knack for educating children. Canadian Congregationalist (Toronto, Canada), 7 February 1923, 9. 70 Ira W. PiercՆ, BiՐgrՂphiՄ FiՍՆs; OhՂՏiՂՏ, “CՂՏՂՅiՂՏs iՏ thՆ OttՐՎՂՏ EՎpirՆ.” 71 King, diary entry, 13 February 1920, manuscript 48, J13, MG 26. 72 IrՂ W. PiՆrՄՆ, BiՐgrՂphiՄ FiՍՆs; “MissiՐՏՂriՆs ԳՆՂՄh ԵՐrՐՏtՐ frՐՎ ԵurՌՆy,” Globe, 11 February 1919, 16. 73 The task of identifying dates of entry for the girls and women is especially difficult because their files are not as detailed as those of the boys. It seems that the Department of Immigration and Colonization kept its correspondence regarding the Girls in file 259366. According to LAC staff, these records cannot be located; they have been either misfiled or destroyed. LAC Reference Services personnel, correspondence with Daniel Ohanian, 4–13 February 2014. 74 Files 55, 57, 59, 60, 65, 69–107, 83.052C, BESSF. See also Isabel KՂpriՆՍiՂՏ, “ԳՆfugՆՆ WՐՎՆՏ Ղs DՐՎՆstiՄs: A DՐՄuՎՆՏtՂry AՄՄՐuՏt,” Canadian Woman Studies 10, no. 1 (1989): 75–79; ՂՏՅ GՆՐrgՆ AghjՂyՂՏ, “ԵhՆ GՆՐrgՆtՐwՏ GirՍs: ԳՆՄՐՏstruՄtiՏg Ղ FՂՎiՍy HistՐry,” Armenian Weekly (Watertown, USA), special issue, April 2013, 7–10. 75 Pierce, letter to Minister for Immigration and Colonization Robert Forke, 18 February 1927, part 2, file 89616. 12 whose long-term commitment to agricultural work was more dependable.76 He ultimately advised against renewing the quota.77 But, all the same, in part because the ARAC had proven itself capable ՂՏՅ trustwՐrthy ՂՏՅ ՃՆՄՂusՆ thՆ ՃՐys hՂՅ ՅՆՎՐՏstrՂtՆՅ thՂt thՆy wՆrՆ “ՅՆsirՂՃՍՆ iՏ thՆ ՎՂttՆr Րf ՄhՂrՂՄtՆr ՂՏՅ iՏՅustry,” pՆrՎissiՐՏ fՐr ՂՏՐthՆr 100 wՂs grՂՏtՆՅ ՐՏ 25 MՂrՄh—the details were clarified on 5 April—with an expiry date of 31 December.78 If officials had renewed the quota with the expectation that it would not be filled, they were correct. Only 17 arrived before the end of the year.79 Among them were 11 boys and four girls, one of whom was sent directly to her brother in Nelson, British Columbia, and was therefore not iՏՄՍuՅՆՅ iՏ thՆ AԳAC’s ՐffiՄiՂՍ Սist. AՅՅiՏg tՐ this ՏuՎՃՆr ՂՏՐthՆr 16 girՍs ՂՏՅ wՐՎՆՏ whՐ arrived through small quotas secured during 1925–1926, the association counted 109 Georgetown Boys and 21 Georgetown Girls on its roster at the close of 1927. Also in February, it came to light that a member of the ARAC had been circumventing the executive to bring individuals who, he or she knew, wished to join family members in the United States rather than settle permanently in Canada. This rogue actor was promoting the use of Canada as a back door into its southern neighbour, which federal authorities would not allow. This and other interferences exacerbated the fault lines of the humanitarian work, and they gave the ARAC an impetus to pass on ownership of the Georgetown project to a more permanent organization. NՆgՐtiՂtiՐՏs with thՆ UՏitՆՅ ChurՄh Րf CՂՏՂՅՂ (UCC), thՆ ՄՐuՏtry’s ՍՂrgՆst PrՐtՆstՂՏt ՃՐՅy80 and the only denomination to have shown serious interest in taking over, began in late September, and an agreement was reached three months later.81 The transfer was completed in mid-January 1928, ՂՏՅ iՏ MՂy, thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ BՐys’ HՐՎՆ wՂs rՆՄhristՆՏՆՅ thՆ OՏtՂriՐ HՐՎՆ fՐr GirՍs, Ղ UCC-run institutiՐՏ fՐr “ՅՆՍiՏquՆՏt” fՆՎՂՍՆs.82 In its announcements to donors, the ARAC cited a League of Nations plan to create a permanent Armenian settlement in Syria as the primary reason for the transfer.83 This new development, it explained, would have made bringing new children more difficult and even undesirable.84 The internal correspondence reveals that this was not the root cause for the ՆxՆՄutivՆ’s ՅՆՄisiՐՏ, hՐwՆvՆr, ՂՍthՐugh it wՂs ՍiՌՆՍy Ղ strՐՏg ՄՂtՂՍyst. ԳՂthՆr, thՆ shift wՂs ՄՂusՆՅ by the terms under which the 25 March/5 April quota had been granted.85 ԵhՆ ՂssՐՄiՂtiՐՏ’s ՅՆsirՆ to bring in males and females aged 15 to 30, not all of whom would be from orphanages, had 76 Blair, memorandum to Deputy Minister for Immigration and Colonization William J. Egan, 10 March 1927, part 2, file 89616. 77 Blair, memorandum to Egan, 18 March 1927, part 2, file 89616. 78 Blair, memorandum to Egan, 10 March 1927; Egan, letter to Pierce, 25 March 1927, part 2, file 89616; Egan, letter to Pierce, 5 April 1927, part 2, file 89616. 79 Peace, letter to Smart, 15 August 1927, part 2, file 89616; Peace, letter to Smart, 20 September 1927, part 2, file 89616. 80 Stacey, Historical Documents of Canada, 328. 81 Pierce, letter to Webb, 14 February 1928, file 31, 83.052C, BESSF; ARAC, 26–28 October 1927 Annual Meeting minutes, file 118, 83.052C, BESSF; memorandum of agreement between the ARAC and the UCC, December 1927, file 22, box 16, General Council Committees Collection (GCCC), UCCA. 82 BESS executive meeting minutes, 15 June 1928, file 1, 83.052C, BESSF. 83 ԵhՆ IՏtՆrՏՂtiՐՏՂՍ ԳՆՅ CrՐss ՂՏՅ thՆ LՆՂguՆ Րf NՂtiՐՏs’ IՏtՆrՏՂtiՐՏՂՍ LՂՃՐur OffiՄՆ hՂՅ ՃՆguՏ wՐrՌiՏg tՐwՂrՅ such a permanent solution to the refugee problem around mid-1926. Armenia Correspondence B, file EJ-1, SCFA. 84 Webb and Stark, letter to donors, 30 December 1927, file 31, 83.052C, BESSF; Webb, letter to donors, 25 JՂՏuՂry 1928, fiՍՆ 31, 83.052C, BEԴԴF; “ ” ԼCՂՏՂՅiՂՏ-Armenian life], Ա ի , February 1928, 18. 85 Pierce, letter to B. N. W. Grigg, 16 February 1928, file 29, 83.052C, BESSF. 13 represented a break with the dominant child-centred theme of its work and was rejected by the authorities. Even after considering an appeal from Rev. Dr. Howard Primrose Whidden— chancellor of Baptist McMaster University and a former Member of Parliament—and despite PiՆrՄՆ’s rՆfՆrՆՏՄՆs tՐ “thՆ fՂtՆ thՂt ՄՐՏfrՐՏts ԼgirՍs ՂՏՅ wՐՎՆՏ] iՏ Ղ MՐsՍՆՎ environment when the regulations of the Orphanages … crowd them out,”86 officials stood by their decision to admit only those who were younger than 15, had acceptable passports, and would be receiving at least one year of training at Georgetown. The association protested that these terms were overly restrictive and that they would necessitate building new dormitories and other facilities, which represented a financial burden it could not shoulder.87 The search for a more permanent and financially secure organization therefore began in April, seven months after the LMF—which sՆՆՎs tՐ hՂvՆ ՃՆՆՏ thՆ AԳAC’s ՄhiՆf iՏtՆrՏՂtiՐՏՂՍ ՄՐՏtՂՄt—had already begun its work toward the project in Syria.88 WhiՍՆ thՆ trՂՏsfՆr ՎՂy hՂvՆ ՂՄՄՆՍՆrՂtՆՅ thՆ ՅՆvՐՍutiՐՏ Րf thՆ AԳAC’s huՎՂՏitarian iՏitiՂtivՆ, it ՅiՅ ՏՐt ՎՂrՌ its ՆՏՅ. OՏ thՆ ՐՏՆ hՂՏՅ, thՆ UCC’s BՐՂrՅ Րf EvՂՏgՆՍisՎ ՂՏՅ ԴՐՄiՂՍ Service did not engage in any new fundraising, and it did not pursue bringing in child survivors with the same vigour demonstrated by the ARAC in its early days. But, on the other hand, it did ՆstՂՃՍish Ղ CՐՎՎittՆՆ fՐr thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ BՐys’ FՂrՎ, GՆՐrgՆtՐwՏ, ՂՏՅ it hirՆՅ PiՆrՄՆ tՐ sՆrvՆ Ղs its secretary. As those who turned 18 became legally independent—the last boy did so on 1 July 193489—the board secured passage for a final group of survivors. By the end, 110 Boys and 39 Girls had moved through the project. MՐrՆ ՎՂy hՂvՆ ՃՆՆՏ grՂՏtՆՅ ՆՏtry hՂՅ it ՏՐt ՃՆՆՏ fՐr thՆ ՅrՂstiՄ ՄhՂՏgՆs iՏ CՂՏՂՅՂ’s immigration policy instituted in August 1930.90 These were designed to mitigate the impact of Depression-era unemployment and resulted in a drop of almost 80% in the number of new immigrants.91 All the same, public interest in Armenian refugees continued into the early 1930s, and the League of Nations counted 275,000 still displaced in 1931.92 The ARAC, for its part, continued to raise funds for the cause until finally dissolving in November 1930.93 It ceased to exist as a legal entity in 1937 or 1959.94 *** 86 Pierce, memorandum to Forke, 12 April 1927, part 2, file 89616. Blair, memorandum to Egan, 4 April 1927, part 2, file 89616; Egan, letter to Pierce, 5 April 1927, part 2, file 89616; Pierce, letter to Forke, 12 April 1927; Stark, letter to Forke, 12 April 1927, part 2, file 89616; Whidden, letter to Forke, 13 April 1927, part 2, file 89616; Egan, letter to Pierce, 4 May 1927, part 2, file 89616; Pierce, letter to Egan, 28 May 1927, part 2, file 89616. 88 Memorandum on Refugee Settlement in Syria, 1 February 1927, 3 February 1927 SCF Council meeting minutes, file M1/5, SCFA. 89 Department of Immigration and Colonization, memorandum, 25 June 1934, part 3, file 89616. 90 Blair, letter to McLachlan, 12 September 1930, file 65, 83.052C, BESSF. 91 Stacey, Historical Documents of Canada, 190. 92 Canadian SCF secretary Frank Yeigh, letter to the editor, Globe, 18 April 1931, 4. 93 “PՍՆՂ fՐr ArՎՆՏiՂՏs Is HՆՂrՅ Ճy CՐuՏՄiՍ,” Globe, 28 JՂՏuՂry 1928, 14; “OՍՅ-ԵiՎՆ GՐspՆՍ ԳՆvivՂՍ,” Globe, 5 MՂy 1928, 23; YՆigh, ՍՆttՆr tՐ thՆ ՆՅitՐr; “ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ԳՆՍiՆf ԴtiՍՍ NՆՄՆssՂry, ԴՂys Dr. KՆՏՏՆՅy,” Globe, 27 November 1928, 6; “ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ԳՆfugՆՆs BՆiՏg ԴՆՏt tՐ ԴyriՂ,” Globe, 1 June 1929, 23; [McLachlan], letter to Pierce, [November 1930], file 54, 83.052C, BESSF. 94 The sources give conflicting dates. Deputy provincial secretary of Ontario R. J. Cudney to BESS associate secretary R. C. Chalmers, 16 August 1946, file 25, 82.200C, series 199, GCCC; Province of Ontario, Cancellation of Letters Patent, no. 44, liber no. 881, series 55-24, Records of the Companies Branch. 87 14 After leaving the UCC in April 1930, Pierce disclosed to a colleague that overcoming antiArmenian sentiment had been among the most challenging aspects of his work. 95 This revelation helps us understand the difficult position of the ARAC during late 1922–1927. Its new humanitarian undertaking required a considerably higher level of support than any of its previous projects, and it necessitated a new approach to public outreach. While it had been one thing to convince people to send donations overseas, it was quite another to secure their support for the immigration of refugees, and another thing still to convince them to accept these children and women into their homes. Thus, from late 1922 onward, fundraising and awareness campaigns relied on many of the same strategies of representation that had been used by their predecessors since 1880 while also adding new elements to convince Canadians that these survivors would make ՅՆsirՂՃՍՆ ՂՏՅ ՅՆsՆrviՏg ՄitizՆՏs. IՏ this rՆgՂrՅ, thՆ GՍՐՃՆ’s ՄՐՏtiՏuՆՅ ՂՅvՐՄՂՄy wՂs ՆspՆՄiՂՍՍy significant. In addition to approaching 30 years of pro-Armenian work, the newspaper was now also encouraging the immigration of the non-British, something its owner was otherwise against.96 In its promotional work, the ARAC emphasized the suffering of the refugees, their religious connection to Canadians, and the divine nature of its undertaking. It asserted its twofold mission of saving lives while building up Canada, and it advertised supportive statements from British statesmen and from families with whom its Boys and Girls had been placed. In late 1922, it added the governor general of Canada to its already impressive roster of patrons.97 The influential WՐՎՂՏ’s ChristiՂՏ ԵՆՎpՆrՂՏՄՆ UՏiՐՏ ՂՍsՐ ՂՅvՐՄՂtՆՅ fՐr thՆ wՐrՌ, ՄՂՍՍiՏg ՐՏ wՐՎՆՏ tՐ ՐpՆՏ their purses and homes.98 Garnering strong grassroots support was a ՄՐrՏՆrstՐՏՆ Րf thՆ AԳAC’s fuՏՅrՂisiՏg strՂtՆgy. Armed with a distinct and consistent message, Vining went on at least one month-long, national tour in February 1923.99 The association capitalized on the list of donors generated by the Globe’s 1920 Call from Armenia campaign and sent appeal letters and pamphlets across the country.100 To ensure a consistent stream of funding, it initiated a program through which 90 of its boys were linked with sponsors. At a rate of $1,000 over five years, 30 percent were supported by ARAC chapters, 28 percent by individuals, 22 percent by Protestant churches and their Sunday schools (one-third Presbyterian, one-quarter Baptist, and the rest unidentifiable), 17 percent by chapters of civic organizations, and 3 percent by municipalities. Of these, 87 percent were located in Ontario, 9 percent in Quebec, 3 percent in New Brunswick, and 1 percent in Manitoba.101 To increase visiՃiՍity, thՆ ՂssՐՄiՂtiՐՏ frՆquՆՏtՍy ՂՄՄՆptՆՅ visitՐrs tՐ thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ BՐys’ HՐՎՆ ՂՏՅ hՂՅ its 95 Pierce, letter to Wesley College registrar, 23 April 1930, file 54, 83.052C, BESSF; Pierce, letter to Riggs. Pierce maintained a keen interest in his former wards until his death in 1935. 96 M. O. HՂՎՎՐՏՅ, “NiՏՆty YՆՂrs Րf thՆ GՍՐՃՆ,” Լ1934?], 329–330, file 10, box 2, sub-series F 1075-3, M. O. Hammond Fonds, AO. 97 The others, since 1916, were Roman Catholic archbishop of Toronto Neil McNeil, Anglican archdeacon of Toronto Henry John Cody, Ontario Supreme Court justice Sir William Mulock, and well-known philanthropist MajorGeneral Sir Henry Pellatt. 98 “GrՆՂt MisՆry Րf ArՎՆՏiՂՏs MՐvՆs LՂՅiՆs,” Globe, 8 November 1922, 18. 99 Canadian Baptist (Toronto, Canada), 1 March 1923, 9. 100 PiՆrՄՆ, ՍՆttՆr tՐ WՆՃՃ, 14 FՆՃruՂry 1928, fiՍՆ 31, 83.052C, BEԴԴF. OՏ thՆ GՍՐՃՆ’s 1920 ՄՂՎpՂigՏ, sՆՆ Adjemian, Call from Armenia, 50–59. 101 List of boys brought to Canada, last updated 28 September 1928, file 37, 83.052C, BESSF. These numbers do not take into consideration those who made one-time donations, of which I have not been able to find a complete list. The Globe did publish the names of donors during March–June 1923, but these lists did not provide any geographical information. 15 wards attend Sunday services at local churches.102 Its grassroots appeal was demonstrated by the ՆstՂՃՍishՎՆՏt Րf ՎՐrՆ thՂՏ 25 ՍՐՄՂՍ ՄhՂptՆrs ՂՏՅ Ղ hՂՏՅfuՍ Րf wՐՎՆՏ’s ՂuxiՍiՂriՆs.103 In sobering contrast to this outpouring of sympathy stood the anti-Armenian sentiments Pierce had referred to. Since the eighteenth century, many Europeans travelling through the Ottoman Empire had produced caricatures of the peoples living there, and Armenians had not been an exception.104 Their ideas had been made publicly available through the popular form of the travel memoir. Especially during the 1890s, it had been common for British travellers to describe Armenians as unenlightened, dirty, conniving, and weak;105 ՂՄՄՐrՅiՏg tՐ ՐՏՆ rՆprՆsՆՏtՂtivՆ ՂuthՐr, “huՏՅrՆՅs of years of oppression [had] stamped out all manly feeling, and made them what they are, a people fit for slavery, whose noblest ambition [was] to cheat and outwit their masters.”106 Such ideas were consumed and reproduced in Canada as well. In 1909, in his nativist text Strangers within Our Gates, or Coming Canadians, Methodist Rev. James Shaver Woodsworth quՐtՆՅ Ղ UԴ PuՃՍiՄ HՆՂՍth ԴՆrviՄՆ ՐffiՄiՂՍ whՐ rՆfՆrrՆՅ tՐ ArՎՆՏiՂՏs Ղs “pՂrՂsitՆs”: The mental processes of these people have an Oriental subtlety. Centuries of subjection, where existence was only possible through iՏtriguՆ, ՅՆՄՆit, ՂՏՅ sՆrviՍity, hՂvՆ ՍՆft thՆir ՎՂrՌ. … IՏ thՆir hՂՃits of life, their business methods, and their inability to perform labor or become producers, they do not compare favorably even with the Chinese.107 Discriminatory views like these were also harboured by people who were otherwise syՎpՂthՆtiՄ tՐ ArՎՆՏiՂՏs. IՏ ՍՂtՆ 1896, JՐhՏ CՂstՆՍՍ HՐpՌiՏs, ՐՏՆ Րf CՂՏՂՅՂ’s ՎՐst prՐՍifiՄ writՆrs, hՂՅ ՄhՂrՂՄtՆrizՆՅ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ApՐstՐՍiՄ ChristiՂՏity Ղs “ՂՏ AsiՂtiՄ ՆՎՃՐՅiՎՆՏt” Րf the rՆՍigiՐՏ tՂiՏtՆՅ Ճy “fՂՍsՆ ՄrՆՆՅs ՂՏՅ ՄՐՎpՍՆx ՄustՐՎs … hՆrՆsy ՂՏՅ supՆrstitiՐՏ.”108 In his 1928 memoir, Rev. William Nesbitt Chambers—Presbyterian ABCFM missionary, uncle to Lawson Powers Chambers, and advocate for Armenians since at least 1880—described “ՍyiՏg, ՄhՆՂtiՏg ՂՏՅ ՐthՆr fՐrՎs Րf ՅՆՄՆptiՐՏ” Ղs ՂՎՐՏg thՆ “ՎՂՏy trՂits” Րf ArՎՆՏiՂՏs thՂt hՂՅ ՅՆvՆՍՐpՆՅ ՅuՆ tՐ “ՄՆՏturiՆs Րf … prՐՍՐՏgՆՅ ՐpprՆssiՐՏ.” “IՏgrՂtituՅՆ,” hՆ wrՐtՆ, “is sՂiՅ tՐ ՃՆ Ղ ՎՂrՌՆՅ characteristic of theirs.”109 Refugees were also blamed for their own suffering.110 In 1920, one senator claimed that Armenians had provoked the genocide themselves by assaulting Muslim women and robbing 102 Apramian, Georgetown Boys, 82–89. See the 1923–1927 issues of the Acton Free Press and the Georgetown Herald for details. 103 Files 1–25 and 37, 83.052C, BESSF. 104 Suraiya Faroqhi, Approaching Ottoman History: An Introduction to the Sources (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 2004), 15–16, 110–143; MՂtthiՂs BjørՏՍuՏՅ, “VirtuՐus ViՄtiՎs? IՎՂgiՏiՏg ArՎՆՏiՂՏs iՏ thՆ WՆst,” Armenian Weekly, special issue, April 2012, 38–42. 105 Laycock, Imagining Armenia, 64, 71–77, 81. 106 Henry C. Barkley, A Ride through Asia Minor and Armenia: Giving a Sketch of the Characters, Manners, and Customs of Both the Mussulman and Christian Inhabitants (London: John Murray, 1891), 139. 107 James S. Woodsworth, Strangers within Our Gates, or Coming Canadians (ԵՐrՐՏtՐ: YՐuՏg PՆՐpՍՆ’s FՐrwՂrՅ Movement Department of the Missionary Society of the Methodist Church of Canada, 1909), 168–169. 108 Hopkins, Sword of Islam, 233. 109 William Nesbitt Chambers, Yoljuluk: Random Thoughts on a Life in Imperial Turkey (London: Simpkin Marshall, 1928), 67–68. 110 Laycock, Imagining Armenia, 160, 218–223; Kaprielian-Churchill, Like Our Mountains, 156–158. 16 Muslim farmers.111 AՏ AՎՆriՄՂՏ ՆvՂՏgՆՍist prՆՂՄhiՏg iՏ ԵՐrՐՏtՐ “rՆՎiՏՅԼՆՅ] his ՍistՆՏՆrs Րf thՆ fate suffered by Armenia after she refused to send missionaries to preach the Gospel to the Turks.”112 A ՄՐՏtriՃutՐr tՐ thՆ AՏgՍiՄՂՏ prՆss wrՐtՆ, “ԴՐՎՆthiՏg sՆՆՎs tՐ hՂvՆ gՐՏՆ wrՐՏg with Christianity in Armenia. Whether excessive persecution has at length produced a low type of character, or abortive Christianity has induced persecution, it is difficult to say.”113 And at least ՐՏՆ pՆrsՐՏ sՂw iՏ thՆ rՆfugՆՆs’ pՍight ՂՏ iՏstՂՏՄՆ Րf ՅiviՏՆ puՏishՎՆՏt: “If thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏs hՂՅ been really God fearing as well as God worshipping, I do not think they would be in their present circumstance.”114 Such views were also exhibited by immigration officials even as they let Armenian orphans iՏ. AՄՄՐrՅiՏg tՐ ԴՎՂrt, it hՂՅ ՃՆՆՏ tՐ ՂvՐiՅ ՎՂՌiՏg ՂՏ “ՆՎՃՂrrՂssiՏg prՆՄՆՅՆՏt iՏ ՅՆՂՍiՏg with immigrant ՄhiՍՅrՆՏ frՐՎ GrՆՂt BritՂiՏ” thՂt thՆ AԳAC’s rՆquՆst fՐr Ղ gՐvՆrՏՎՆՏt suՃsiՅy hՂՅ been denied in 1922.115 IՏ 1924, whiՍՆ prՂisiՏg sՐՎՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ ՃՐys hՆ hՂՅ trՂiՏՆՅ Ղs “wՆՍՍbehaved—hard-working—mentally alert—clean in person—strictly honest—vՆry pՐՍitՆ,” British child emigrationist James William Condell Fegan acknowledged that this description ran counter tՐ “thՆ ՄՐՎՎՐՏ rՆputՂtiՐՏ Րf ArՎՆՏiՂՏs.”116 Later that year, in response to a question from Blair ՂՃՐut whՆthՆr ՐՏՆ Րf his fՐrՎՆr ՃՐys wՂs “sՐՎՆthiՏg ՎՐrՆ thՂn the general type of Easterner who Վight prՐՎisՆ ՂՏythiՏg iՏ ՐrՅՆr tՐ gՆt iՏtՐ ԼCՂՏՂՅՂ],” FՆgՂՏ stՂtՆՅ thՂt ՎՐst ArՎՆՏiՂՏs ՅՆՎՐՏstrՂtՆՅ ՂՏ ՐvՆrrՆՍiՂՏՄՆ ՐՏ ՄhՂrity ՂՏՅ, hՂviՏg ՃՆՆՏ “fՐr yՆՂrs ՅrivՆՏ tՐ ՍiՆ, ԼhՂՅ] ՍՐst ՂՏy sense of dishonour in lying.”117 And the ARAC faced resistance from Armenians too. Remnants of a policy of annihilation, survivors and their co-ethnics wanted to safeguard the existence of their people. Some Armenians therefore wanted federal authorities to take in an unlimited number of refugees without any preconditions or restrictions whatsoever. For them, Canada might have represented a permanent home, a temporary place to recuperate, or an entry-point into the United States. But there were others who did not want Armenians—especially orphans—to leave the Eastern Mediterranean or the South Caucasus at all. Many Armenians were vocally opposed to children being sent to faraway places where they would become lost to their communities and rendered incapable of rebuilding 111 Albert Horton, ed., Debates of the Senate of the Dominion of Canada, 1920: Official Report; Fourth Session— Thirteenth Parliament—10 George V, vol. 1 (Ottawa: Thomas Mulvey, 1920), 77. 112 “BՍՂՄՌ ՂՏՅ WhitՆ iՏ HՂppy UՏity Is ԳՂՅՆr’s DՆՂՍ,” Globe, 15 April 1930, 14. 113 ԴpՆՄtՂtՐr, “FrՐՎ WՆՆՌ tՐ WՆՆՌ,” Canadian Churchman (Toronto, Canada), 2 August 1923, 489. 114 Mrs. D. Miller, letter to Pierce, 6 August 1927, MU 9587, AO, cited in Kaprielian-Churchill, Like Our Mountains, 156. 115 Smart, letter to Vining, 4 April 1923, part 1, file 89616. 116 Christian (ՏՆwsՍՆttՆr Րf Mr. FՆgՂՏ’s HՐՎՆs) (WՆstՎiՏstՆr, UK), 13 MՂrՄh 1924, 21. 117 Blair, letter to Fegan, 14 July 1925, part 4, file 2571, vol. 59, RG 76, DEIF; Fegan, letter to Blair, 15 July 1925, part 4, file 2571; Fegan, letter to Blair, 27 July 1925, part 4, file 2571. 17 thՆir “ՏՂtiՐՏ.”118 Stuck between these conflicting forces, the ARAC was left to cope with the tension.119 *** UՍtiՎՂtՆՍy, it sՆՆՎs thՂt thՆ ՅՆՄisiՐՏ tՐ suppՐrt thՆ AԳAC’s rՆfugՆՆ rՆՍՐՄՂtiՐՏ prՐjՆՄt was made by the prime minister directly, following the involvement of his personal friends and some very powerful forces: the British Colonial Office and Foreign Office, his close friend and political ally the high commissioner for Canada in London, the president and staff of the Globe, and the tens of thousands of Canadians who—individually or through organizations—supported Armenian relief.120 Also helpful may have been the sponsorships of his old friend Sir William MuՍՐՄՌ ՂՏՅ Րf GՐvՆrՏՐr GՆՏՆrՂՍ LՐrՅ JuՍiՂՏ ByՏg, Ղs wՆՍՍ Ղs thՆ iՏvՐՍvՆՎՆՏt Րf thՆ ChՂՎՃՆrsՆs’ Member of Parliament.121 Had it not been for these intercessions, the Georgetown project would likely not have come to fruition. Domestically, then, it was thanks to the support of everyday and elite anglophone Protestants that these 148 Armenian children and women were able to come to Canada, where they were accepted into the homes of well over 200 families. The wider context within which the Georgetown project was pursued was transnational and international. While the First World War represented the most devastating years of the Armenian Genocide, the aftershocks of that conflict invited new waves of violence and propagated a refugee crisis that engaged states and organizations worldwide—especially in North America, Europe, and the Eastern Mediterranean. Such groups coordinated with one another to address these crises, drawing up programs of rescue, relocation, and rehabilitation that sometimes reached halfway around the world. Seen in this way, the history of the Georgetown Boys and Girls appears as one aspect of a much larger, global narrative. ԴՆՆ, fՐr ՆxՂՎpՍՆ, ArՎՆՏiՂՏ NՂtiՐՏՂՍ DՆՍՆgՂtiՐՏ, “ArՎՆՏiՂՏ OrphՂՏs,” 5708; thՆ 1928 issuՆs Րf Ա ի ; . ԼHՂr. GՂspՂrՆՂՏ], “Փ ” ԼLՆt us sՂvՆ thՆ ՄhiՍՅrՆՏ], ք, 26 OՄtՐՃՆr 1922, 2; MՆsrՐp, “ArՎՆՏiՂՏs ՂՏՅ ArՎՆՏiՂ,” 45–49; and NER Syria and Palestine office managing director C. W. Fowle, letter to Gabriel Noradounghian of the Armenian National Delegation, 28 November 1923, file 430-11286, ANDF. Importantly, removing children from their communities (and placing them in Muslim ones) had been an important element of the genocide itself. Akçam, Young Turks’ Crime, 287–339. On the great emphasis Armenians pՍՂՄՆՅ ՐՏ wՐՎՆՏ ՂՏՅ ՄhiՍՅ survivՐrs, sՆՆ EՌՎՆՌհiՐğՍu, Recovering Armenia, 21–50; ՂՏՅ VՂhé ԵՂՄhjiՂՏ, “GՆՏՅՆr, NՂtiՐՏՂՍisՎ, ExՄՍusiՐՏ: ԵhՆ ԳՆiՏtՆgrՂtiՐՏ PrՐՄՆss Րf FՆՎՂՍՆ ԴurvivՐrs Րf thՆ ArՎՆՏiՂՏ GՆՏՐՄiՅՆ,” Nations and Nationalism 15, no. 1 (2009): 60–80. 119 Apramian, Georgetown Boys, 50, 54, 163–165; file 34, 83.052C, BESSF. 120 Smith, letter to the secretary of the Office of the High Commissioner for Canada, 18 December 1922, part 1, file 279907; King, letter to Williams, 16 July 1923, pp. 81364–81367, vՐՍ. 96, J1, MG 26; “PՆtՆr ChՂrՍՆs LՂrՌiՏ, 1856–1930,” LiՃrՂry ՂՏՅ ArՄhivՆs CՂnada, last modified 31 March 2002, http://webarchive.bac-lac.gc.ca:8080/ wayback/20120510211545/http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/king/023011-1050.30-e.html; Adjemian, Call from Armenia, 58–81. 121 “Դir WiՍՍiՂՎ MuՍՐՄՌ, 1844–1944,” LiՃrՂry ՂՏՅ ArՄhivՆs CՂՏՂՅՂ, ՍՂst ՎՐՅifiՆՅ 31 MՂrՄh 2002, http://webarchive.bac-lac.gc.ca:8080/wayback/20120510211602/http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/king/0230111050.33-e.html; Dominion of Canada, Official Report of Debates: House of Commons; Third Session—Fourteenth Parliament—14–15 George V, 1924 (Ottawa: F. A. Acland, 1924), 1071, 1072, 2401; Dominion of Canada, Official Report of Debates: House of Commons; Fourth Session—Fourteenth Parliament—15–16 George V, 1925, vol. 4 (Ottawa: F. A. Acland, 1925), 3482. In 1930, King wrote that Mulock and High Commissioner Larkin were among his “ՄՍՐsՆst & ՎՐst iՏtiՎՂtՆ & ՃՆst friՆՏՅs” ՂՏՅ thՂt LՂrՌiՏ wՂs “thՆ truՆst friՆՏՅ Րf Լhis] ՍifՆ, ՂՏՅ Ղ friՆՏՅ suՄh Ղs ՐՏՆ ՎՂՏ iՏ Ղ ՎiՍՍiՐՏ hՂs hՂՅ.” KiՏg, ՅiՂry ՆՏtriՆs, 29 JՂՏuՂry 1930 and 10 February 1930, manuscript 154, J13, MG 26. William Elliott was the Progressive Member of Parliament for Waterloo South, Ontario, the riding in which the ChՂՎՃՆrs fՂՎiՍy ՍivՆՅ. “ChՂՎՃՆrs CՐՍՍՆՄtiՐՏ,” 1988-071, Norwich and District Museum and Archives, Norwich, Ontario, Canada. 118 18 Postscript IՏ 1929, thՆ OՏtՂriՐ HՐՎՆ fՐr GirՍs (thՆ fՐrՎՆr ArՎՆՏiՂՏ BՐys’ HՐՎՆ) wՂs rՆՏՂՎՆՅ thՆ Cedarvale School for Girls. It remained in operation for 35 years. In 1966, the town of Georgetown purchased the building and renamed it Cedarvale Community Centre.122 For its connection with thՆ AԳAC’s wՐrՌ, thՆ sitՆ wՂs ՅՆsigՏՂtՆՅ Ղ ՄuՍturՂՍ hՆritՂgՆ ՍՂՏՅsՄՂpՆ Ճy thՆ tՐwՏ Րf HՂՍtՐՏ Hills (of which Georgetown is now a part) in 2010. It was commemorated with an Ontario Heritage Trust plaque in 2011. 122 JՐhՏ MՂrՌ ԳՐwՆ, “CՆՅՂrvՂՍՆ HՆritՂgՆ DՆsigՏՂtiՐՏ ԳՆpՐrt,” HՆritՂgՆ HՂՍtՐՏ HiՍՍs, 2010, 1. 19 Bibliography Archival Sources Archives of Ontario (Toronto, Canada) Province of Ontario. Letters Patent Incorporating Armenian Relief Association of Canada. Number 183. Liber 198. Series 55-1. Records of the Companies Branch. Province of Ontario. Cancellation of Letters Patent. Number 44. Liber 881. Series 55-24. Records of the Companies Branch. Hammond, M. O. “NiՏՆty YՆՂrs Րf thՆ GՍՐՃՆ.” Լ1934?]. File 10. Box 2. Sub-Series F 10753. M. O. Hammond Fonds. 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